#bilad

[irhabiya]

the emirates need to be fucking nuked. garbage fucking country

#i just saw the video of the emirati audience whistling and cheering during the minute of silence for gaza #during their match with palestine in the asian cup #the saudis in the comments saying kafu too yl3an maytinkom ento el goz #bilad 5arya rabna y7ra2ko #idk how i missed this

[travelbinge]

By Kitkat_ch

Bilad Sayt, Oman

#curators on tumblr #oman #asia #travel #green #bilad sayt #middle east #architecture #kitkat ch

[dark-visu6l]

#me #I don’t usually smoke #bilad al sham

[villagewildflowers]

We Will Not Forget.

Marc Rudin, 1992

#anti colonialism #bilad al sham

[efendimacarmisinizkapiyi]

Bugün kandilmiş herkesten university of ghent llm için dua etmesini istiyorum Allah rızası için bir dua skskdleldlsp

#ghent ne bilader dersiniz diye düzelttim skskskdkdkd

[garfiremld]

kahve icecem KAHVE KAHVEEE

#oyy annem evde ya #sictik bilader

[turkudostu61]

#Meral Akşener: #💬Ahmaklığa bakın #13 bin farkla seçilen bir belediye başkanıyla 805 bin farkla seçilenin gücü arasındaki farkı fark etmeyen ahmaklara bakın. #💬Hadi #benim dokunulmazlığım yok #ben de ahmak dedim. Bekleriz. Buyur bilader.

[barometerjatim]

Gus Sadad Ingatkan soal Keakraban Keluarga di Momen Maulid Nabi, Apa yang Dicemaskan?

Gus Sadad Ingatkan soal Keakraban Keluarga di Momen Maulid Nabi, Apa yang Dicemaskan?

MAULID NABI: Anwar Sadad, peringatan Maulid Nabi Muhammad saw di Grha KomunitAS Pasuruan. | Foto: Barometerjatim.com/IST PROBOLINGGO, Barometerjatim.com – Momen peringatan Maulid Nabi memiliki makna penting untuk mengembalikan keakraban antaranggota keluarga. Hal itu selaras dengan keteladanan Nabi Muhammad Saw. Pernyataan tersebut disampaikan Ketua DPD Partai Gerindra Jatim, Anwar Sadad saat…

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#DPRD Jatim #Anwar Sadad #Gerindra #Gerindra Jatim #Habib Jadid bin Alwi Ba&039;ali #Imadul Bilad #Majelis Taklim #Maulid Nabi

[ceketsogugu]

gramer kitabı almışsam mevzu büyüyor demektir

#bana da sürpriz oldu şak diye aldım #C olana kadar savaşıcaz bilader #emeklerimin karşılığını aldığım alanlar dil ve din başka bişey yok vallahi

[kafamizhasta]

her gece aynı muhabbet bilader bi sus aq (aynaya karşı)

[zvaigzdelasas]

[PILPG is a DC-Based NGO]

Ansar Allah is a key political and military actor in Yemen, and controls areas containing the majority [over 70%] of Yemen’s population. It has succeeded in creating a regional economy, containing violence, and remaking government institutions in its own image[...]

A major contributor to Ansar Allah’s support is its ability to control economic inflation within its territories and therefore, better protect its citizens from extreme poverty. The Republic of Yemen Government (ROYG), popularly known by Yemenis as the “Legitimacy” government, has not been able to control the economic impacts of the war. By supporting the ROYG to control inflation, policymakers may impact Yemeni acceptance of the government in areas outside Ansar Allah’s control. Young people constitute 70% of Yemen’s population, and are targeted by Houthi educational policies.[...]

Security is a key concern for Yemeni civilians. The data shows that while individuals may not prefer Ansar Allah governance, they appreciate living in its territory for the general security.[...]

The Houthis have benefited from their geographical distance from the frontlines to create a regional “economy, security network, and governance that function well,”[4] especially compared to the situation in the ROYG-controlled South.[...]

This paper analyzes 67 in-depth interviews conducted in Ansar Allah territory in November and December 2021 to assess citizens’ opinions of its governance practices.[5] Thirty additional informal interviews were conducted from December 2021 to January 2022 in Sana’a, Hodeidah, Dhamar, and Taiz.[6] A total of 12 separate focus group discussions (86 participants) were carried out informally during qat chewing sessions. [7] The large number of interviews and focus group discussions from an area in which it is difficult and dangerous to collect data, as well as isolated from the outside world, represents a rare and important set of civilian perspectives on Houthi governance for policymakers.[8][...]

Grievances including economic underdevelopment, political marginalization, and discrimination[12] led to Houthi protests, the Yemeni Government’s violent response, and the “Sa’ada wars” of 2004-2010 between the two entities. The government’s “repression and marginalization in official and popular spheres” of Houthi activists had the unintended consequence of invigorating their revivalist movement,[13] and they garnered much support by critiquing governmental corruption.[14][...]

Since 2011 the Houthis have consolidated political and military control over northern governorates, taking the former capital, Aminat al-‘Asima, or Sana’a Municipality in 2015.[16] In addition to the strength and discipline of its militias, Ansar Allah’s success is based on a combination of strategies including a cult of personality around al-Houthi family members and the late Hussein al-Houthi’s writings,[17] public narratives of resistance to Sunni domination and the injustice of the official government,[18] and its ability to maintain skillful tribal alliances.[19][...]

This paper defines governance as the ability to make and enforce rules and deliver services to the civilian population.[23] [...]

Interviewees reported that Ansar Allah’s ability to maintain physical security was a clear strength. With important exceptions,[25] the Houthis have effectively monopolized the violence in areas it controls, and 82% of interviewees described the security situation where they lived as “good.”

Interviewees pointed to the lack of violence in their areas as a sign of Ansar Allah’s success. A male social activist from Bilad al-Rus district in southern Sana’a governorate explained that the relative security was due to “Ansar Allah’s control over large areas of the country which has led to a lull in frontline clashes,” adding that this allowed it to “extend its influence and impose the presence of the state.”[26] A disabled woman from the Thawra District in northern Sana’a municipality noted that with “fewer wartime clashes, the situation is relatively calm, and the air raids on civilians and the defenseless have stopped.”[27] A male intellectual from al-Khibt District in northern Mahweet governorate shared his belief that improved security was “evidence that Ansar Allah is in great control of the situation.”[28] Some interviewees also fully approved of the Houthi security branch’s aggressive approach to maintaining security. A man from Dhamar noted that Ansar Allah’s security agents use “an iron hand in terms of crimes, assassinations and unrest.”[29] A male worker in Hajja explained that there were no “explosions or assassinations” there, unlike areas “under the control of Legitimacy” because of Ansar Allah’s tight security, adding that they had “arrested sleeper cells.”[30][...]

Sixty-two percent of the interviewees who described Ansar Allah’s security as good, especially in comparison to the perceived lawlessness of the areas held by the ROYG/Legitimacy. These interviewees wholeheartedly endorsed the effectiveness of its repressive methods.[...]

Three main themes emerged among the troubled 38%: Ansar Allah’s single-party political control, its repression of free speech, and the economic crisis.[...]

A man from Mahweet said, “there is safety for those who are silent and far from politics, so many activists have gone silent,” adding that in areas controlled by the ROYG/Legitimacy, “[t]here is no safety, but they have the freedom to express their opinions.”[37]

Only 18% of interviewees described the security situation as bad. Those who did so tended to employ a definition of individual freedom as basic to security, and cited punishment of free speech and uncontrolled state violence as main causes of insecurity.[...]

The economic crisis in Yemen predated the current conflict but has worsened significantly during seven years of war. In July 2022 the U.N. conservatively estimated that 53% of Yemenis require lifesaving food aid.[51] While Ansar Allah has had limited success compared to the ROYG in terms of currency stabilization, Saudi-affiliated militias including the Giants Brigades forced it out of the oil-rich governorates of Shabwa and Marib.[52] Without control of Yemen’s oil it is unclear how the Houthi movement can provide enough economic stability to maintain power over its large and diverse subject population.

The economy is a key tool for Ansar Allah in strengthening its position against the ROYG. After the ROYG transferred the Central Bank of Yemen from Sana’a to Aden in 2016, Ansar Allah banned the use of ROYG riyal banknotes issued after 2018, effectively creating two monetary systems.[53][...] Following the split in Yemen’s currency in 2019, Ansar Allah has maintained what some observers call a “walled garden” economy, allowing them to maintain considerable influence over everything happening within it.[54] Because of this approach, and along with significant humanitarian aid, Ansar Allah has somewhat insulated civilians from the very worst of the economic crisis.[55] However, as discussed below, interviewees remain concerned about increasing rents and decreasing wage[...]

Although most interviewees expressed concern about the economic crisis, several were less fearful. A male worker in Hajja explained that his region’s stability allowed him to “still live comfortably, despite the deterioration of the economy and living standards.”[59] A male intellectual in at-Taffah district of south-central al-Bayda governorate noted, “[t]here has been improvement in [Ansar Allah]’s attitude towards agricultural development,” although he added, “I’m pessimistic to a great degree.”[60][...]

Yemen is facing one of the worst economic and humanitarian crises in recent history. But if one were to differentiate between the different areas of Yemen, it appears that Ansar Allah controlled territories might be slightly less awful than the ROYG controlled areas that are experiencing even worse inflation.

2022

#the 'during qat chewing sessions' had me guffawing

[saidaslan1]

Şu Koca İmparatorluğu Yıkıp, 600 senelik bir cihad ve fetih hareketini ve mübarek zevâtın say ü gayretini bir gece de yok edenlere hakkımızı haram ediyoruz. Şuan ülkemizde ve önceden toprağımız olan diğer bilad-ı İslâm'da ki acıların müsebbibi olanlar, İmparatorluğumuzu yıkanlardır. Asla ama aslâ hakkımızı helal etmiyoruz. Alın 29 Ekim'inizi cehennemin dibine kadar yolunuz var!

[acid-gramma]

Nejla

Türkiye de nefret ediyorum

Annem Oğuz türkü baya aşireti falan var dedesinin dedesinin dedesini bile tanıyor ve türk olduğunu biliyoruz ailede Kürt biri ile evlenen tek kişi

Babam da Kürt

Son zamanlarda sosyal medya esat oktay yıldıran editlerine 31 çeken ırkçı ergenlerle doldu ve bu tarz tepkileri ister istemez üzerimde hissediyorum sanki ırkçılık arttı tamamen Kürt olmasam bile bu konuda çok üzülüyorum

Benim büyüdüğüm evde herkes çok apolitik ve bireyseldi non milli değer yani her ikisi içinde devlet kötüdür devlet insanları para ve çıkar için hiç korkmadan ölüme sürer kafası yani en baştan zaten içimde milliyetçi duygular tetiklenememişti sayabileceğim tüm akrabalarım da yurt dışında yaşıyor zaten baba tarafından ırkçlığın onları da yorduğunu duymuştum

Öte yandan annemin de ırk millet falan sikinde değil ki geldiği aileye rağmen babamla evlendi bu şartlar altında beynim ırklar konusundaki fanatizmi anlamıyor her türlü militarist bakış açısını acıma ile yaklaşıyor

Artık hakikaten sıkıldım içimde ırkçılara karşı çok büyük bir kin ve nefret var bir yanim onların tarafından olsa bile ne kendime Kürt diyebiliyorum ne Türk burası benim ülkem vatanım bile diyemiyorum en büyük dileğim Amerikan vatandaşlığı alıp bir ülkeyi doyasıya benimsemeyi deneyimlenmek sanırım içimi dökmek istedim ve düşüncelerini merak ettim

(Türkiye den hiçbi şey olmayacağına emin oldum son günlerde )

ya bilader sen neye takiliyorsun anlamadim etnik kokeni umursayan insanlarla takilma gorme duyma amk yanimizdan irkcilar gecio akpliler gecio duz dunyacilar geciyo herkesin fikri o kadar onemli degil.

ulkeyi sevmiyosan da git kardesim bul bi yolunu alla alla sinirlendirme adami. turkiye mis gibi ulke bu arada. insanlari sey biraz. bi de sistem. bi de hukuk yok. is ahlaki da yok. bi de can ve mal guvenligi. ama olsun onemli degil kucuk seyler bunlar.

yok vay efendim anam oguzturku babam su soyle biri var vikvik ne anlatiosun nobody cares literally. gercekligini kendin yaratirsin, neye kafa yorup dikkatini verirsen cevren onunla dolar. bunlari dusunmezsen irkcilik da olmaz. gormezsin cunku. gorursen de aa baska bi mal diyip uzaklasirsin amk. guzel kafani vay efendim turkiyeden irkciliktan nefret ediyorum diye yorarsan da algida secicilikle bunlara daha fazla maruz kalirsin

[kurtarici0]

Ulan 2 ay ortadan kayboldum geldim hala acı çekiyorsun öhhh bee bilader yeter daaaaa

[villagewildflowers]

Escaping the civil war in Lebanon & heading to Cyprus for the weekend. Photos taken by my dad

A couple of summers ago I was digging through some photo albums and found the batches of photos my dad took throughout the war. Seeing Lebanon in a completely different era, a Lebanon I could never recognise in modern day- the public beaches, the busy, culturally thriving downtown Beirut- is always fascinating to me.

As pictured:

Beirut International Airport, as it was called

Very busy atmosphere inside the airport

USSR ship docked in Cyprus

Sunset on the waters

Finally in Cyprus

#lebanon #history #bilad al sham #levant

[iyiyimbitch]

Hayırdır bilader aşık miyiz