By Sharon Black
The workers’ movement owes a tremendous debt to the courage of the majority-Black workers in Bessemer, Ala., who stood up to global supply-chain giant Amazon.
What they have accomplished may not be fully measurable at this point. But what’s certain is that their audacity and courage pushed workers’ issues at the sweatshop warehouses run by billionaire Jeff Bezos to center stage, along with workers’ right to a union.
There will be time to critique the tactics of the mainstream union movement, but right now it is most important to continue our support for the workers.
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"But when you’re on the [political] left, it’s important to get used to not winning, because it’s going to be the default state of things. This is for a very obvious reason: the powerful are powerful, and the powerless are powerless. The richest man in the world is a difficult person to beat. We will probably try and fail many times before we succeed.
In case you’re tempted to think of losing a union vote the way Amazon would like you to think of it — as the 'genuine' expression of the 'will' of the workforce — remember what the actual situation here is. The average fulfillment center worker probably hasn’t heard much about unions, and let’s assume they begin undecided. Amazon then deluges them with propaganda, saying that union dues will eat up their paycheck (false, union workers actually earn more money) and the union will 'get in the way' of relations between them and management (in fact, having a union is like having a burly best friend who can take on bullies for you). Working in an Amazon warehouse means doing exhausting nonstop labor with barely enough time to go to the bathroom. When they do go to the bathroom, there will be signs in it telling them lies about unions. Amazon quickly punishes or fires any of their fellow workers if they try to talk about unionizing — the company is even willing to falsely accuse union organizers of harassment. Amazon does this even though it’s against the law, because they have one objective: to stop a union from forming, by whatever means necessary.
Union organizers in this kind of circumstance face an almost impossible task. When are they supposed to talk to workers to counter the company’s propaganda? How can they recruit people who fear being fired if they’re known as pro-union? The reason not many workers are in unions today is not that being in a union is bad for workers but that employers are incredibly powerful and have honed the means of thwarting campaigns. They hire 'union avoidance' law firms who specialize in helping them make sure any vote goes their way.
It’s going to take changes in the law to make this easier, which is why so many who are pro-labor are aggressively pushing Democrats to pass the 'PRO Act,' which would penalize companies that violate workers’ organizing rights and make it more difficult for them to spread anti-union propaganda. It is unsurprising that the National Retail Federation thinks it is 'the worst bill in Congress' and Republican officials are desperately rallying to oppose it. If it becomes law, the playing field won’t be leveled, exactly, but it will be a little less tilted toward employers. It will be a small victory, which will have to be followed by a lot of hard work to try to build union power.
Small victories are the kind we most often get. Some on the left decry 'incrementalism,' but sadly, progress tends to be slow and come in dribs and drabs and sometimes you just get completely screwed and have to figure out what to do next. It is important to see left successes and failures in the context of a long historic struggle. That struggle is more urgent than ever now, thanks to climate change and nuclear weaponry, but it will not be over soon even if we achieve zero emissions and permanent global peace.
Both times Bernie Sanders lost the Democratic nomination, I was devastated, but then I reminded myself how incredibly significant it was that a democratic socialist had even come close to winning the nomination. Now we are seeing that the left has actually succeeded in changing the national political agenda for the better — the Wall Street Journal observes that Joe Biden appears to be rejecting some of the conservative economic tendencies of the Obama administration and that economic austerity has fallen out of fashion. This is in part because leftists have done a good job making their arguments and organizing people. It’s a small victory, but we shouldn’t discount it, because even small victories are the result of tireless labor by activists. Heck, the whole reason Amazon pays a $15 an hour starting wage — which it cited as a reason workers didn’t need a union — is that they were pressured by the enormously successful nationwide Fight For 15 movement.
The company raised the wage 'to quiet critics.' Well, as the critics, we need to make sure we’re not quieted, that we redouble our efforts and get even noisier. After the Bessemer loss, we cannot get despondent. We need to remember that labor activists for centuries have persevered in spite of more aggressive and violent repression than we see today."
- Nathan J. Robinson, from "Being on the Left Involves Losing a Lot." Current Affairs, 10 April 2021.
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So the votes are in and the high hopes of the left are squashed: Amazon workers in Bessemer did not vote in enough numbers to start a union at the Alabama facility. The postmortems are coming in, written by people who, during the campaign at least, were not voicing their concerns about what is now termed the ‘inevitable’ defeat. The question is, why does the left get sucked into this collective delusion time and time again? It’s not just union campaigns, but parliamentarism too. The warning signs are all there. In their heart of hearts they know it’s not going to pan out because the basic building blocks of class power are simply not there (by which we mean: workers calling the shots). But still, the collective hope is like a blinding drug and those with a more sober head should just stop being killjoys and ruining their buzz, man!
This recent Amazon union campaign highlights a major problem on the so-called left. This is the suggestion that any kind of critical assessment or debate in the moment – when it might actually lead to something constructive and a change of strategy – is viewed as undermining the dedication of actual workers and efforts by the working class to organise. This says more about the detachment of the left, who have a rather paternalistic attitude towards workers – the innocent and inexperienced folks who will be undermined if we raise some questions about how things are going. Because so much support is symbolic these days, rather than practical, there doesn’t seem to be much space to have these ‘difficult conversations’ without being written off as an armchair cynic or know-it-all doomsdayer. Why can’t we have these honest discussions in a place of good faith, where there is an acknowledgement that we’re all on the same side, we all want the same thing – workers to take control of their situation -, that robust questioning is seen as a sign of a healthy and robust movement, rather than as divisive?
It also conflates ‘workers’ with ‘unions’ and ‘union strategy’, when they are normally quite separate things. This isn’t to say that workers themselves don’t involve themselves in union activity, but the Bessemer campaign was so obviously a top-down election exercise, with workers’ voices largely absent, that it should have been fine to voice critical thoughts on the union strategy without undermining workers’ efforts within it. It might have even opened up some space within the union for workers to question the union strategy, which, amongst all the hype around this union drive, would probably have been quite difficult.
This is easier to do if we’re all just speaking to each other as workers in struggle. But all too often, the left is seen as a separate political force, that finds itself tiptoeing around workers and unions as if they have the monopoly on economic struggles and ‘we left politicos’ can’t tread on their toes. We shouldn’t prop up this false division between the so-called left (who supposedly only engage in ‘political’ struggle) and the workers (who only supposedly engage in ‘economic’ struggle) because it leads to a skewed idea of who controls what, as well as a hierarchy about who should be engaging in what.
We are all workers who need to learn from each other. If you don’t think you’re a worker, and can’t speak to other workers on this level, then it becomes more difficult to have the debates and conversations necessary to build class power. We can’t cede workers’ control to unions, and we all should be demanding more from organising efforts than the usual ‘inoculation-ten-step-approach’ that supposedly guarantees success but never does. In the current assessments of ‘what went wrong’, most people are still focusing on the ‘failure of the campaign’ or ‘nasty manipulation from management’ or legal barriers – but, aside from the ‘workers as class traitors’ angle, are still not trying to really understand workers reasons for rejecting the union.
Organising is not an election and it’s not about door-knocking and having a million conversations to ‘convince’ people what is in their interests. It didn’t work to get Corbyn elected, and it certainly didn’t work in Bessemer. I mean, do we really have to convince people what’s in their interests? is it not more about finding ways to struggle that doesn’t require heroes? And discussing effective struggle around concrete issues? The left is all about ‘learning lessons’ but seems incapable of doing more than flog this dead horse. The social situation is too scary at the moment for us to settle for this. We need to expect and demand more.
For some thoughts on the alternative organising take at Amazon, check out this excellent article from an Amazon worker in Chicago. Workers there just did a ‘walk-out’ against the newly imposed megacycle shift. Not getting anywhere near as much publicity as what went down in Alabama, but with way more potentials and worker-led initiative. Amazon warehouse workers and drivers in Italy also went on the first nationwide strike in the company’s history last month, and got nowhere near the news attention either. We should ask ourselves in whose interests it is that all the media and lefty focus is on this one (failed) union drive in Bessemer, rather than on other Amazon workers’ engaged in actual struggle.
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Jane McAlevey, longtime organizer for the AFL-CIO and SEIU, breaks down what she sees as the failures of the union organizing campaign in Bessemer. Some highlights on why she believes the campaign failed:
The Retail, Wholesale, and Department Store Union (RWDSU) had inaccurate lists of workers from the beginning of the campaign. Their initial filing with the NLRB assumed there were 1500 workers at the Bessemer warehouse. Amazon responded that there were in fact 5800 workers, forcing RWDSU to scramble to get the necessary 30% of workers to sign that they were interested in joining a union. This is necessary to begin the election process with the NLRB.
Organizers handled issues surrounding employees' anxiety about paying union dues poorly. When Amazon launched a very predictable campaign about the futility of handing a percentage of your hard-earned money over to a union, the president of the RWDSU's response was that because of Alabama's right to work law, employees weren't actually required to pay dues. This is very obviously the worst possible union response to this concern. Organizers should be prepared from the onset of a campaign to aggressively address the topic of dues and what they provide for workers in the long run, as it's a favorite talking point of union busters.
The language of activists and organizers during the campaign was heavily pro-union and less pro-worker, speaking about the union as though it was something "other" or "better" than the workers themselves. When a company's aggressive arguments against unionization include characterizing the union as an organization that takes your money and then can act without your approval or remove some of your personal agency, it's important to emphasize that the union is the workers.
Organizers focused on interacting with workers at entrances and exits of the workplace, rather than making house calls. This is an egregious mistake, particularly as these are places where workers are still under employer surveillance. Especially in such a tense, public election against which the company is waging a very aggressive campaign, employees can feel understandably anxious about being seen interacting with organizers. Organizers claimed they were avoiding house calls due to covid-19, but were more than capable of taking precautions (face masks, hand sanitizer, social distancing, outdoor visits). Studies have shown that house calls are one of the most important tactics for organizing campaigns.
No majority public structure tests were done. A majority public structure test is when a majority of workers who are eligible to vote in an upcoming union election sign a petition or take photos and produce a poster, flyer, or website that displays their signature or faces, with a message stating their intent to vote yes. It's important for pro-union workers to publicly make a stand, even in hostile working atmospheres, as it encourages more hesitant workers to engage. Structure tests should be repeated until a majority of workers are willing to sign and should be continued throughout the campaign. This is a staple tactic of large-scale unionization efforts. The majority of public materials instead featured union staff and outside supporters, creating an environment where workers could easily feel disenfranchised from the campaign.
There was very little support from local organizations, churches, religious groups, etc in Bessemer. Community support, especially from faith leaders, is extremely important in organizing campaigns. Workers from the RWDSU didn't even reach out to local community groups until remarkably late in the game, when they should have done so before the campaign was even publicly announced.
McAlevey argues that the campaign should have been halted the moment the union realized how inaccurate their assessment of the amount of workers within the warehouse was. A failed campaign, especially one that receives so much media attention, can be worse for worker morale than never having one in the first place. While McAlevey and I may disagree on a multitude of things, she has inarguably been a very effective organizer. As a member of a private sector union, I think there's a lot of criticisms that one can make about business unions and the ways that they (and their organizing tactics) fail us. All this aside, I do still believe that conventional union tactics can be useful, especially as a first step towards progress within the constraints that we have. We can make the argument that direct action could have been more successful (I think that when you can't get a group of workers to vote "yes" on unionization, you're still likely to have difficulty getting them to do something as bold as wildcatting, but I digress), but I think the overarching concern is that the loss in Bessemer wasn't strictly a failure of conventional union tactics—it was a failure of those tactics to be implemented in ways that we know lead to success.
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No Amazon union in Alabama
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Amazon has won a victory in its hard-fought campaign to stop workers at an Alabama warehouse forming the company’s first union, in a tough blow for the US labor movement.
Workers at the Bessemer, Alabama, plant have voted 1,798 to 738 so far to reject the Retail, Wholesale and Department Store Union. Although counting is still going on, that number is enough to hand Amazon the win.
The union immediately said it would launch a legal challenge to the outcome, which is likely to look at the high number of contested ballots, and union allegations of unfair tactics during the campaign.
The fight to form a union in the warehouse in Bessemer, a suburb north of Birmingham, we eagerly watched by America’s labor movement as one of its most important battles in recent history. Some 5,800 workers were eligible to vote on whether to join the Retail, Wholesale and Department Store Union as the first unionized Amazon warehouse in the US.
The union’s struggle has attracted the support of a raft of leftwing politicians and some Republicans eager to court working-class voters. But Amazon had fiercely resisted the effort.
Amazon is the US’s second largest private employer after Walmart, with 950,000 employees, the majority of whom work in its massive warehouses, which have been the subject of numerous reports of hazardous and grueling working conditions.
The union drive was the biggest unionization push at the company since it was founded in 1995, and workers faced fierce lobbying from both sides ahead of the vote.
Labor organisers hope the publicity surrounding the vote – even in defeat – will spur other unionization attempts, especially in the south, which has been long been a hostile place for unions.
Some 3,215 total ballots were received by the National Labor Relations Board , and a simple majority of votes will determine the winner, which Amazon has now in theory achieved.
However, the eligibility of about 500 ballots were challenged, mostly by Amazon, according to the RWDSU. Union organisers are already making noises about fighting the election, alleging that Amazon has fought the union drive unfairly and intimidated its workers to prevent them making a fair and free choice.
In a statement, RWDSU president Stuart Appelbaum said: “We won’t let Amazon’s lies, deception and illegal activities go unchallenged, which is why we are formally filing charges against all of the egregious and blatantly illegal actions taken by Amazon during the union vote.
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Amazon faces greatest union push in its historical past - Newest Information
Amazon faces greatest union push in its historical past – Newest Information
The second Jennifer Bates walks away from her put up on the Amazon warehouse the place she works, the clock begins ticking.
She has exactly half-hour to get to the cafeteria and again for her lunch break. Which means traversing a warehouse the dimensions of 14 soccer fields, which eats up valuable time. She avoids bringing meals from dwelling as a result of warming it up within the microwave…
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Beautiful weather greeted demonstrators gathered outside Baltimore City Hall on March 20, a national day of solidarity with the 6,000 Amazon workers fighting for a union in Bessemer, Ala.
The crowd marched to Amazon-owned Whole Foods, chanting, “When Amazon workers are under attack, what do we do? Stand up! Fight back!”
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Bessemer and the Power Shift
The most dramatic change in American capitalism over the last half century has been the emergence of corporate behemoths like Amazon and the simultaneous shrinkage of organized labor. The resulting imbalance has spawned near-record inequalities of income and wealth, corruption of democracy by big money, and the abandonment of the working class.
All this is coming to a head in several ways.
Next week, Amazon faces a union vote at its warehouse in Bessemer, Alabama. If successful, it would be Amazon's first U.S.-based union in its nearly 27-year history.
Conditions in Amazon’s warehouses would please Kim Jong un – strict production quotas, 10-hour workdays with only two half-hour breaks, unsafe procedures, arbitrary firings, “and they track our every move,” Jennifer Bates, a warehouse worker at Bessemer, told the Senate Budget Committee last week.
To thwart the union drive, Amazon has required Bessemer workers to attend anti-union meetings, warned workers they’d have to pay union dues (wrong – Alabama is a so-called “right-to-work” state that bars mandatory dues), and intimidated and harassed organizers.
Why is Amazon abusing its workers?
The company isn’t exactly hard-up. It’s the most profitable firm in America. Its executive chairman and largest shareholder, Jeff Bezos, is the richest man in the world, holding more wealth than the bottom 39 percent of Americans put together.
Amazon is abusing workers because it can.
Fifty years ago, General Motors was the largest employer in America. The typical GM worker earned $35 an hour in today's dollars and had a major say over working conditions. Today’s largest employers are Amazon and Walmart, each paying around $15 an hour and treating their workers like cattle.
The typical GM worker wasn’t "worth" more than twice today’s Amazon or Walmart worker and didn’t have more valuable insights about how work should be organized. The difference is GM workers a half-century ago had a strong union behind them, summoning the collective bargaining power of over a third of the entire American workforce.
By contrast, today's Amazon and Walmart workers are on their own. And because only 6.4 percent of America’s private-sector workers are now unionized, there’s little collective pressure on Amazon or Walmart to treat their workers any better.
Fifty years ago, “big labor” had enough political clout to ensure labor laws were enforced and that the government pushed giant firms like GM to sustain the middle class.
Today, organized labor’s political clout is miniscule by comparison. The biggest political players are giant corporations like Amazon. And what have they done with their muscle? Encouraged state “right-to-work” laws, diluted federal labor protections, and kept the National Labor Relations Board understaffed and overburdened.
They’ve also impelled government to lower their taxes (Amazon paid zero federal taxes in 2018); extorted states to provide them tax breaks as condition for locating facilities there (Amazon is a champion at this game); bullied cities where they’re headquartered (Amazon forced Seattle to back down on a plan to tax big corporations like itself to pay for homeless shelters); and wangled trade treaties allowing them to outsource so many jobs that blue-collar workers in America have little choice but to take low-paying, high-stress warehouse and delivery gigs.
Oh, and they’ve neutered antitrust laws, which in earlier era would have had companies like Amazon in their crosshairs.
This decades-long power shift – the emergence of corporate leviathans and the demise of labor unions – has resulted in a massive upward redistribution of income and wealth. The richest 0.1 of Americans now has almost as much wealth as the bottom 90 percent put together.
Corporate profits account for a growing share of the total economy and wages a declining share, with multi-billionaire executives and investors like Bezos taking home the lion’s share.
The power shift can be reversed -- but only with stronger labor laws, tougher trade deals, and a renewed commitment to antitrust.
The Biden administration and congressional Democrats appear willing. The House has just passed the toughest labor law reforms in over a generation. Biden’s new trade representative, Katherine Tai, promises that trade deals will protect the interests of American workers rather than exporters. And Biden is putting trustbusters in critical positions at the Federal Trade Commission and in the White House.
I’d like to think America is at a tipping point similar to where it was some hundred twenty years ago when the ravages and excesses of the Gilded Age precipitated what became known as the Progressive Era. Then, reformers reversed the course of American capitalism for the next 70 years, making it work for the many rather than the few.
Today’s progressive activists -- in Washington, at Amazon’s Bessemer warehouse, and elsewhere around the nation -- may be on the verge of doing the same.
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U.S.: Worker says Amazon hung anti-union signs in bathroom stalls
U.S.: Worker says Amazon hung anti-union signs in bathroom stalls
“No place was off limits,” said warehouse employee Jennifer Bates, who testified at a Washington hearing on income inequality
When Amazon found out that its workers were trying to form a union, the company put up signs across the warehouse in Bessemer, Alabama, including in bathroom stalls, a worker said.
“No place was off limits,” said warehouse employee Jennifer Bates, who testified at a…
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Solidarity with the Bessemer, Ala., Amazon workers in their fight for a union
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Every shift, Darryl Richardson clocks in to the Amazon warehouse in Bessemer, Alabama, at 7:15 in the morning. He walks up four flights of stairs, and waits. Soon a robot arrives with a pod, which holds inside it the parts of someone’s Amazon order. Richardson picks out the items, places them in a tote, hits a button, and starts the process all over again. He does this for 10 to 11 hours a day, except for two breaks lasting 30 minutes each.
The work is grueling, and last year, Richardson decided to do something about it. He contacted the Retail, Wholesale and Department Store Union to ask about the process of unionizing his Bessemer facility. Now he and his co-workers have entered the final days of voting on whether to unionize, an outcome Amazon has vigorously fought to avoid. If the company loses, other warehouses could unionize quickly behind Bessemer: In the weeks since RWDSU went public with its organizing drive, over 1,000 Amazon workers in other cities have inquired about a union.
Though Amazon pays its warehouse associates $15 an hour and offers some limited benefits, Richardson describes dehumanizing conditions inside his warehouse. Workers still aren’t paid enough for their physically demanding labor, he said, and Amazon is so greedy for their time that they can barely go to the bathroom or get a drink of water. Amazon needs a union, he told Intelligencer, and they need one right now...
[Darryl Richardson:] There really ain’t no way to stay comfortable because you’ve got to move when the robots move. Every minute that you don’t pick, you get “time off task” [also known as TOT]. If you leave your space and go to the bathroom, your time is getting docked. If you get up to two hours of TOT, that leads to termination. It really is not fair for employees to get fired for going to the bathroom. Sometimes the water in the bathrooms isn’t working on the floor, and you have to go down another flight of stairs to go to the bathroom.
I organized because of the TOT policy, employees being fired for not being six feet apart, promotions, pay raises. Oh, you are definitely not getting paid for what you do out there. Only two 30-minute breaks within 11 to 10 hours. It’s not right. It’s just an indication that you need to do some changes. I never worked for a company that would dock you for going to the bathroom. Who would do that? They change the schedule while you sleep. I can lay down at night, knowing my schedule, wake up in the morning, and it’ll be changed to 6:15 a.m. You get time taken from you because you don’t know they changed your schedule. You want me to keep on looking at my app, to see if my schedule changed, while I’m asleep? What is this? Oh, I just don’t understand that. The reason I want the union is because I thought Amazon was a good place to work. I realized, wow, there need to be some changes.
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All eyes on Bessemer, Alabama
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In 1887, the Pennsylvania Steel Company constructed a steel plant at Sparrow's Point, Maryland on the mouth of the Patapsco River. Shortly after construction was completed, the plant was incorporated as the Maryland Steel Company of Baltimore County. That same year, 1891, the Marine Department, which included a shipyard, was created. The steel-works and shipyard continued to operate as the Maryland Steel Company until 1916, when Bethlehem Steel acquired the Pennsylvania Steel Company and its subsidiary, Maryland Steel.
These cyanotype photographs, taken on this date, March 11, in 1891, are part of Hagley Library’s Maryland Steel Co. photograph album (Accession 2008.224), a collection of three albums containing 204 cyanotype photographs taken at the company's steel plant and shipyard between 1890 and 1894. The albums contains exterior and interior photographs of buildings involved in steel production and steel workers, the company’s shipyard and shipyard buildings in use, and the construction and launch of ships built by the company, primarily tugs and coastal passenger steamships.
To view these albums online now in our Digital Archive, just click here.
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The mother of a Bessemer teen fatally shot at the Comfort Inn said she is heartbroken over her son’s death and believes he was set up to be killed.
“I’m not taking it well,’' said April Chaney. “Half these children that were in that room grew up at my mama’s front door. They set my baby up. They played him.”
“I treated them like they were my children,’' she said, “and they stole my baby’s life.’'
Orlando Keith Williams Jr., 18, was shot inside the second-floor hotel room at 11:03 p.m. Saturday. He was pronounced dead on the scene at 11:32 p.m., according to the Jefferson County Coroner’s Office.
Chaney said she believes her son was killed as part of an ongoing feud that has led to multiple shootings in Bessemer over at least the past six months. Williams was one of several people wounded in October when his friend, 18-year-old Mikel Cooper, a senior at Bessemer City High School, was fatally shot. That shooting happened at 5:15 p.m. Monday, Oct. 26, at the corner of Sixth Avenue and 15th Street North in Bessemer. Cooper died on the scene and three other teens, including the 16-year-old suspect, were wounded in the exchange of gunfire. Williams was shot as well as a 13-year-old.
The deadly shooting was followed by at least five other shootings that police believe are in retaliation for the killing of Cooper. One person – a grandmother – was injured in one of those shootings. They happened both in Bessemer and Brighton.
Chaney said she said she believes it’s also connected to January killing of 19-year-old Mikel Ja’Darius Pickens. That shooting was reported to have happened at Urban Market Grocery Store at 200 Ninth Street South.
Bessemer police said the investigation into Williams’ death is progressing, but no arrests have yet been made.
Since the previous shootings, Chaney said, someone has shot multiple times at her son’s grandmother’s house and his father’s house.
On Saturday, she said, she dropped her son off at his grandmother’s house. She said she tried to stop him from going anywhere, afraid he would be hurt or worse. “I said, ‘Baby you can’t trust them.’ He said, ‘Mama, I’m not going to let them take me out. I got this.’’
She said he then went to the Comfort Inn to gamble. “They knew he loved to gamble. That was his weakness,’' she said. “I said, ‘Why are you hanging with them? They don’t mean you no good.’ He said, ‘Mama, I’m not going to let them kill me.’’'
Chaney said she called her son shortly before 11 p.m. “I could hear scuffling and then the phone went out,’' she said. “I called back, and he didn’t answer. Then my sister called me and said, ‘Get to the Comfort Inn. Your son has been shot.’”
She said she’s devastated at the loss of her only son. “He was there for me and all his friends,’' she said. “They took my soul.”
Anyone with information is asked to call Bessemer police at 425-2411, the Tip Line at 205- 428-3541 or Crime Stoppers at 205-254-7777.
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ServiceTitan Announces $500 Million Investment Led By Tiger Global Management and Sequoia Capital Global Equities http://dlvr.it/Rx2w3n
By Stephen Millies
“Amazon workers, we stand with you! Unions are a human right!” Those were two of the slogans shouted on Linden Boulevard in the East New York neighborhood of Brooklyn on Feb. 20.
Close to a hundred people came out to show their support for Amazon workers fighting for a union in Bessemer, Ala. The protest was called by the December 12th Movement, which organized a loud and militant picket line at a newly-opened Amazon distribution center.
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By Anthony Dawahare
On Feb. 19, union activists and community groups rallied outside the Los Angeles office of Amazon’s union-busting law firm, Morgan, Lewis & Bockius.
Morgan Lewis, a notorious global law firm, has been attacking the union movement for decades. It has backed Amazon on federal tax disputes, hazardous COVID conditions, and discrimination against pro-Black Lives Matters employees.
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