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#Ch'in Dynasty
divorcetual · 2 years
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OH i was so confused how we got china/chino/cino/etc. from zhōngguó (like nihon/japan, brasil/brazil, etc. are understandable bcs they sound simlar enough that it kinda telephoned its way from one to another) turns out!!! its from the qin dynasty (qin -> ch'in -> c(h)in(o/a))
its interesting tho bcs the use of zhōngguó was first used around the early Zhou dynasty but it became popularized at the same time the name China became spread around (warring states period)
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intimacydarling · 10 months
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Spoilers for Naamah's Kiss (do not read if you hate spoilers):
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Moirin's love affair with the dragon in the Ch'in Princess is my favorite thing. Like I love all of the dynamics that Morin goes through with her different lovers, they're all truly multi-dimensional, but the storyline with the Princess is just incredible.
I mean the Ch'in Princess strikes me as the kind of character described as "a girl who hates to sin" (Tori Amos reference), but she is used as a tool of revenge against her father's dynasty when a warlock slips a pearl, which is actually a sleeping dragon, into her drink before her wedding night and when her husband tries to consummate her marriage, the dragon is awoken within her and tears her bridegroom limb from limb. She has devastated her whole family, she is isolated from everyone and is very strong, like could rip the bars of her cage apart if she wanted, but she lives in fear that she is possessed by something horrible, something she doesn't understand, and she is terrified that she will hurt someone else, so she voluntarily stays in her quarters. She is also blindfolded because the dragon, which they falsely believe is a demon, only comes out when looking in a mirror where it is unable to see itself, but no one knows that. Because she is a Princess, all of the servants treat her respectfully, but they keep their distance in case she tries to hurt them too, afraid of her while being unable to defend themselves because if they do, it will be an act of treason. So the Princess is super lonely (or SupaLonely if you listen to BENEE) and doesn't trust herself and especially doesn't trust her sexuality.
Then Moirin comes to Ch'in with her martial arts master and her fellow student/lover Bo. Moirin, with her magical sight/healing/twilight is not only able to see the dragon but also speak to it and by using the twilight, show it's true reflection. The dragon becomes infatuated with Moirin and the love of a dragon is an eternal bond making Moirin equally infatuated with it. The Princess is grateful to Moirin for being able to communicate with the dragon and calm it, but her trauma around her sexual past and the cultural mores that prohibit lesbianism, make her experiences initially very very uncomfortable with the sexual energy Moirin shares with the dragon. But because she is so touch starved, so lonely, and because she knows that meeting the needs of the dragon will make her own life easier, she accepts the contact and companionship Moirin provides. Moirin is the only one, Princess included, who can understand the dragon so the Princess has to rely on her help in a way she has never had to before. The Princess is an accomplished swordswoman, very strong, prepared to be the ruler of an empire, only to have the tragic start to her burgeoning life as a woman be fucking destroyed by a magical foreign girl who is in love with the dragon inside her.
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noosphe-re · 3 years
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Heirloom Seal of the Realm of Qin Dynasty (via Wikipedia)
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sofielanfdf-blog · 4 years
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Sexuality is a "condition" that is characterized and distinguished by sexand passion
 It is, again, according to American Heritage Dictionary, "the quality of possessing a sexual character or potency."
I really like that one. Potency. That means power.
Where "sex" is an act that has a beginning and end, "sexuality" is a quality, a sexual character and power. bisexual apps It has no beginning and end, no more than your personality does or your sense of aesthetics does. Sexuality is essential to your nature. It is you. It is your vitality. It is a wonderful thing.
Of course, the two - sex and sexuality - are related, and very often delightfully intertwined. However, I would argue that while it is possible to be sexual without having sex it is pretty close to impossible to truly enjoy sex without being in touch with your own sexuality. Which, in and of itself, is a pretty good reason to want to embrace your sexuality.
Too many women in the 21st century are divorced from their sexuality even as they participate in sexual acts. They may be having sexual intercourse with their partner or partners multiple times and reaching multiple orgasms but what they are engaged in is about as meaningful and deeply satisfying as riding an exercise bike. As a result, they come away from sex acts with a sense of "what's the big deal?" or that felt good for the moment. Or, worse, they feel degraded and/or diminished; reduced to an object. For many of them, a good session at the gym would be more fulfilling - and might even provide a more satisfying release.
My dear, let me be very clear - that is not the way it is supposed to be.
Sex without sexuality is too often demeaning, it reduces the sexual act to little more than a heaving, grunting, often-sloppy and sweaty physical endeavor. It is not called the "beast with two backs" for nothing. If all you're focused on is the "beast" part, the physical act, you cannot possibly be truly engaged in your own sexuality. Your sexuality is not engaged. And, when your sexuality is not engaged, you are removed from the power of the act.
However, with your genuine sexuality engaged, there is nothing you cannot do alone or with a partner that is not uplifting, satisfying and consistent with the person your are - whether that's a twenty year old college student or a fifty-two year old church volunteer. With your sexuality engaged, that heaving, humping beast with two backs is an explosion of wonderful passion.
In short, it is and can be exotic and mind blowing. And when sex is emotionally deep and erotic, you and your partner are truly bonded together - rather than being the sexual equivalent of opposing and competing wrestlers, with you invariably being the one pinned down for the count, you are in control. You can be more or less dominant and be thrilled by either because no matter how you behave in a sexual encounter, it is true to who you are; it is true to your sense of your sexuality.
Unfortunately, history has rarely embraced this uplifting view of female sexuality. It has long viewed male and female sexuality as opposing forces, in opposition and in competition to one another. Not as it should be.
In ancient China, men who engaged in masturbation risked a complete loss of vital yang essence. As such, it was strictly forbidden. Women did not risk the same loss of their vital essence. The rules about female masturbation were much more specific and focused on a particular concern; women were free to masturbate as much as they liked, as they possessed an unlimited yin, however, they were warned against masturbating with foreign objects which could injure the womb and internal sexual organs.
Because women were understood to have an inexhaustible yin essence, they could keep on having orgasms long after their male partners had been reduced to shrunken, limp lumps of flesh snoring alongside them, while female sexuality was expressed in multiple ways. In addition to masturbation, lesbian relations were encouraged. Male homosexuality was forbidden, however as such behavior was thought to result in a complete loss of yang essence. In this Chinese understanding, sexual relationships between men could only result in the net loss of the yang without any possibility of regaining it, which was possible with heterosexual relationships.
Although a bit at odds with our modern sensibility, at least sexuality in ancient China was deeply rooted to a sense of essential essences. Sex was never just a physical act. Sexuality had everything to do with something basic in the nature of what it meant to be a man or a woman. Therefore, any sexual act was understood in the context of their fundamental essences - yin and yang.
For this reason, prostitution was very much accepted in ancient China. Men seemed to think that engaging with prostitutes gave them the opportunity to gain additional yin from them, more than from "normal" women. Men could "gain" some of that essence from women. In particular, the belief was that a woman who had sex with many men began to acquire some of the yang essence from her customers, yang essence that could then be "shared." Consequently, it was possible for a man to gain more yang from a sexual encounter with a prostitute than he lost and more than he could gain from relations with his wife who, presumably, only had sexual relations with him.
This somewhat balanced the understanding of what essential male and female sexuality meant and began to change during the Ch'in Dynasty (221 b.c.e to 24 c.e.) when the role and place of women shifted from one of sexual energy to one of more familiar modern gender roles.
When the Ch'in Dynasty shifted from the Taoist culture that had predominated China to a Confusianist culture, women's roles and the understanding of sexuality and sexual behavior then shifted dramatically. No longer was sexuality and behavior determined by essential nature, by the yin and the yang. Instead, there was a more "traditional" - patriarchal cultural dynamic. The dynamic many of us are currently familiar with. Women were not just possessing of a different essence than men but they were considered inferior to men. Physical relations between men and women were found mostly in marriage and were only to take place in the bedroom. At the conclusion of such "contact," all physical contact was to end - there was to be no contact even between husband and wife.
In a way that is only too familiar to those of us in Western Civilization, sex itself came to be considered sinful and tolerated solely for the process of procreation.
Even at the conclusion of the Ch'in Dynasty, when the Han Dynasty embraced a return to a Taoist worldview, new perspectives on sexuality and sex had taken hold. Taoism had become a more structured and organized religion, with its own churches and priests. So too, sexuality and sexual behavior had become more rigidly structured. Sexual behavior was formalized, even finding expression in written texts. Two of the most famous of these texts were The Handbook of the Plain Girl and The Art of the Bedchamber.
In both, a "Yellow Emperor" sought to live a long, healthy life and to attain some degree or form of immortality through sex. In order to accomplish his lofty goal he needed to become an expert at techniques that would prolong his orgasm and allow his sexual partner to orgasm several times. By doing so, he would maximize the amount of her yin essence that he would gain from their encounter while minimizing his own loss of yang essence.
While concerns about yin and yang are foreign to our understanding, one valuable insight we can gain from these perspectives is that sexuality was considered essential to who we are and that sexual mores change. This Eastern view is consistent with our understanding that one is a dynamic, constant sexuality fluidity and the other is defined by the times and circumstances of sexual behavior and roles. During times when the two were balanced, there was a sensible and satisfying cultural norm that blends sex and sexuality.
Unfortunately, there have been too many other times when the two were in conflict. This back and forth seems to have defined much of Western culture and history, as well as the role of women and sex in our society. And, as frustrating as it is to find ourselves at the dawn of the 21st century still sorting out the power and need for sexual awareness and the ability to embrace sexuality. Fortunately, we are in a better place than women have been through most of history. We still have a long way to go for women to feel comfortable and confident with their sexuality and know the difference between sex and sexuality.
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afishtrap · 7 years
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Dai Viet, the forerunner of modern Vietnam, was no longer a great South China Sea trading center by the time it gained independence in the 10th century in present-day northern Vietnam. Nevertheless, the subsequent state development of Dai Viet continued to depend more on the control of trade networks and export commodities than on peasants and agrarian produce. From the 13th to the 15th centuries, Dai Viet undertook large-scale hydraulic works on the Red River Delta and founded a Chinese-style bureaucracy. Such Sinicization not only increased the area's agricultural potential but also fostered the development of new export commodities, including ceramics. Its strength renewed, Dai Viet crushed the rival polity of Champa and proceeded to seize prosperous ports in modern central Vietnam, thus reestablishing itself as the preeminent force in the region's maritime trade.
Shiro, Momoki. “DAI VIET AND THE SOUTH CHINA SEA TRADE: from the 10th to the 15th Century.“ Crossroads: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Southeast Asian Studies. Vol. 12, No. 1 (1998), pp. 1-34.
Internal development theory, which regards state development in primarily insular as opposed to international terms, leads to problems of a different kind. In pre-capitalist Asia, only Japan succeeded in establishing a truly national economy in which things internal and external were clearly distinguishable. China maintained its imperial (hence, world) economy, and countries like Korea, Vietnam, and perhaps Burma, despite their efforts to nationalize, retained various characteristics of pre-capitalist states. Neither the imperial nor these residual pre-capitalist cases can be adequately accounted for via the internal development approach. And even truly national economies should be analyzed against an international background. Japanese scholars have begun to realize this and now tend to emphasize region-wide trade in their studies of traditional East Asian states and peasant societies (see footnote 4). I believe we can profitably use the same approach to study the history of mainland Southeast Asia.
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The system of foreign trade in Dai Viet before the 13th century was very complex. From the later phase of the T'ang dynasty (618- 907), the main trade route on the South China Sea connected the port cities in Kuang-tung (Canton) and Fu-chien (Fukien) directly with those of Champa in modern central Vietnam, thus weakening northern Vietnam's position as an entrepôt vis-à-vis Canton. This decline in Dai Viet's fortunes may explain why historical studies of pre-13th century Vietnam tend to focus only on the agrarian bases of the Red River Delta. Yet to characterize early Dai Viet as a purely agrarian state is to be too simplistic, for it remained vitally engaged in foreign commerce...
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For its own part, Dai Viet may officially have regarded all foreign merchants within its domain as tributary legates to Dai Viet and may, therefore, have prohibited the conduct of purely private trade in Dai Viet ports. Nevertheless, SHY says that Chinese merchants sometimes "drifted" to Chiao-chih, from where they returned with textiles and cash (p. 4982 [shih-huo (i.e., money and foods, or finance and economy) XI:7a]; p. 5467 [XXXVIII:29a-b]). Furthermore, KHYHC (qtd. in Wên-hsien tung-k'ao:2594) reports that whenever merchants from Fu-chien arrived at Chiao-chih by ship, they were greatly welcomed. Assuming, then, that Chinese junks from the southeastern provinces were at least unofficially welcomed in Dai Viet, they likely made regular visits there, even during the Sung period of prohibition.
Still, it is not clear exactly where in Dai Viet the Chinese junks traded. When Hoa Lu, at the southwestern edge of the Red River Delta, was the capital (9687-1009), it may have been a thriving port city (Sakurai n.d.:125-130), but trade there seems to have declined as soon as the new capital city of Thang Long (modern Hanoi) was established in 1010. Vietnamese annals after the 12th century often refer to Van Don, at the northeastern edge of the Red River Delta, as the main port of Dai Viet, but it likely became such only in the post-Ly dynasty (1009-1225) period. As Whitmore (1986:130) argues, ports in the modern Nghe Tinh region (Nghe An and Ha Tinh provinces), then in the south of Dai Viet territory, must have been more important as early commercial sites. Prevailing currents and winds in the Gulf of Tongking apparently limited ships approaching the Red River Delta from the east to a choice of two routes, one passing north of Hai-nan island and making landfall on the northeastern edge of the delta (at Van Don, for example), and the other passing south of Hai-nan and on to Nghe Tinh. DVSKTT (p. 424, the entry for the year 1349) records that during the Ly dynasty most Chinese merchant ships entered the estuary of Dien Chau (the northern coast of modern Nghe An) and Tha Vien (unidentified).
Official restrictions notwithstanding, the volume of non-tributary trade appears to have been even greater than that of tributary trade. The following description of commercial activity at Ch'in-chou, for example, suggests a level of activity that could hardly have been equalled by the gift exchanges associated with tribute offerings:
'Chiao-chih relied upon Ch'in-chou supplying all their necessities; thus, the traffic of ships never ceases. . . . Those who exchange fishes and shellfishes for rice and cloth are called "Chiao-chih tan" [Chiao-chih seafarers]. . . . Rich merchants coming to trade . . . are called "small groups." Tributary missions from the country [i.e. Chiao-chih] enter at Ch'in-chou, where they have a chance to trade. [When a mission is trading, they] are called "big group." What are brought [to Ch'in-chou by these merchants and missions] are gold and silver, copper cash, aloeswood (kuang-hsiang ["brilliant" aloeswood], shou-hsiang ["ripe" aloeswood], sheng-hsiang  ["fresh" aloeswood]), pearls, elephant tusks, and rhinoceros horns. Recently our [i.e. Chinese] petty merchants have been selling paper, writing brushes, rice, and cloth. Every day they trade in small amounts with Chiao people [i.e. people of Chiao-chih], but it is not worth mentioning. Only rich merchants who come from Ssu-chuan once a year to barter silk brocade of Ssu-chuan for aromatics of Chiao-chih move [goods which amount to] several thousand ligatures of cash in every case of barter. (LWTT:72 [V: Ch'in-chou po-i-ch'ang (the market of Ch'in-chou)])'
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Nontributary trade with neighboring Southeast Asian states was also active. DVSKTT mentions (though the account is open to some doubt - see footnote 16) that merchants from Java, Lopburi (in modern central Thailand), and Tiem La (Ayudhya?) came to Van Don in 1149 to trade, and that more merchants from Tiem La and from Tarn Phat Te {San-fo-ch'ï) came in 1184. Likewise, Vietnamese merchants were trading in Cambodia at the end of the 10th century and in Java in the mid-14th century (Hall 1985:173, 246). Concerning the trade routes between Dai Viet and its neighboring Southeast Asian countries, attention should again focus on the southernmost territory of modern Nghe Tinh, which at that time consisted of two provinces, namely Dien Chau (the northeastern corner of modern Nghe An) and Nghe An (called Hoan Chau until the early Ly period and comprising the rest of modern Nghe An and modern Ha Tinh). Today, Nghe Tinh is primarily noted for the hot, dry summer climate and frequent autumn floods that make agriculture particularly unproductive. During Dai Viet times, however, the area was a rich trading entrepôt where Chinese, Chams, and Khmers gathered. The 8th-century trade route of the T'ang across the Truong Son mountains to Lu Chên-la (the ruling seat of present-day southern Laos and northeastern Thailand) started from Nghe Tinh, and Hall (1985:184) has argued that the route posed a serious threat to Champa in that it bypassed the main route between Cambodia and China via the lower Mekong delta, where Champa was located.
Clearly, if Dai Viet failed to control this southern frontier, its lucrative role as trade intermediary between China and the Nan-hai countries would be difficult to maintain, if not lost altogether. This explains why six of the seven Dai Viet tri chau (prefects sent by the central government to rule over important outlying districts) recorded in DVSKTT and DVSL were dispatched to Nghe An (Momoki 1988:260). DVSKTT (p. 227) also mentions an order in 1037 to build 50 royal storehouses in Nghe An, while there is no record anywhere of royal storehouses being built in other outlying areas during this time. Furthermore, if Nghe Tinh was really Cambodia's primary point of access to the South China Sea (especially from the northern territories in modern Laos and northeastern Thailand), Chinese merchants must have come to Nghe Tinh to trade not only with Dai Viet but also with Champa and Cambodia (Whitmore 1986:130). This supposition, if true, would explain why the Khmer kings sent "tribute" more often to Dai Viet (19 times) than it did even to Sung China (5 times).
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senkyosakki-blog · 7 years
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A History of China - Wolfram Eberhard | Asia |506599918
A History of China Wolfram Eberhard Genre: Asia Price: Get Publish Date: January 1, 1989 A book on the history of China covering the following periods: Prehistoric China, Shang Dynasty, Chou Dynasty, the dissolution of the feudal system, Ch'in Dynasty, Han Dynasty, epoch of the first division of China.
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vlkphoto · 5 years
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Moated Watchtower
Exhibit at Minneapolis Institute of Art, Minneapolis, MN. Accompanying sign says:
Eastern Han dynasty Moated Watchtower, 1st-2nd century Low-fired earthenware with green glaze The architectural models favored in Han tombs of north China often depict tall pottery towers. This example is clearly a military watchtower. The basin-like moat is populated with an assortment of aquatic animals, ducks, fish, and probably geese. Rising above the moat is a three-story frame structure with projecting balconies supported by a complex system of posts, cross beams, struts, and tou kung bracketing. This unique bracketing under the eaves supported the great roof overhangs common in traditional Chinese architecture. On the crowded balconies, crossbow archers with weapons ready are positioned at each of the four corners. Other figures dancing and playing music on the zither (ch'in) share space with the archers. While the open nature of the structure lacking both walls and tile roofs suggests that the tower and its occupants have a strictly military purpose, the inclusion of music, dance, and figures suggests the structure might also have functioned as a pleasure pavilion.
Some distracting signage on the wall and texture in the supporting base removed with Snapheal.
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rosemaryja-blog · 6 years
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A History of China - Wolfram Eberhard | Asia |506599918
A History of China Wolfram Eberhard Genre: Asia Price: Get Publish Date: January 1, 1989 A book on the history of China covering the following periods: Prehistoric China, Shang Dynasty, Chou Dynasty, the dissolution of the feudal system, Ch'in Dynasty, Han Dynasty, epoch of the first division of China.
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berthare-blog · 6 years
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A History of China - Wolfram Eberhard | Asia |506599918
A History of China Wolfram Eberhard Genre: Asia Price: Get Publish Date: January 1, 1989 A book on the history of China covering the following periods: Prehistoric China, Shang Dynasty, Chou Dynasty, the dissolution of the feudal system, Ch'in Dynasty, Han Dynasty, epoch of the first division of China.
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elizabethsta-blog · 6 years
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A History of China - Wolfram Eberhard | Asia |506599918
A History of China Wolfram Eberhard Genre: Asia Price: Get Publish Date: January 1, 1989 A book on the history of China covering the following periods: Prehistoric China, Shang Dynasty, Chou Dynasty, the dissolution of the feudal system, Ch'in Dynasty, Han Dynasty, epoch of the first division of China.
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sherryharper-blog · 7 years
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A History of China - Wolfram Eberhard | Asia |506599918
A History of China Wolfram Eberhard Genre: Asia Price: Get Publish Date: January 1, 1989 A book on the history of China covering the following periods: Prehistoric China, Shang Dynasty, Chou Dynasty, the dissolution of the feudal system, Ch'in Dynasty, Han Dynasty, epoch of the first division of China.
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vanessaarm-blog1 · 7 years
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A History of China - Wolfram Eberhard | Asia |506599918
A History of China Wolfram Eberhard Genre: Asia Price: Get Publish Date: January 1, 1989 A book on the history of China covering the following periods: Prehistoric China, Shang Dynasty, Chou Dynasty, the dissolution of the feudal system, Ch'in Dynasty, Han Dynasty, epoch of the first division of China.
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marthazimmerma-blog · 7 years
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A History of China - Wolfram Eberhard | Asia |506599918
A History of China Wolfram Eberhard Genre: Asia Price: Get Publish Date: January 1, 1989 A book on the history of China covering the following periods: Prehistoric China, Shang Dynasty, Chou Dynasty, the dissolution of the feudal system, Ch'in Dynasty, Han Dynasty, epoch of the first division of China.
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beverlycoo-blog · 7 years
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A History of China - Wolfram Eberhard | Asia |506599918
A History of China Wolfram Eberhard Genre: Asia Price: Get Publish Date: January 1, 1989 A book on the history of China covering the following periods: Prehistoric China, Shang Dynasty, Chou Dynasty, the dissolution of the feudal system, Ch'in Dynasty, Han Dynasty, epoch of the first division of China.
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afishtrap · 7 years
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The history of China's Southeast coast has unusual features. For many centuries, overseas trade and migration, internal and external warfare, strong religious beliefs and receptiveness to foreign influences characterized this society of fiercely independent traders, fishermen and mountain farmers. The protracted struggle of Cheng Ch'eng- kung and the Southern Ming against the Ch'ing dynasty precipitated Fukien into a crisis, from which many chose to escape by emigration to the Philippines and Taiwan. Recovery was slow.; The fourteen Western and Chinese contributors to this study focus on internal economic and social developments, overseas and religious change. From the rich Chinese and European source materials, a picture emerges of great regional diversity. Local interests and values were confronted by the central government's orthodox rule, and Western influences of Jesuits and traders. The Fukienese reaction to them produces fascinating insights into Chinese society, and a truly local history which may qualify our ideas on the Chinese Empire.
Lin Renchuan. "Fukien's Private sea Trade in the 16th and 17th Centuries." Development and Decline of Fukien Province in the 17th and 18th Centuries. Sinica Leidensia, vol 22. Brill, 1990. 488 pages.
During the 16th and 17th centuries, Yüeh-kang in Chang-chou and An-p'ing-kang in Chin-chiang were the main Fukienese trade Ports for foreign trade, äs well äs the centers of private maritime trade for the southeastern coast. Why did Yüeh-kang and An- P'ing-kang rise so rapidly to become the principle trade ports of Fukien? These questions cannot be separated from the development of the commodity economy of Fukien at the time, in particular the prospering of the economic region of southern Fukien.
As early äs the beginning of the Ming, the southern Fukienese already making great efforts to open up new land, and carried out water conservancy projects to enlarge the land surface under cultivation. On Chu-hou mountain in Nan-ching alone, they had already opened up "thousands of ch'ing of good land" by 1425. They did not just open up hilly areas, but also fully utilized the natural environment of the coastal area. By building dykes they turned large areas of tideland into arable land. According to incomplete statistics, in the coastal areas of Lung-ch'i and Changp'u alone they built dykes to reclaim land from the sea on 186 different places. For instance, in Lung-hsi "in the 6th and 8th tu, over 30,000 mou was reclaimed from the sea with dykes. The land remained salinous, but with hoes and manure the people struggled for power with the sea."1 Wherever the land was suitable, the local people also carried out several kinds of water conservancy works.2 In the second half of the 15th Century, for instance, prefect Chiang Liang carried out several projects in Lung-hsi, such äs Shih-tun-shang-ch'uan with over 60 ch'ing of irrigated land, Tsou-t'ang with over a hundred mou of irrigated land and Kuan-kang with more than two hundred ch'ing of irrigated land, ten h east of the district, over twenty h long up to Liu-ying-chiang and down to Shih-mei-kang.3 Around 1550, the chin-shih Lin Kui led the villagers of P'u-wei to repair Kuan-kang. At the beginning and the end they put sluice gates to let fresh water wash out the saline soil. In this manner they brought over 200 ch'ing of fertile land under irrigation.4 In Chin-chiang the Eastern lake was dredged, and "it was all connected with the flow of the creeks. If there was a drought they would open the gates of the sluices to let the flow of the creeks enter the pond(s) and irrigate the low-lying fields of Hu-hsin and Ch'ao-keng."5 In the mountain districts they also exerted themselves with various irrigation projects. In Nan-ching they "removed thousands of stones and niade locks for canals, and made villagers cut canals through the farmland (. . .) in order to create several thousands of ch 'mg of fertile land."6 In An-hsi district many small ponds were built, such äs Ch'an-k'eng-p'o, Shang-t'ang, Ch'en-t'ang, Chou-t'ang and Su-t'ang.7 Water conservancy works created a continuous increase of cultivable land. In his Wu-tsa-tsu Hsieh Ghao-che points out: "In Fukien from the mountains to the plains the land is cut out in terraces. Just äs the ancients said: no drop of water is left unused, even the steepest hüls are brought under cultivation. It can be said that there is no land left unused."
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The flourishing of handicraft industry and agriculture stimulated the development of transport and trade. In the 15th and 16th centuries, numerous repairs were carried out on the large Chiang-tung bridge, of which it was said that "the Tiger Ford was foremost among the bridges of southern Chang-chou." "Every arch of this bridge was 80 feet long, 5 feet wide, and the water was divided into fifteen channels. Under the arch of each channel (the river) had been dredged to enlarge the channel, the seams had been filled up horizontally with slabs of stone, 20 feet wide and 2000 feet long, with railings appended for support." This was the great transport artery that linked Chang-chou to the outer world. The goods that passed this bridge "started off for southern Fukien by evening and arrived in Kuang-chou and Cochin-China by morning; how swiftly did they arrive!"19 In Chao-an, the Yangwei bridge was repaired, "it was a hundred and more chang (= 100 feet) long, nine feet wide, water could flow through 99 channels." "It was in continuous use in the traffic from Fu-kien to Kuang-chou junction."20 Famous bridges in Ch'üan-chou like the T'ung-chi bridge, the An-p'ing bridge and the Wan-an bridge were also rebuilt and repaired many times. They linked Changchou and Ch'üan-chou together, but also strengthened communications with the rest of the country.
The development of transport also accelerated the circulation of commodities. In An-p'ing "many different goods were collected over land and over sea. Successful traders arrived from all directions. Local people bought up the cotton from T'ung-an that was brought in daily with tens of piculs and sold it all over the country. Those who aimed for a sharp profit even went to Honan, T'ai-ts'ang, Wen-chou and T'ai-chou—wherever there was cotton—and bought thousands of bales every year. Only then would it suffice for the necessary supply for one year. Towards the winter solstice, in the slack season, they would go and buy it in An-hsi, Yung-ch'un and Te-hua, in exchange for rice, cloth and silk gauze. Flax "was bought in Yung-ch'un and Te-hua and then woven into cloth. Rieh households bought up thousands of rolls of cloth, and went northward to Lin-ch'ing (in Shan-tung) to seil it."21
The intensity of trade stimulated the rise of market cities. From the mid-Ming period onward, a large number of new market cities appeared in the Chang-chou and Ch'üan-chou area. Take, for instance, Shih-ma chen in Lung-hsi, originally named Shih-hsi. It was formed out of over ten villages, called the Ten Old Local Societies. "In that place, sea tides were particularly violent and the dykes frequently collapsed. (In the Hung-chih period) therefore, the local people heaped stones along the river and built twelve dams. Because of this, (the place) was called Shih-ma (Stone Pier)."22 In 1526, they built a market place, because shops had begun to flourish.
Pai-shui chen had originally been an alluvial riverine Hat. Later the entire Ch'en clan moved to this place from Ts'ai-she in Chang-p'u and all lived together in one small township. The market gradually began to flourish and became an important collecting and distributing center for local specialties from Lunghsi, Chang-p'u and P'ing-ho.23 Kang-wei chen was situated at the foot of the Nan-t'ai-wu mountains, to the east directly bordering on the sea, only separated from Hsia-men by water. It was the economic center of the Kang-wei region. According to local eiders, when around 1600 Chiang Hao (1604 chin-shih) stimulated the founding of a city, T'u Yi-ch'in (a high-ranking official with the Ministry of Rites) came to offer his congratulations on its completion. 24 Hu-t'ou shih in An-hsi "was located in Kan-hua U; since it was a place where there was lively trading, it was called "Little Ch'üan-chou."25
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senkyosakki-blog · 6 years
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A History of China - Wolfram Eberhard | Asia |506599918
A History of China Wolfram Eberhard Genre: Asia Price: Get Publish Date: January 1, 1989 A book on the history of China covering the following periods: Prehistoric China, Shang Dynasty, Chou Dynasty, the dissolution of the feudal system, Ch'in Dynasty, Han Dynasty, epoch of the first division of China.
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