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kennykueh · 3 years

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1MDB: Capacity Building & Good Governance in Addressing Corruption

Prepared by:

Cornelius Anak Eustance (101228670)

Kaushalya a/p Rajan (101211052)

Kenny Kueh Chow Wei (101228683)

Michelle Kok Bao Xia (100087634)

Sarah Binti Supahan (101214284)

Malaysia’s trojan horse, 1MDB, deployed political power for reins, proclaiming the pursuit of Malaysia’s title as a “high-income economy” to elude the world (Malaysia 2019, p.8). Najib Razak (NR) impressed that 1MDB would foster healthy international relations through foreign direct investments (FDIs), but presented the world with the biggest financial scandal fueled by corruption’s hearth (Ho & Raghu 2020).

Table 1: Corruption Forms 1MDB Used

Why is There a Growing Recognition That Shareholder and Societal Value are Intrinsically Linked?

Diagram 1: Shareholder vs. Societal Value

Corruption hinders the sound development of sustainable economies, politics and societies (Caroline 2018, p.3). 1MDB worsened Malaysia’s condition, as perpetrators stripped citizens of their rightful wealth by swindling capital for self-gain. Additionally, further state funds were directed towards muzzling news outlets that were dedicated to reporting the truth (Ramesh 2016). These served as an exploitation of financial and informational rights, spearheading global investigations to restore justice to cozened Malaysians (Ho & Raghu 2020).

Paradoxically, 1MDB elevated socie-economic disparities. While more Malaysians couldn't afford financially-independent higher education, “$700 million” was transferred into NR’s personal account; while families descended into poverty overnight, politicians splurged on “diamonds” and hand-woven bags; and when innocent civilians suffered from increased crime rates because that was what some could afford, funds were invested in an ironic blockbuster reenactment of this scandal (Chen, Ponniah & Lin 2019). The resultant unfair distribution of wealth was a ‘tragedy of commons’ that requires long-term reforms (Lee 2019).

All that was needed was for one shareholder to question moral grounds, forego temporary expensive solitary gains, and say something. Therefore, the growing recognition that shareholder and societal values intertwine stem from long term effects that corruption has had on the sustainability of economies, politics and societies in terms of justice and fairness.

Building Capacity Considerations of Home Country or Host Country

Capacity Building is the process of developing the abilities of a nation in problem solving, creating and achieving goals in a sustainable manner (UNDP 2009). Four approaches of country’s capacity building focus on standards of practices, knowledge base, leadership and grassroots support, and funding and supporting policy (Whittle et. al 2012).

First, human capital development is essential for countries as education facilitates country growth in economic, social, and ecological (Sokuraobo et. al 2016). For instance, it decreases poverty and unemployment rate while increasing the labour force participation of nation. Next, technology capacity building researched by Bubou (2009) proven technology involvement increases the innovation and facilitates the management of R&D and ease the infrastructure building process in the country.

Besides, knowledge sharing among countries will assist capacity building of both nations. Skills and information shared will help both countries in learning the best practice and establish better plans while building strong relationships among countries (Alisjahbana 2014). Furthermore, strong national policy secures the country’s growth and capacity building as Biggs & Polomska (2013) mentioned policy defined as a guideline on how a country works in terms of financial, society, and national security. Strong policies will stabilize the politics and attract FDIs for country growth efficiency.

In Whose Interest Should Capacity Be Built?

Based on the case study, the capacity should be built upon the interests of government, business and community. The government needs to provide capabilities and capacities that aims to mitigate the risk of corruption across Malaysia effectively. In that sense, the government acts as the rule-setters while businesses and the community are the rule-takers.

For example, Malaysia had developed an e-government national strategy in 2016 which is led by Malaysian Administrative Modernisation and Management Planning Unit (MAMPU). This strategy aims to develop e-government services that allow the sharing of government data, resources and provide cashless government digital services to the public (MAMPU n.d.). This may reduce corruption risks as individuals can make most transactions without meeting government officials in-person (Siddiquee 2010). As a result, it ensures transparency and ICT governance within the government public sector in society.

Besides, Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) was established in 2009 as an independent body in Malaysia to create laws and deal with corruption cases involving bribery and abuse of power. Information regarding the offender’s details and their offences are broadcasted in their website to ensure transparency, justice, and fairness in society. Additionally, MACC has the capacity and capabilities to provide training academy to combat corruption in Malaysia and to other Asia-Pacific countries (Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission 2012).

Distribution justice and its Linkage of Capacity Building

According to Lamont (2017), the morality evaluation of the allocation of economic goods and services is known as distributive justice. As wealth and resources are scarce amongst many societies, the question of how these goods or services ought to be distributed generally arises. The definition of fair allocation usually considers the pattern and procedure of the goods to be distributed. Principles such as equality, equity and necessity come on top of the distribution criteria. Since these criteria are often at odds with one another, one is usually known as the primary distribution criterion (Maiese 2013). An economic structure characterised by equity, competition, or social security safety nets will emerge depending on which theory is adopted. In the context of this case study, distributive justice is linked to capacity building in the sense that it is an institutional mandate to empower societies (Centre for Social Justice 2016).

Additionally, the outcome can lead to the subjugation of marginalised communities. Government capacity building also entails providing resources to assist governments in carrying out their duties to the best of their abilities. Building a government's ability to budget, raise money, develop and enforce legislation, encourage public participation, be transparent and accountable, and combat corruption are among these goals (The Chartered Institute of Logistics and Transport Malaysia 2013). Therefore, distributive justice and capacity building go hand in hand for a society or organisation to function effectively and efficiently.

Does Corruption Took Place Due to Poor Governance and How Can This Be Addressed?

Corruption does take place because of poor governance. Corruption and good governance are linked in a two-way causal relationship and feed off one another in a vicious circle. Corruption is more likely to occur if good governance principles and structures are not in place (UNODC n.d.).

A way to address this problem is to change poor governance into a good one. As mentioned in the case study, one of the approaches to have a good governance is to focus on the aspects of good governance that are most closely linked to the monitoring of macroeconomic policies such as the transparency of accounts, public capital management effectiveness, and the stability and transparency of the economic regulatory environment for the operations of private sector, and this approach was stated by the Managing Director of IMF, Michel Camdessus (1997). Corruption poses one of the greatest challenges to good governance. As a result, foreign organizations fight corruption by enacting policies that promote good governance. These organizations promote accountability because it is the most effective way to protect a country from corruption (Transparency International n.d.). Moreover, as corruption and money laundering can negatively impact a country's stability, what countries can do is to boost accountability by enacting more transparency policies to aim for just and fair society and prevent corruption and unethical business practices (IMF 2021).

In summary, shareholder and societal value are intrinsically linked in 1MDB as the corrupt individuals misused the money for self-gain instead of developing the country and its citizens. Besides, the considerations to build capacity in the country are human capital development, information sharing, technology development and strong policy. In addition, the capacity should be built around the interest of government, business and community to mitigate the risk of corruption. Moreover, distributive justice acts as an institutional mandate that can empower societies and subjugate marginalised communities. Furthermore, corruption occurs due to poor governance and it can be overcome by changing, focusing and promoting good governance in the country.

References

Alisjahbana, A 2014, Why knowledge sharing matters for development cooperation, Devex, viewed 1 May 2021, <https://www.devex.com/news/why-knowledge-sharing-matters-for-development-cooperation-82957>.

Biggs, P & Polomska, A 2013, The Importance of National Policy Leadership, World Economic Forum, pp. 53-65.

Bubou, G & Ee, I 2009, Technology Development Capacity Building: Critical Issues of Strategic Management of Research and Development (R&D) and Innovation in Nigeria, First Science and Technology Exposition: Exposition of Local Raw Materials for Investment.

Centre for Social Justice 2016, Capacity Building, International Collaborations, viewed on 9 May 2021, <https://www.centreforsocialjustice.net/interventions/capacity-building>.

‌Chen, H 2019, 1MDB: The playboys, PMs and partygoers around a global financial scandal, BBC News, viewed 2 May 2021, <https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-46341603>.

Ho, Y, Raghu, A 2020, Malaysia’s quest to take back missing 1MDB billions, Bloomberg, viewed 4 May 2021, <https://www.bloomberg.com/news/storythreads/2020-07-27/malaysia-s-quest-to-take-back-missing-1mdb-billions>.

IMF 1998, Good Governance: The IMF’s Role, International Monetary Fund, viewed 4 May 2021, <https://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/exrp/govern/govern.pdf>.

IMF 2021, Transparency at the IMF, International Monetary Fund, viewed 4 May 2021, <https://www.imf.org/en/About/Factsheets/Sheets/2016/07/27/15/35/Transparency-at-the-IMF>.

Lamont, J 2017. Distributive Justice, 1st Edition, Routledge. <https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315257563>.

‌Lee, C 2019, Economic reforms in the aftermath of regime change in Malaysia, Yusof Ishak Institute, viewed 1 May 2021, <https://www.iseas.edu.sg/images/pdf/ISEASEWP2019-9Lee.pdf>.

Maiese, M 2013, Distributive Justice, Beyond Intractability, viewed on 9 May 2021, <https://www.beyondintractability.org/essay/distributive_justice>.

‌’Malaysia’ 2019, OECD Economic Surveys, pp. 1-59, viewed 2 May 2021, <https://www.oecd.org/economy/surveys/Malaysia-2019-OECD-economic-survey-overview.pdf>.

Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission 2012, On The Road To A Corruption Free Nation, viewed 4 May 2021, <https://www.sprm.gov.my/admin/uploads_publication/anti-corrruption-innitiatives-anti-corrruption-innitiatives-en-15122020.pdf>.

MAMPU n.d., The Malaysian Public Sector ICT Strategic Plan 2016-2020, viewed 4 May 2021, <http://www.mampu.gov.my/images/agensikerajaan/perkhidmatan/The-Malaysian-Public-Sector-ICT-Strategic-Plan-2016_2020.pdf>.

‘Our history’ 2021, Khazanah Nasional Berhad, viewed 5 May 2021, <https://www.khazanah.com.my/who-we-are/our-history/>.

Siddiquee, NA 2010, ‘Combating Corruption and Managing Integrity in Malaysia: A Critical Overview of Recent Strategies and Initiatives’, Public Organization Review, vol. 10, pp. 160.

Sokuroaba, B et al 2016, ‘Human Capacity Building and Sustainable Development in Nigeria: A Value Base Analysis’, Best International Journal, Vol. 3, No. 2, pp. 63-81.

Tan, H 2016, Malaysian ringgit mopes at 1998 lows, CNBC, viewed 4 May 2021, <https://www.cnbc.com/2016/12/18/malaysian-ringgit-mopes-at-1998-lows.html>.

The Chartered Institute of Logistics and Transport 2013, Capacity Building: Training Government Officials in Dry Port Development, viewed on 9 May 2021, <https://www.unescap.org/sites/default/d8files/knowledge-products/5.1.Capacity-building.pdf>.

Transparency International n.d., What is Corruption, Transparency International, viewed 4 May 2021, < https://www.transparency.org/en/what-is-corruption#>.

UNDP 2016, Capacity Development: A UNDP Primer, United Nations Development Programme, viewed 2 May 2021, <file:///C:/Users/USER/Downloads/CDG_PrimerReport_final_web.pdf>.

UNODC n.d., Corruption and bad governance, UNODC, viewed 4 May 2021, <https://www.unodc.org/e4j/en/anti-corruption/module-2/key-issues/corruption-and-bad-governance.html>.

Whittle, S 2014, ‘Capacity Building: What the Literature Tells Us’, The Centre for Effective Services.

#swinburne university of technology #INB30020 #1MDB #case study

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hitz-bettina6pwr9 · 4 years

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We Have Found The Penang Undersea Tunnel - Secretly Build By Nobita #DAPig #PHancing

MACC confirms Guan Eng's arrest, to be charged over Penang undersea tunnel project (updated)

PUTRAJAYA: The Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) has confirmed that former finance minister Lim Guan Eng has been arrested and will be charged at the Kuala Lumpur High Court tomorrow (Aug 7). "The Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) has received instructions from the Attorney General to charge former Penang chief minister Lim Guan Eng," MACC said in a statement late Thursday (Aug 6).

DAP and Tony Pua Cuba cheated again by posting the latest news on the arrest of Nobita Guan Eng.

Tony also said there was no element of corruption in the project because not a single penny was ever paid by the state government for the project? This is a very clear lie. The case was never closed. Even SIX investigation papers were still open at the time.

Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) - MACC Opens 6 Investigation Papers On Penang Undersea Tunnel Project

Following a recent investigation into Penang's undersea tunnel case, the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) has confirmed that the opening of six investigation papers on the matter. The first investigation paper was opened in July 2017 while five more were opened in January 2018.

In September 2019, PH politically appointed MACC boss, Latheefa Koya once slammed those who asked about the tunnel scandal. Latheefa herself said she could not reveal anything because the investigation is STILL active.

Pressed for undersea tunnel probe report, MACC says such info confidential while cases active | Malay Mail

KUALA LUMPUR, Sept 6 - The Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) and other investigative agencies may not divulge details of investigations that are active, Latheefa Koya said today. The MACC chief commissioner said such information would only be publicly disclosed in the event charges are...

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No penny ever paid?

In 2016, the Penang DAP EXCO government itself explained in the state assembly that RM208 million (now the amount paid has exceeded this amount) in the form of government-owned land already paid to the tunnel company in the previous year as part of the cost of the RM305 million .

Penang exco man breaks down costs for undersea tunnel, roads

GEORGE TOWN: The Penang government has given a breakdown of how much it had paid in kind for studies for the proposed Penang undersea tunnel and three major roads project to date. This was after critics took the state to task for giving inconsistent figures on how much it had paid to the project builders.

In fact, the "Penang City of Dreams" luxury condo project worth RM1 billion has been completed by the tunnel company on the land but no construction of the tunnel project has ever started. Want to deceive the people again, Tony Pua?

No matter what, we have found the Penang Undersea Tunnel.

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via GIPHY

Nobita Miscalculate Again... And Again. #Pakatard #D4P #PHancing #PHKakiKencing

Finance ministers of the world's greatest, Nobita made claim that Sarawak will go bankrupt within 3 years, if still ruled by the Coalition Party Sarawak (GPS).

Guan Eng The Nobita, is The Worst In The History Of Malaysia. #Pakatard #PHancing #PHKakiKencing #DAPig #Malaysia Baru

Guan Eng looks dumb because the villagers ask questions, he answers other things. Imagine how a New Finance Minister of Malaysia, speaking like a non-school boy. Typical Guan Eng. The settlers of Felda Sg Koyan complain that they have not received the payment of the proceeds, the salaries paid on the basis of oil palm sales.

Guan Eng Error in Placing Decimal, Once Again #PH #Pakatan #LIAR #Failure #FailedState #MOF #PHtipu #PHkakikencing #DAPig

Guan Eng once again deceived the people by announcing that the national debt amounted to RM1 Trillion when announcing the Budget 2019. Or did Guan Eng slip the decimal point again? Together, we revealed the number one LIAR in Malaysia, which is also known as Nobita.

Guan Eng Exposing His Own Folly, 2,337.5 Hectares of Penang Land Sold Under The Chief. #PH #Pakatan #LIAR #Failure #FailedState #MOF #PHtipu #PHkakikencing #DAPig

Dog: Welcome to #MalaysiaBaharu. Cat: What's new with Malaysia? Dog: Nothing new, bro. Same old, same old world. What is sad, we have donkeys running as government. Cat: Chill, bro. What's new? Dog: Lim Guan Eng wants to sell the country's assets, supposedly to overcome the financial deficit. Cat: Okay...

8 Big Achievements By Lim Guan Eng As #MOF #Mistakes #Errors

Welcome to #MalaysiaBaru. Minister of Finance from the most beloved PH government. Although Nobita is often mistaken, PH voters will still love him. 1. Error in language use. The national language of Malaysia is Bahasa Melayu and the second language is English.

from Blogger http://thetheoritical.blogspot.com/2020/08/we-have-found-penang-undersea-tunnel.html

#AMANAH #Conspiracy #Cronyism #DAP #Fraudster #Kleptocracy #Nepotism #Pandemic #PAS #PKR #Politics #P

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kazifatagar · 1 month

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New: Malaysia probes Singapore's Akbar Khan in Daim's Case 2024

Singaporean businessman and prominent Malaysia property developer Akbar Khan is under investigation for alleged money laundering and corruption by the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC). The 83-year-old, the main shareholder of BRDB Developments Sdn Bhd, was detained for questioning after MACC raids on his Kuala Lumpur home and business premises. Social Media Links Follow us…

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#akbar khan #BRDB Developments Sdn Bhd #singapore businessman linked to Daim

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uncutvenus · 4 years

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““ “ MACC questioned Syed Saddiq, 2 others over missing RM250,000 KUALA LUMPUR: The Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) has interviewed Syed Saddiq Syed Abdul Rahman and two others over some RM250,000 in cash missing from the former minister’s house. It is learnt that the anti-graft agency is investigating the case under Section 17 (a) related to gratification and bribery. Syed Saddiq needs to be clear about where the RM250,000 lost in his house came from and why he and his family have to hold hundreds of thousands of dollars in cash without following his party’s financial procedure. Such a large sum of money is not from petty cash, so to withdraw such cash, justification and official approval and in due process must be obtained before the money is released and not after it is withdrawn or lost. If no approval is obtained, it is a misuse of power and embezzlement where authorities such as the MACC and the police are entitled to investigate. Syed Saddiq had previously called on UMNO leaders to be kleptocrats when they were accused of abusing power by the MACC and in court, although they have not been proven guilty. Syed Saddiq also needs to be open to investigation and speak in court to clear his name like other leaders and not hide behind political rhetoric by blaming the authorities for his investigation. He should also be aware that, the greatest kleptocrat in Malaysian history, is Mahathir. // According to the Malaysian Maverick book by leading journalist Barry Wain, Mahathir has embezzled RM100 billion in four financial scandals during his 22 years as Prime Minister. Barry Wain challenged Mahathir to sue him, but until the author’s death in 2013, Mahathir did not dare to sue him or deny the facts in the book. Syed Saddiq needs to learn more from his mentor, Mahathir. In 22 years, Mahathir has lost RM100 billion, while in 22 months Syed Saddiq has “successfully” lost RM250 thousand. If he follows Mahathir’s footsteps, he’s on track to be a bandit. via GIPHY THREE REASONS WHY UMNO DOES NOT NEED MAHATHIR - Part 1 : MAHATHIR, PPBM, PKR AND DAP THREE REASONS WHY UMNO DOES NOT NEED MAHATHIR - Part 2 : MAHATHIR AND PAS THREE REASONS WHY UMNO DOES NOT NEED MAHATHIR - Part 3 : MAHATHIR AND UMNO Short article on the direction and survival of Malay politics after GE-14 and ahead of GE 15. Cronyism and Kleptocracy in the Gambling License and Toll Concession Agreement: Mahathir Did Not Inform the Cabinet #cronyism #kleptocracy #mahathir #harapanpalsu Dog: Welcome to #MalaysiaBaru. Cat: What’s new with Malaysia? Dog: Nothing new, bro. Same old, same old world. What is sad, a bunch of donkeys running the government. Cat: C'mon, bro. What’s new? Dog: Okay. It is about Cronyism and Kleptocracy in the Gambling License and Toll Concession Agreement by the 4th premier. Tun M: My Predecessor Stole Money, I Haven’t Stole A Cent Yet. #Bullshit #Cronyism #Nepotism #Kleptocrat Welcome to #MalaysiaBaru. Same old, same old Malaysia. Is a thief going to save stolen money into his personal bank account? PETALING JAYA: Former prime minister Najib Razak has furnished evidence to back his claims that the RM2.6 billion donation he received in his personal account was returned to King Abdullah four months after receiving it. from Blogger http://thetheoritical.blogspot.com/2020/06/mahathir-is-monstrous-and-biggest.html source https://hitz-bettina6pwr9.tumblr.com/post/621218347543052288” - http://beritahotdanterpanas.blogspot.com/2020/06/mahathir-is-monstrous-and-biggest_0.html from Tumblr https://uncutvenus.tumblr.com/post/621252331127832576” - http://beritahotdanterpanas.blogspot.com/2020/06/macc-questioned-syed-saddiq-2-others_18.html from Tumblr https://uncutvenus.tumblr.com/post/621263655944765440” - http://beritahotdanterpanas.blogspot.com/2020/06/macc-questioned-syed-saddiq-2-others_23.html from Tumblr https://uncutvenus.tumblr.com/post/621274983571898368

http://beritahotdanterpanas.blogspot.com/2020/06/macc-questioned-syed-saddiq-2-others_43.html

#mdnursyazwi #thetheoritical #theoretical #exciting #calmness #happiness #wisdom #unscience

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checkerboardom · 4 years

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Mahathir Is The Monstrous And Biggest Kleptocrat In Malaysian History

MACC questioned Syed Saddiq, 2 others over missing RM250,000

KUALA LUMPUR: The Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) has interviewed Syed Saddiq Syed Abdul Rahman and two others over some RM250,000 in cash missing from the former minister’s house. It is learnt that the anti-graft agency is investigating the case under Section 17 (a) related to gratification and bribery.

Syed Saddiq needs to be clear about where the RM250,000 lost in his house came from and why he and his family have to hold hundreds of thousands of dollars in cash without following his party’s financial procedure.

Such a large sum of money is not from petty cash, so to withdraw such cash, justification and official approval and in due process must be obtained before the money is released and not after it is withdrawn or lost.

If no approval is obtained, it is a misuse of power and embezzlement where authorities such as the MACC and the police are entitled to investigate.

Syed Saddiq had previously called on UMNO leaders to be kleptocrats when they were accused of abusing power by the MACC and in court, although they have not been proven guilty.

Syed Saddiq also needs to be open to investigation and speak in court to clear his name like other leaders and not hide behind political rhetoric by blaming the authorities for his investigation.

He should also be aware that, the greatest kleptocrat in Malaysian history, is Mahathir.

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According to the Malaysian Maverick book by leading journalist Barry Wain, Mahathir has embezzled RM100 billion in four financial scandals during his 22 years as Prime Minister.

Barry Wain challenged Mahathir to sue him, but until the author’s death in 2013, Mahathir did not dare to sue him or deny the facts in the book.

Syed Saddiq needs to learn more from his mentor, Mahathir.

In 22 years, Mahathir has lost RM100 billion, while in 22 months Syed Saddiq has “successfully” lost RM250 thousand.

If he follows Mahathir’s footsteps, he’s on track to be a bandit.

via GIPHY

THREE REASONS WHY UMNO DOES NOT NEED MAHATHIR - Part 1 : MAHATHIR, PPBM, PKR AND DAP

THREE REASONS WHY UMNO DOES NOT NEED MAHATHIR - Part 2 : MAHATHIR AND PAS THREE REASONS WHY UMNO DOES NOT NEED MAHATHIR - Part 3 : MAHATHIR AND UMNO Short article on the direction and survival of Malay politics after GE-14 and ahead of GE 15.

Cronyism and Kleptocracy in the Gambling License and Toll Concession Agreement: Mahathir Did Not Inform the Cabinet #cronyism #kleptocracy #mahathir #harapanpalsu

Dog: Welcome to #MalaysiaBaru. Cat: What’s new with Malaysia? Dog: Nothing new, bro. Same old, same old world. What is sad, a bunch of donkeys running the government. Cat: C'mon, bro. What’s new? Dog: Okay. It is about Cronyism and Kleptocracy in the Gambling License and Toll Concession Agreement by the 4th premier.

Tun M: My Predecessor Stole Money, I Haven’t Stole A Cent Yet. #Bullshit #Cronyism #Nepotism #Kleptocrat

Welcome to #MalaysiaBaru. Same old, same old Malaysia. Is a thief going to save stolen money into his personal bank account? PETALING JAYA: Former prime minister Najib Razak has furnished evidence to back his claims that the RM2.6 billion donation he received in his personal account was returned to King Abdullah four months after receiving it.

from Blogger http://thetheoritical.blogspot.com/2020/06/mahathir-is-monstrous-and-biggest.html source https://hitz-bettina6pwr9.tumblr.com/post/621218347543052288

#mdnursyazwi #thetheoritical #theoretical #exciting #calmness #happiness #wisdom #unscience

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byalung · 6 years

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Najib pleads not guilty to $10-M graft

KUALA LUMPUR (Reuters) – Malaysia’s former prime minister, Najib Razak, on Wednesday pleaded not guilty to abuse of power and other charges arising from an investigation into a scandal-plagued state fund, weeks after he was ousted in a stunning election defeat. (more…)

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#Malaysia #Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission #Najib Razak

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southeastasianists · 6 years

Link

There was a limit to playing identity politics during the 14th General Elections (GE14), but it’s now too simplistic to say there’s a “new politics” where race and religion no longer matter in Malaysia. Malaysia is not totally free from elements of Bumiputraism and Islamism, yet there are diversifications and transformations of discourses and practices in political Islam. And these changes will continue to shape and be shaped by political contestations in this “new Malaysia”.

Opposition party PAS and victorious Pakatan Harapan (PH) coalition party Amanah are unlikely to cooperate in the name of Islam. Although both claim to be Islamic parties, their approaches are rather different. PAS is a more Malay-oriented Islamic party with its strongholds in Kelantan and Terengganu, while Amanah is a more cosmopolitan and reformist-inclined Islamic party with a support base in the urbanised Klang Valley. Such Pas–Amanah competition might be also framed as a contestation between orthodox versus moderate Islamism, Islamism versus post-Islamism, or political Islam 1.0 versus 2.0; of course, the realities are more much more complex than these differentiations. Hence, it is a mistake to claim that Malay Muslims in the Klang Valley are less “Islamic” than those in the east coast states, just because they did not vote for PAS.

At GE14, PAS won 18 parliamentary seats while Amanah secured 11 seats. However, the “Islamic voice” in the winning PH coalition also exists in its other component parties PKR (Parti Keadilan Rakyat) and even PPBM (Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia), as there are leaders with ABIM (Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia) and IKRAM (Pertubuhan IKRAM Malaysia) background in both parties. In short, PAS is no longer the only dominant force representing political Islam in Malaysia, as it’s facing strong challenges from other political parties and also NGOs with Islamic credentials.

Many Malaysians, including Malay Muslims, voted against Najib Razak and issues such as the GST in GE14. Yet where these Malay protest votes go are configured by political orientations among Malay Muslims, depending on regions. In the southern states such as Johor, Malay nationalism is strong and PAS is not an important force. Hence the anti-Najib voters’ swinging to PH.

But in the east coast states, PAS is strong on its own. After successfully denouncing Amanah and consolidating its hardcore supporters, the party ran extensive campaigns against the GST and corruption to attract anti-Najib voters. It may be inaccurate to claim that many Malay Muslims in Kelantan and Terengganu were voting for RUU355, a parliamentary bill proposed by PAS president Hadi Awang to enhance existing Syariah laws.

In the Klang Valley, potential PAS voters are much more diverse and sophisticated than those in the east coast. Aside from the PAS hardcore, there are also supporters of Anwar Ibrahim, ABIM, Ikram, and other Islamic movements. At GE14, the PAS hardcore stayed loyal yet others, especially those from ABIM and IKRAM, ran effective campaigns for PH, lending the coalition much-needed Islamic credentials. They have successfully persuaded many former PAS voters in the Klang Valley to vote for PH.

Many observers have focused on PAS’ winning Kelantan and Terengganu states on its own, attributing its victories to religious factors and describing PAS voters as a “moral constituency”. However, such analyses often wrongly suggest Muslims who have voted for PH are less “Islamic” and less concerned about “moral issues”. Many have also taken urban Muslim supporters of PH for granted.

Take the case of Sungai Ramal (formerly Bangi), a Malay-majority urban state seat in Selangor. By exploring how PAS and PH (represented by Amanah) competed to win over pious urban Muslim voters, by offering different approaches to political Islam, its results tell us more about the transformation of political Islam in urban Malaysia.

Like Shah Alam, Bangi or to be more accurate Bandar Baru Bangi (Bangi New Town) was an urban development project under the New Economic Policy (NEP) to increase the urban Malay population. The state assembly seat of Bangi, renamed Sungai Ramal in 2018, had previously been won by PAS in 1999, 2008, and 2013. Yet it was captured by PH in 2018. The main offices of ISMA (Ikatan Muslimin Malaysia) and HTM (Hizbut Tahrir Malaysia) are located in Bangi, while many ABIM and IKRAM activists also reside in this township.

Bangi is generally seen as a “middle-class Malay Muslim” township. It’s also known as “bandar ilmu” (“knowledge town”, where UKM and KUIS are located) and “bandar fesyen” (“fashion town”, where many Muslimah boutiques and halal eateries are situated). During the GE14 campaign, some Amanah leaders also called Bangi “bandar Rahmatan lil-Alamin”—an inclusive Islamic township which is “a blessing for all”.

After the controversial redelineation exercises nationwide by the Election Commission (EC), the state constituency of Bangi not only got a new name (Sungai Ramal) but also an increase in Malay voters, from about 66% to 80%. Such demographics might have indicated a higher chance for PAS to retain the seat or perhaps enabled UMNO to wrest the seat back. However, as I have observed during the election campaign, Bangi was a battleground between PAS (represented by Nushi Mahfodz, a celebrity ustaz) and Amanah (represented by Mazwan Johar, a lawyer and ex-PAS activist), given that UMNO was not popular among many urban, educated middle-class Malay Muslims.

In order to engage with its middle class and youth members, as well as to win over support from a broader set of pious Muslims, the PAS leadership in Selangor knows its religious credentials alone are not enough. Party strategists have introduced the idea of “technocratic government” (kerajaan teknorat), running events such as “town hall” meetings featuring the party’s youth leaders from professional backgrounds. But religious issues are still central to the PAS campaign. It fielded Nushi Mahfodz, a lecturer at KUIS (Kolej Universiti Islam Selangor) and a celebrity ustaz, as an attempt to win over pious voters. PAS also had certain controls over mosques, religious schools and kindergartens across Bangi.

But there were some uncertainties and dissatisfaction among PAS supporters during GE14, and they posed challenging questions to party leaders over the campaign. According to PAS ceramah attendees I met, there were different levels of support toward the Islamist party. Some were hardcore PAS members, some were dissatisfied members considering voting for PH, while others who were unhappy with the party leadership still stayed loyal to the party. One of them used the analogy of a classroom: “the teacher might be wrong, but the textbook is always correct. We can criticise the teacher, but we can’t throw away our textbook”.

Pakatan Harapan was well aware it was not enough to campaign solely against the GST and corruption if it wanted to win over pious Muslim voters in Bangi. So it wasn’t a surprise that Amanah arranged a dialogue in Bangi during the GE14 campaign featuring Ustaz Nik Omar, the eldest son of the late Nik Aziz, the revered former PAS spiritual leader. In that dialogue, Nik Omar suggested that his father was not only fighting for the party (PAS), but also more importantly for Islam and for dakwah. For him, dakwah was an “Islamic outreach” towards the broader Muslim community and non-Muslims as well. Compared to “inward-looking” PAS, Nik Omar found PH a better platform for dakwah. In some ways, he carried the legacy of his father, emphasising the need to engage with broader societies while upholding an Islamic agenda.

But Nik Omar himself suffered a heavy defeat in Kelantan, where PAS hardcore supporters in the east coast were ideologically committed and highly loyal to the party. Yet Nik Omar played an important role in helping PH win over fence-sitter Muslim voters, especially in the Klang Valley. If Dr Mahathir Mohammad with his “Malay nationalist” outlook convinced some previously UMNO voters to switch their support to PH, Nik Omar with his “Islamic credentials” persuaded some previously PAS voters to swing their support to Harapan.

By hailing Nik Aziz as an exemplary Muslim leader in its elections campaign, Amanah emphasised social inclusiveness, working with people from all walks of life including non-Muslims. Yet, at the same time, it maintained certain conservative religious and moral viewpoints. For example, some of its leaders committed PH to not allowing cinemas and alcohol sellers in Bangi. In addition to Nik Omar, many ABIM leaders living in Bangi including its first president Razali Nawawi and fourth president Muhammad Nur Manuty also gave their support to PH candidates. A local PKR leader who ran one of the campaign offices was also from an ABIM background. The main campaign team for the Amanah candidate included youth activists from IKRAM.

As the results showed, a combined effort by Amanah, PKR, IKRAM and ABIM activists defeated the incumbent PAS candidate in this urban Malay Muslim-majority seat. The PH coalition won with 24,591 votes, with PAS securing 13,961 votes while UMNO only got 9,372 votes. As compared to the 2013 elections, there was a huge decrease in both PAS voters (dropping to 13,961 from 29,200 previously) and UMNO voters (to 9,372 from 17,362 previously). In other words, about half of previously PAS and UMNO voters swung their support over to Pakatan Harapan.

Various reasons contributing to this change of voting patterns include the possibility that a significant number of former PAS voters are also supporters of PKR, ABIM, IKRAM, and other Islamic organisations. They are pious voters who consider Islam as an important factor in their voting but they’re not loyal PAS supporters. At GE14, many of them indicated their acceptance of PH as an “Islamic alternative”. Despite that, PAS was still able to keep its 30% support base of Muslim voters in Bangi, suggesting that the Islamist party still has influence among urban Muslims in the Klang Valley. It might be premature to conclude that PAS is only a regional party with influence in the east coast and northern states.

The GE14 result reflects the enduring influence of PAS and it remains one of the key players of political Islam in Malaysia. Yet at the same time, Amanah and PKR, and to a lesser extent, PPBM, together with IKRAM and ABIM, have offered a viable “Islamic alternative” for pious Muslim voters. Over the next few years, can PAS rejuvenate or expand its support base in the Klang Valley? Can Amanah make further inroads into the east coast states?

The competition for pious Muslim voters will continue to shape and be shaped by Malaysian politics. Anwar Ibrahim recently visited his comrade Recep Tayyip Erdogan in Turkey, while Nik Omar and some Amanah leaders have also made references to Erdogan. Some liberal Muslims have questioned the suitability of Maszlee Malik as the Minister of Education because of his perceived “Islamist” background, and he replied such critics by pointing out “being religious is not a crime”.

Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad has stated his intention to revamp the federal government’s Islamic affairs bureaucracy JAKIM, leaving the room open for further competition among different Islamic groups in Malaysia. Such competition will also be configured by the engagement of Muslims from various backgrounds—from traditionalists to modernists, from secular-minded to Islamist-minded, from progressive to conservative. And there are the interactions with non-Muslim Malaysians to consider as well.

#Southeast Asia #Malaysia #Islam #Politics #Religion

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