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#edward seymour
fideidefenswhore · 1 month
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From December 1548 the fifteen-year-old Elizabeth was the head of her own large household, numbering between 120 and 140, based mostly in the red-brick house at Hatfield [...] which she acquired from Somerset and preferred to a less comfortable Hertfordshire establishment, Ashridge. She was also a woman of property. She was assured an annual income of £3000 and (after some difficulties which were as much political as technical, but which were easily overcome after Somerset's fall in October 1549) this was turned into a portfolio of scores of manors and houses concentrated in Buckinghamshire, Hertfordshire, Huntingdonshire, Northamptonshire, Lincolnshire, and Berkshire, but with scattered estates further afield. She was one of the greatest landowners in the kingdom, with a landed estate worth £3106 [and change] per annum, and when she was under investigation in her sister's reign she said that she could not remember where all her houses were.
Elizabeth I, Patrick Collinson
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isabelleneville · 9 months
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@perioddramasource: PERIOD DRAMA APPRECIATION WEEK
Day Five: Favourite Period Drama Film - Anne of a Thousand Days (1969)
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urbullshit · 4 months
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HAPPY EARLY BIRTHDAY CALVIN:)
this is for my amazing friend, happy early bday @v4nnnce
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dame-de-pique · 1 year
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Edward Seymour - A Decorative Study, 1905
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tercessketchfield · 2 years
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Tudor monarchs + family members executed
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wonder-worker · 12 days
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"Anne Stanhope was a devoted and loyal wife and mother. She was also a politician, a committed religious reformer, and a survivor of Tudor intrigue. It was her actions and her connections at court that saved the Seymour family from ruin throughout the reigns of Edward VI, Mary I, and Elizabeth I. Her activities as a patroness of religious literature distinguished her from many of her contemporaries. Anne also worked with both of her husbands – but with Edward Seymour in particular – to form influential political partnerships. Like many of her female contemporaries, she was a major force in politics and religion. The Duke and Duchess of Somerset’s struggle with Thomas Seymour in the late 1540s, however, set the groundwork for Anne’s unfortunate historical image. Almost immediately, writers and historians slandered her reputation. She became a stereotypical “bad wife” – proud, nagging, vengeful. By looking beyond this image, however, scholars may now view Anne Stanhope’s story in a more balanced light."
-Caroline Elizabeth Armbruster, '"A woman for many imperfections intolerable": Anne Stanhope, the Seymour family, and the Tudor court', (MA thesis, Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College, 2013)
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edwardseymour · 2 months
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I noticed when you wrote about John Seymour, you didn’t mention that whole having an affair with his daughter in law. What are your thoughts on that?
???
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my opinion is that i have doubts that it happened that way. i think it’s engaging, if bleak, content for a fictional portrayal, but i think it’s historical authenticity has been overstated.
what we know is that when katherine’s father died in 1527, he wrote his daughter out of his will (which edward seymour contested with the argument that his father-in-law, william filliol, was not of sound mind: “having many sundry and inconstant fantasies in his latter days”). we might assume she had entered a convent, as she was bequeathed an annuity of £40, which edward had no claim to, “as longe as shee shall lyve vertuously and abide in some honest house of Relegion of wymen. […] Yf my seid doughter do not lyve vertuously and abide in some honest house of religion of wymen to the pleasing of God, then I will that my said doughter have no parcell of the said 40”. so her father wanted her in a convent, but it’s not clear when/if she entered one, as she gave birth to her second child (edward) around 1528-29. so the most we can reliably say is that there was some kind of falling out between katherine and her father, and her father with the seymours.
there’s no evidence that they divorced, and it seems like she died in 1535, thereby freeing edward to remarry. later, a land grant stipulated that edward’s children by his second wife, anne somerset, would be the ones to inherit. katherine’s line should only inherit if anne’s line failed (which is ultimately what happened), and only by the heirs of katherine’s second son, edward (“with contingent remainders in tail male to Edward Seymour, his son by his late wife, Katharine”). katherine’s first son, john, was excluded entirely. as far as i can tell, edward didn’t fully abandon his children by katherine, but nevertheless they were stripped of their inheritance.
it’s not clear why edward may have taken issue with his first marriage or with his first son, john. adultery was only claimed after the fact, by a peter heylyn in 1674 — who in the same claim describes edward as using magic to snoop on his wife, thereby catching her in adultery while away in france. he also got the order of katherine’s sons wrong, so make of that what you will. only a seventeenth century marginal note specifies adultery with her father-in-law, john seymour: “divorced because she was known by his father after the wedding”.
john seymour did father an illegitimate son called john, around 1530. i suppose this has led to some confusion between edward seymour’s illegitimate half-brother, and his son by katherine filliol. there’s no evidence connecting this john to katherine, nor that the two johns are one and the same.
edward and katherine were married in 1514. edward would have been 14. katherine’s age is unknown; she has been estimated to have been born around 1507 — making her around seven at the time of her marriage. but this would have been exceptionally young for the time, so i estimate she was probably older, and closer to edward in age. the two would have been young enough to prompt the arrangement for them to live with john. he would have provided for them, responsible for their “meat, drink, learning and lodging, as apparel convenient for their degree”. additionally, edward was part of princess mary’s (henry’s sister) household, and would be enfant d’honneur at her marriage to louis xii of france in october 1514. there was a stipulation in their marriage contract that the marriage could be dissolved after three years, possibly to account for the time before the couple could consummate the marriage owing to katherine’s age. when their son, john, was born in 1518, edward would have been attending university. katherine would have been only about eleven if the 1507 date holds, but i think it’s possible she was older, and if we assume her to be around the same age as her husband, then she would have been in her late teens. margaret scard muses that john could have been fathered by katherine’s father-in-law — “a possibility since Katherine lived in the same house as her father-in-law and Edward had been away at university” — but it is purely speculative.
what can be said is that clearly nothing was made of this at the time; considering jane’s subsequent rise, no scandal seems to have been brought up regarding her family. likewise, edward’s career never seems to have been impacted by any connection to a scandal pertaining to his first wife. the seymours were not impacted by any controversy or shame. i think it’s possibly been given too much credence by alison weir, who claimed that “the scandal had shocked even Henry VIII’s courtiers”, but in actuality there’s nothing to suggest the court cared about edward’s first marriage, or about the quasi-incestuous affair — if it even took place. it has been used as an explanation for why jane did not marry william dormer, but there is nothing to suggest that john/katherine were a cited issue for the dormers. jane dormer and henry clifford tell us issue was taken with francis bryan’s involvement, and that jane's social rank was not sufficient for william dormer. no other issues with the seymours can be attributed to damaged reputation, certainly not on account of john having a sexual relationship with his daughter-in-law. nor is there any evidence of any discord between john and edward, regardless of elizabeth norton claiming their relationship “would have been irreparably damaged”. the fact that such little was made of it makes me doubt in its veracity, to be honest.
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quietparanoiac · 2 years
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The England you wanted to rule, I wanted to live in it.
Becoming Elizabeth (2022–), 1x08 | 1x02
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captmuldoon · 2 years
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Becoming Elizabeth + Textposts (the grand finale)
Bonus:
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sherwoodknights · 4 months
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BE nation how are we feeling
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Mary Tudor and Edward Seymour reunion 2023????
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medievalconfessions · 8 months
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marianrevisionist · 2 years
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Mary was not in London to offer comfort to her brother while his uncle’s regime collapsed, but she knew more than most people about what was happening and the manoeuvrings behind it. She told Van der Delft that she had been approached to give her support to Somerset’s overthrow, but had declined to get involved. While things remained uncertain, this was wise, and it may also have increased her stock with the council, who continued to view her as someone who must not be ignored. They wrote to Mary and Elizabeth on 9 October (though the letter was primarily intended for Mary, as the heiress to the throne): ‘Because the trouble between us and the Duke of Somerset may have been diversely reported to you, we should explain how the matter is now come to some extremity. We have long perceived his pride and ambition and have failed to stay him within reasonable limits.’ They had been alarmed by the duke’s accusation that they wished to destroy the king and his behaviour at Hampton Court, where he had ‘said many untruths, especially that we should have him removed from office and your Grace made regent, with rule of the king’s person, adding that it would be dangerous to have you, the next in succession, in that place. This was a great treason and none of us has by word or writing opened such matter. He concluded most irreverently and abominably, by pointing to the king and saying that if we attempted anything against him, he [the king] should die before him.’ No wonder Edward had been petrified. The council went on to explain that they had ‘quietly taken the Tower for the king and furnished ourselves with the help of the City of London, which was loyal to the king before the Tower was ours’. They reported that the duke had removed Edward to Windsor and hoped that God would help them ‘deliver [the king] from his cruel and greedy hands. If it should come to extremity’, they added,‘which we will work to avoid - we trust you will stand by us.’
The council’s communication to Mary referred directly to a question about the coup, and the confused months of wrangling that followed it, that has never been fully resolved. Was Mary, at any point, offered the regency? Nowadays, such a robust denial would be taken by a cynical media as proof positive that an approach had been made. Merely by acknowledging the possibility that she could undertake such a role, the council were giving it credence. It seems likely, then, that feelers were put out and that some, at least, of the new privy council considered her a viable candidate. The imperialists would certainly have backed her and, for a time, Van der Delft and others believed that the removal of Somerset was a victory for conservative forces and presaged a return to the old faith. The princess could come out of her semi-exile and use her influence to reimpose the religious settlement of Henry VIII. They were, however, deceived. For two months, the direction that the new government would take hung in the air, as a struggle for power on the council ensued. When it was over, Warwick emerged as the leader of England’s government. He soon made it plain that he had no intention of abandoning religious change; in fact, he would press forward, with Cranmer’s support. All mention of Mary as a regent disappeared.
In truth, she had missed her opportunity. Yet it was a decision taken deliberately. The assertion that Mary would have been an ideal choice because she would not have interfered with the normal process of government is hard to justify. She was known for being a hard-headed woman of strong views, and it seems inconceivable that she would have been content to act as a royal figurehead. Arundel was still in touch with her at the beginning of November, but she could not be persuaded. Though she had been a political outcast for most of her adult life, Mary was no shrinking violet. She would have done much to return her brother to the religion in which she herself had been raised.The reason she failed to grasp the nettle was dislike and distrust of one man above all: John Dudley. ‘The earl of Warwick’, she told Van der Delft in January 1550, ‘is the most unstable man in England. The conspiracy against the Protector has envy and ambition as its only motives.’ — Linda Porter, Mary Tudor: The First Queen
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My boy Edward doing his job
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urbullshit · 5 months
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egwah
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queencatherineparr · 2 years
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CATHERINE PARR in Becoming Elizabeth
↳ Episode Three - Either Learn or Be Silent
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tercessketchfield · 2 years
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Most notable SEYMOUR siblings
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