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homosherb · 10 months
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my life was forever altered last year
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sleepysnailart · 2 years
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“I want to keep faith but you’re making it harder /
I’m reaching out now but you’re pulling me under /
I give you my heart just to watch you waste it /
But I can’t let go when you still need saving.”
Aw yeah Gencho angsty times, babey!
It’s official y’all. They own my entire soul 😳👀🥰 Part Two!
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occhietti · 9 months
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La musica era il mio rifugio.
Ho potuto strisciare nello spazio tra le note
e dare la schiena alla solitudine.
- Maya Angelou
Violin Photograph by Gencho Petkov
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katsushika-division · 7 months
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“I spoke fire, laughed smoke, and madness spilled forth from my inspiration.”
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Timeline
Age 0:
Is born to Shuichi Himura and Rikka Sonoi  
Rikka abandons her with Shinichi 
Is raised primarily by her older half-brother, Rintaro
Age 4:
Shuichi in a drunken stupor sets the house on fire in the middle of the night
Shuichi quickly burns to death  
Rintaro awakens to the house on fire and tries to escape with Akari but is not able to 
Rintaro and Akari are barely saved from burning to death with Rintaro taking the brunt of the flames
Due to the amount of damage, he suffered Rintaro goes into a coma
Akari is put in the foster care system separating her from Rintaro
Age 5:
Her extreme intelligence is noticed with many wanting to foster her because of it 
Is abused by multiple foster families for constantly rebelling and not filling their picture-perfect idea of a daughter 
Age 7:
Becomes tired of being used for her intelligence 
Erases every bit of data on her intelligence 
Begins to hide her genius 
Age 8: 
Is put in the care of Kagami Saionji, a religious extremist 
Kagami severely abuses Akari under the assumption that she is possessed by the devil
One day she drags Akari into the bathroom and attempts to drown her in the bathtub 
Akari manages to survive 
Begins to plan Kagami’s demise 
Sets the house on fire with Kagami trapped inside. 
Age 10:
Is placed in an orphanage run by Gencho Hosen in Ikebukuro
Meets the Yamada Brothers 
Meets Matsuri Hinata and befriends her, their relationship soon becoming one of like sisters 
Akari for once in her life feels happy 
Age 12: 
Akari and Matsuri are kidnapped by human traffickers
Matsuri is violently murdered and dismembered in front of her
Akari snaps and escapes from her restraints
With what she is able to scrounge around, builds a bomb and sets it off
It completely consumes the traffickers’ base burning and killing everyone inside, from the traffickers to the other victims.
Learns that Gencho sold her and Matsuri out 
Murders Gencho as revenge, leaving his corpse hanging in the middle of a street in Ikebukuro 
Akari begins to hate humanity and swears to █ █ █ █ █ █ █ █
Age 13: 
Learns that the infamous “High-Rise Bomber” is her older brother Rintaro
Instead of feeling dread, Akari is inspired by his actions 
Begins to head out as the criminal “Cinder” quickly becoming infamous for her cruelty and love of fire
Makes plans to break Rintaro out of prison 
Meets Sumire Shinomiya and the other members of Scorpion Den, befriending  them 
Age 14:
Meets and befriends Ryōhei Nakashima
Meets Nagisa Sano and both leave a terrible first impression on each other
This leads to the two of them becoming enemies and eventually frenemies later on
Age 15:
Present.
Is ready to break Rintaro out of prison, however, learns of the deal he made with Chuohku
Scraps her plan 
Reunites with Rintaro
Meets Akihisa Mashiro and Touya Kisaragi 
Moves in with them 
Begins working on █ █ █ █ █ █ █ █
Secretly joins the Katsushika Division rap battle team, Death Row Block, alongside Akihisa Mashiro, Touya Kisaragi, and Rintaro Himura
Schedule
12:00 a.m. - 4:00 a.m.: Out as Cinder 
4:00 a.m. - 7:00 a.m.: Asleep
7:00 a.m. - 7:30 a.m.: Awakens and gets ready for the day
7:30 a.m. - 8:00 a.m.: Eats breakfast with everyone 
8:00 a.m. - 8:30 a.m.: Is dropped off at school by Rintaro 
8:30 a.m. - 9:00 a.m.: Hangs out with Ryōhei before class
9:00 a.m. - 12:00 p.m.: Class
12:00 p.m. - 1:00 p.m.: Lunch 
1:00 p.m. - 3:00 p.m.: Class
3:00 p.m. - 3:30 p.m.: Is picked up by Rintaro
3:30 p.m. - 4:00 p.m.: Returns home
4:00 p.m. - 6:00 p.m.: Works on █ █ █ █ █ █ █ █
6:00 p.m.  - 7:00 p.m.: Dinner with everyone 
7:00 p.m. - 9:00 p.m.: Spends time with everyone 
9:00 p.m - 10:00 p.m: Gets ready 
11:00 p.m. - 12:00 a.m.: Out as Cinder
Character Hashtags
Regular Hashtags
#Leave Me Alone
#Hidden Devil 
#Anti Social
Trauma Hashtags
#I Want My Big Brother!
#I’ll Show You Evil
#I’m Sorry For Not Saving You
Other Info
Hobby: Metalworking 
Weakness: Misanthrope
Trauma: “Humanity never gave a damn about me.”
Twitter: @HellGirl666
Drinks: No
Smokes: No
Special Skill: “I can make anything out of scrap parts.”
Intro Quote: “What do you want? I’m not in the mood to talk.”
Trauma Quote: “Humanity thought I was a monster and tried their damn hardest to beat me down. I’ll show them why that was a bad idea.” 
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Gencho Denchev (Bulgarian, 1932-2018)
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chanoyu-to-wa · 1 year
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Nampō Roku, Book 7 (38c):  Three Kaki-ire from Shibayama Fugen’s  Tokushu Shahon [特殊写本]¹, Part 1.
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〽 Kaki-ire [書入]:
    [Whether to place the fukuro-dana] 8-sun or 1-shaku 2-sun [from the corner of the ro] depends on the size of the kama².  As for 4-me and 1-shaku 2-sun, and also 7-me and 8-sun, knowing which [to use] reveals [the host's] understanding³.
    As for the way to place the fukuro-dana in the 4.5-mat room, [within] the roughly 3-shaku 1-sun 5-bu square that is half of the tatami, it should be placed in the exact center [of this half-mat]⁴.  However, for the sake of freedom -- because this will depend on the size of the kama -- 4-me and 8-sun, or 7-me and 2-, 6-sun [this is a mistake:  it should be 7-me and 1-shaku 2-sun] are also acceptable ways to orient [the fukuro-dana]⁵.
    Up until the time when Jōō fixed the orientation of the fukuro-dana, the [original] kane from the [ji-ita of the] daisu were said to be superimposed onto the tatami; but this did not always seem appropriate -- depending on how [the tana] was going to be placed⁶.  Also, up until this time, the size of the ro, too, had not yet been decided upon⁷.  Later, after discussing this matter with Sōeki, the dimensions of the ro were fixed⁸.  
    As for the way that the fukuro-dana is arranged [on the utensil mat], [as well as] the chū-ō no takushi [中央ノ卓子], Seirō-dana [城樓棚], Hora-dana [洞棚], and the others:  we must learn it by heart that all of these [tana] should always be centered [on the half-mat] -- so that, even after the passage of many years, this [way of doing things] will always remain the same⁹.
    [Ri]kyū arranged a mizusashi in his 4.5-mat room without a tana when he was going to serve tea; and Jōō also felt that this was an acceptable way of doing things¹⁰.  In this case [the half mat] between the ro [and the far end of the utensil mat] should be divided  by five kane, both lengthwise and widthwise, and [everything] should be arranged very carefully in accordance with these kane¹¹.  However, after discussing this question with Rikyū, Jōō established the rule that, as a matter of course, before the temae has begun, neither the chaire nor the chawan should be arranged [on the mat] in front of the fukuro-dana¹².
_________________________
◎ About this tokushu shahon [特殊写本], Shibayama Fugen wrote:
kono bun ōki ni sankō ni ben nari. tsutanashi onajiku Nambō Roku no ha hon ni shite kaku made buntei wo koto ni suru ha nani-goto zo, osoraku ha Jitsuzan no te ni kakigae-shi naran. shikaraba tokushu shahon wa Nambō Sōkei no gencho ni chikai naru-beshi
[此ノ文大ニ参考ニ便ナリ。伹シ同ジク南坊録ノ写本ニシテ斯クマデ文躰ヲ異ニスルハ何事ゾ、恐ラクハ実山ノ手ニ書キ替ヘシナラン。然ラバ特殊写本ハ南坊宗啓ノ原著ニ近キナルベシ].
    “This text is a very important reference.  Though it is a crudely made copy of the Nampō Roku, what could be the reason for such a different style of writing?  Clearly [this text] was not reworked by Jitsuzan -- but, if that is the case, this tokushu shahon might just be closer to the original work composed by Nambō Sōkei.”
    Without being able to peruse the entire document, it is difficult to say when, much less by what sort of person, it may have been created (though, from what little Shibayama has shown us, it does seem to postdate the Shū-un-an documents by many decades, if not centuries; and the language of the kaki-ire -- which are uniformly subdivided into sentences according to the conventions of modern Japanese punctuation -- suggests that it was more likely a product of the nineteenth century, rather than of Sōkei’s time).  Nevertheless, the text of these three kaki-ire, even if it is to a certain extent repetitive, will surely be helpful to anyone who has an interest in penetrating the deeper meaning of this entry, and the machi-shū approach to chanoyu that it reveals*.
    The first kaki-ire discusses the way to arrange the fukuro-dana (and other movable tana) on the utensil mat; the second deals with the special case of the display of an hitotsu-mono [一ツ物]; and the last discusses the way the teachings of kane-wari apply not only to the tana, but to the toko, and to the room as well†.
    Given the length of the kaki-ire, and the battery of footnotes that are necessary to explain them, it became obvious that I would have to divide this material into two posts.  The first of the kaki-ire is considered here; and the other two will be discussed in the next post. ___________ *The author’s purpose seems to be summarizing the material presented in the Nampō Roku, interpreting it through the then-accepted teachings regarding the arrangement of the fukuro-dana (and other varieties of tana).  His analysis seems to be informed by the fact that, in the 4.5-mat room, Rikyū placed the mizusashi in the exact center of the mat when there was no tana., which is then accepted to mean that the mizusashi should always rest on the center-most of the five horizontal kane (the kane that are perpendicular to the heri).
†In Book Six there is this poem by Rikyū:
toko ha toko, zaseki ha zaseki, tana ha tana       ni chō ichi han ni han ichi chō
[床ハ床、座席ハ座席、棚ハ棚       二調一半二半一調].
    “The toko is the toko, the room is the room, the tana is the tana:  two [are] even, one [is] odd; two [are] odd, one [is] even.”
    This means that kane-wari is applied to these three places, which are independent from each other.  The “yin” or “yang” character of the za is related to the total of these three values.
¹Tokushu shahon [特殊写本] means a special manuscript copy (i.e., not a published work, but a hand-copied, privately annotated “version,” to which access was probably limited to the person who made the copy) of the Nampō Roku.  Thus, from what little we are able to see, the creator of this manuscript appears to have given precedence to a practical interpretation of the text (focused on the way the teachings it contains could be put into practice in his own chanoyu), rather than reproducing the exact wording of the original.  This suggests that the person responsible was not one of the Enkaku-ji scholars, but more likely an ordinary chajin from Kyōto, Ōsaka, or even Edo, who managed to borrow one of the manuscript that were circulating within the tea community, and made a quick copy for his own personal reference.
    Copies of other seminal texts that were being passed around during the Edo period are likewise replete with numerous kaki-ire that were often modified later -- sometimes by pasting a small piece of paper over an erroneous comment, in order to write something that was closer to the popular consensus.
²Hassun to isshaku ni-sun ha, kama no dai-shō ni yoru-koto nari [八寸ト一尺二寸ハ、釜ノ大小ニヨルコトナリ].
    Hassun to isshaku ni-sun [八寸と一尺二寸] refer to the two usual distances between the ro and the front of the fukuro-dana -- the original conventions that were established by Jōō himself.
    It is said that the reason for the 8-sun  was so that the distance between the kama (in the ro) and the mizusashi (arranged in its compartment on the ji-ita of the fukuro-dana) would be essentially the same as between these two utensils when they were arranged on the daisu.  This also explains why the shaku-tate and futaoki were originally placed on the ro-dan (as shown in the sketch under footnote 7, below).
³Yon-me ni te isshaku ni-sun ni mo, nana-me ni te hassun ni mo, sore ha kokoro shidai nari [四目ニテ一尺二寸ニモ、七目ニテ八寸ニモ、ソレハ心次第ナリ].
    Yon-me...isshaku ni-sun [四目...一尺二寸] is referring to the arrangement on the kyōma-datami where a fukuro-dana* was centered between the heri, and placed 1-shaku 2-sun from the ro.
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    Nana-me...hassun [七目...八寸] is referring to the case, on an inakama-datami, where the fukuro-dana is placed to that it touches the heri on the side of the mat toward the ro, while being 8-sun away from it†.
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    These are two of the possible ways to orient the fukuro-dana on the utensil mat (in keeping with the system espoused here‡).  The other two are discussed below, in footnote 5.
     It would appear that, by the time this was written, two sizes of fukuro-dana were already in use:  a larger version for use in the kyōma**, and Jōō’s original, which was now apparently relegated exclusively to the inakama yojō-han††.
    Kokoro shidai [心次第] literally means it is up to (one) to decide; the decision to act (in a certain way) is based on (one’s) understanding‡‡. ___________ *This requires a fukuro-dana of the modern dimensions -- where the ji-ita measures 2-shaku 5-sun 5-bu by 1-shaku 3-sun.
†This arrangement is based on a fukuro-dana of the sort used by Jōō and Rikyū, which measures 2-shaku 4-sun by 1-shaku 3-sun.
‡Where, in the inakama setting, the fukuro-dana is placed so it touches the heri on the side of the mat that adjoins the ro (rather than resting that side on top of the heri as Jōō had done).
    Jōō had placed the tana on top of the heri so that the mizusashi would be in the same place as it would have been had it been arranged on the daisu.  Placing the tana so that it simply touches the heri has no apparent meaning at all, but simply indicates a historical misunderstanding of what “ippai” [一杯] (“fully” -- literally, a drinking cup filled to the brim) was intended to mean in Jōō’s and Rikyū’s instructions.  Given that this way of understanding the orientation first appeared in Imai Sōkyū’s explanation of the way to position the fukuro-dana in the inakama, it sees that he was probably the one responsible for the confusion.
**Some sources ascribe this version to Rikyū (as was common during the Edo period when the size of virtually anything was shown to not match the original example).
††Which sort of room was already almost unknown -- outside of Edo (where the lack of space brought about the creation of even smaller tatami than those used in the countryside surrounding Kyōto and Ōsaka).
‡‡Kokoro [心] here should be understood to mean (one’s) mind, with shidai [次第] meaning “in accordance with,” or “depending on” (one’s mind).
⁴Yojō-han fukuro-dana no oki-kata, oyoso san-shaku issun go-bu shi-hō, tatami han-bun no mannaka ni oki nari [四畳半袋棚ノ置方、凡ソ三尺一寸五分四方、畳半分ノ真中ニ置ナリ].
    Oyoso [凡そ] means approximately, roughly, around:  even the size of the kyōma-datami* was becoming more flexible during the Edo period, as suggested by this comment.
    Tatami han-bun no mannaka ni oki [畳半分の真中に置き] means that the (larger version of the) fukuro-dana was supposed to be placed in the very center of its half of the utensil mat, as shown below.
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    When centered on the half-mat, there will be 9-sun 2.5-bu in front and on the far side of the tana, and 2-sun (which is approximately 4-me†) on both sides between the tana and the heri.
    Centering the fundamental objects placed out on the utensil mat (whether a tana-mono, or simply the mizusashi‡) is a Sen family teaching. __________ *As has been mentioned many times before, the kyōma-datami measured 6-shaku 3-sun by 3-shaku 1-sun 5-bu, at least since the original daisu was imported from Korea in the early fifteenth century -- since the width of the tatami was fixed to accommodate the ji-ita of that daisu (which measures 2-shaku 9-sun 5-bu by 1-shaku 4-sun).
†As has been explained elsewhere in this blog, the distance between the me on the omote [表] (the woven rice-straw panel that faces the tatami) differs from region to region (and often from maker to maker as well), with there usually being between 60 and 61 me between the heri on a kyōma-datami.  Thus, the range is generally somewhere between 4.8-bu (1.45 cm) and 4.9-bu (1.48 cm) -- so 2-sun would actually be a little more than 4-me.
    That said, it should be kept in mind that both Jōō and Rikyū said that everything displayed on the mat (including things like tana-mono) should always be aligned to match a me on the side toward the guests.  Thus, this is another example where the Sen family’s teachings directly contradict those of their supposed progenitor and guardian kami.
‡Given the concern over things being too far from the host’s seat, this practice has always seemed curious, since centering the mizusashi on the half-mat means it will be so far from the ro that dripping water is almost unavoidable.
⁵Shikaredomo jiyū no tame, kana no dai-shō ni ōjite yon-me hassun, nana-me ni- roku-sun to oki-koto ari [然共自由ノ為、釜ノ大小ニ応ジテ四目八寸、七目二六寸ト置コトアリ].
    Shikaredomo jiyū no tame [然れども自由のため] means something like “however, for the sake of freedom....”
    Kama no dai-sho ni ojite [釜の大小に応じて] means “as a consequence of the size of the kama....”
    Nana-me ni- roku-sun [七目二六寸] appears to be an orthographic mistake*.  Presumably it should have been nana-me isshaku ni-sun [七目一尺二寸].
    This sentence is simply reversing the measurements that were suggested above in footnote 3, since (in accordance with the text of the Enkaku-ji manuscript) placing the fukuro-dana 8-sun from the corner of the ro was the usual arrangement, in both the inakama and in the kyōma; while moving it backwards so it was 1-shaku 2-sun from the ro was done when the utensils that the host was planning to use during the gathering made that increase in the space available in front of the tana necessary.  These variations are shown below.
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    This version of the text is a curious mixture of the early teachings, combined with subsequent variations introduced by Imai Sōkyū (placing the ji-ita adjacent to the heri, rather than resting upon it as Jōō had done), and later, by the Sen family (the insistence on centering the tana on the utensil mat). __________ *As Shibayama commented, this manuscript of the Nampō Roku was “crudely written.”
    The word that he used, tsutanashi [伹し] (which would usually be written tsutanai [拙い] today), means inept, awkward, ill-chosen, incompetent, bungling, error-ridden.  This suggests that the manuscript contained many instances where words were blotted out and changed, as well as other sorts of mistakes (such as here).  The tokushu shahon was clearly copied from some other source, though without much care being taken (suggesting a document copied hurriedly by someone, for personal reference only -- books of this sort can still be found in the old book shops in Kyōto from time to time, though their accuracy always has to be questioned until verified by cross-referencing with the Enkaku-ji manuscript).
⁶Jōō kono fukuro-dana ni te okarare-shi jibun made ha, tatami ni daisu no kane wo utsusu to iu-koto mo anagachi naku-shite mi-ai no yoki-yō ni okarare-shi-koto nari [紹鷗此ノ袋棚ニテ被置シ時分迄ハ、畳ニ臺子ノカネヲウツスト云フコトモアナガチナクシテ見合ノヨキ様ニ被置シコトナリ].
    Okarare-shi jibun made [置かられし時分まで] means “up until the time when the placement (of the fukuro-dana) was decided....”
    Tatami ni daisu no kane wo utsusu [畳に臺子のカネを映す] means “the kane of the daisu were reflected (or superimposed) onto the tatami.”
    In other words, this is arguing that the kane-wari of the ji-ita of the daisu was simply applied to the mat in front of the daisu.  This, however, is not entirely correct, at least in so far as gokushin theory is concerned.  The ji-ita of the large daisu measures 2-shaku 9-sun 5-bu across, meaning it exactly fit between the heri (it touched the heri of the kyōma-datami on both sides).  But the temae-za , which was an extension of the shiki-shi [敷き紙], reached roughly to the middle of the heri on both sides.  So, at least according to Rikyū, there was, from an early date, an understanding that the kane of the daisu were not simply projected onto the mat*.
    Anagachi naku-shite mi-ai no yoki-yō ni [強ちなくして見合のよきように] means “not necessarily appear to be good;” “not necessarily appear to be balanced.”
    This might be referring to the earlier arrangement, where Jōō lifted the ji-ita of the fukuro-dana up onto the heri, in order to keep the mizusashi aligned with its original kane (which were projected from the ji-ita of the daisu); or it may be referring to the version of this arrangement that was being championed by Imai Sōkyū, which had the ji-ita placed so that it abutted the heri on the side closest to the ro (in which case the mizusashi would have lost its association with its original kane that had been defined by the daisu)†. __________ *This appears to have been a consequence of the shiki-shi [敷き紙] -- or, more specifically, a consequence of the folds of the shiki-shi (each of the eight panels of the shiki-shi measures 5-sun by 6-sun, with each of the folds being 3-bu wide:  thus, the shiki-shi measures 2-shaku 9-bu by 1-shaku 2-sun 3-bu).
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    It is unclear where the shiki-shi came from (though it apparently was used with the daisu before the daisu was brought to Japan, from Korea, around the start of the fifteenth century), but measurements of things like the meibutsu naka maru-bon [中丸盆] (which is exactly 1-shaku 2-sun 3-bu in diameter -- which is an extremely odd measurement, if one tries to argue that it was selected by Nōami independent of any knowledge of the shiki-shi) were apparently decided based on this mysterious object.  Indeed, the folds of the shiki-shi appear to have been the actual (and, frankly, rather obvious) origin of the five yang-kane.  (In which case, it might be better to say that the kane of the daisu were projected onto it from the shiki-shi., though with the space consumed by the folds of the shiki-shi removed)
    Later, it is true that Rikyū moved away from this way of thinking about the temae-za:  once the widths of the folds are removed, the temae-za did, indeed, shrink to the space between the heri (so, at this point, it might be possible to argue that the kane of the daisu were now being superimposed onto the mat in front of it).  As the Sen family only had an inkling of Rikyū's teachings from the 5 years after Rikyū was ordered to take Shōan’s mother as his second wife (to manage his Kyōto household -- and act as Hideyoshi’s resident spy), their knowledge was naturally limited to hearsay based on the things that he was saying during that time.
†In other words, the author of the kaki-ire might be saying either that (in the first instance) the fukuro-dana was not aligned with the kane; or (in the case of the second possibility), the mizusashi was misaligned.
⁷Ro mo kono toki made ha, kō-kyō sadamarazu [炉モ此ノ時迄ハ、廣狭定ラズ].
    Ro mo kono toki made ha, kō-kyō sadamarazu [炉もこの時までは、広狭定まらず] means “up until this time, the size of the ro had also not been fixed (or defined)*.” __________ *Evidence from the kaiki of the period suggests that originally the ro measured 1-shaku 8-sun square.  However, this is not to say it looked like the “dai-ro” [大炉] that is used by certain schools today.  While the ro-buchi did indeed measure 1-shaku 8-sun, the mouth of the ro-dan (into which the kama was lowered) measured 1-shaku square.  The original arrangement is shown below (Jōō’s 4.5-mat room had the guests seated on the host’s left).
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    The reason for this was that, when Jōō first began to use the ro, he moved into this setting directly from the chanoyu of the daisu.  Originally, the hishaku was never rested on the futaoki (or on the mouth of the kama).  Every time it was used, it was immediately returned to the shaku-tate.  Thus, when Jōō began to use the ro, he quite naturally retained this convention -- so, both the shaku-tate and the futaoki were placed on the ro-dan, allowing the host to return the hishaku to the shaku-tate, and place the lid on the futaoki which retained its former proximity to the kama.
    When the decision was made to place these things on the mat (the ro-dan is made of mud-plaster, so it could possibly cause damage to anything made of bronze that was placed on it), the surplus was eliminated, reducing the ro to the size of the ji-ita of the daisu.
⁸Ato ni Sōeki ni dangō no ue, ro no sun-pō mo kiwamerare-shi nari [後ニ宗易ニ談合ノ上、炉ノ寸法モ被極シナリ].
    Sōeki ni dangō no ue, ro no sun-pō mo kiwamerare-shi [宗易に談合の上、炉の寸法も極められし] means “(Jōō), after consulting with Sōeki, determined the dimensions of the ro*.” ___________ *There is nothing in the historical records to suggest that this defining the dimensions of the ro was delayed until 1554 (after Rikyū had returned from the continent).  On the contrary, Jōō seems to have come up with this by himself, probably as a way to give the guests more room (at the beginning of his middle period, the meal was still rather elaborate, so such a very large ro would take up too much space, making it difficult for the host to serve the guests properly).
    This sentence is derived from Kanamori Sōwa’s history of chanoyu in Japan, wherein the transmuting of Rikyū from a man into a tea-god began.
⁹Fukuro-dana oki-kata, chū-ō no takushi, Seirō-dana, Hora-dana nado mo subete shi-hō mannaka to oboeru ni chigawazu, hitachi ha naki-koto nari [後ニ宗易ニ談合ノ上、炉ノ寸法モ被極シナリ、袋棚置方、中央ノ卓子、城樓棚、洞棚抔モ凡テ四方真中ト覚ルニ不違、ヒタチハナキコトナリ].
   Chū-ō no takushi, Seirō-dana, Hora-dana nado [中央の卓子、城樓棚、洞棚など]:  these are the oki-dana [置き棚] (stands that can be moved, as opposed to those that are built-in) that are mentioned in Book Three*.
   Subete shi-hō mannaka to oboeru ni chigawazu [総て四方真ん中と覚えるに違わず] means that "we should commit to memory the fact that all of these things should be centered (on the half mat), without any deviation (from this rule).”
   Though this agrees with the Sen family’s teachings at this time, it differs from what we have been told before (where the orientation of these various tana was supposed to be determined by the part of the fukuro-dana from which they were derived).  In other words, since they represented the half of the fukuro-dana where the mizusashi was located, and the shelf (the naka-dana [中棚]) above, they were originally placed off center, so that the mizusashi would occupy the same place as when it was arranged on the fukuro-dana.
   The meaning of hitachi ha naki-koto nari [ひたちはなきことなり] is very obscure†.  Perhaps it is something like hitachi ha naki-koto nari [経過はなきことなり] -- using a rare, albeit historical, reading for the compound that is usually pronounced keika [経過] -- and so giving the meaning “changing this (orientation) as the years go by is imprudent.” ___________ *These three tana are shown below (as represented in Edo period block-printed texts):  Shino Shōha’s Chū-ō-joku [中央卓] on the left, Tennōji-ya Sōkyū’s Seirō-dana [城樓棚] in the middle, and Imai Sōkyū’s Hora-dana [洞棚] on the right.
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◦ Chū-ō-joku [中央卓]:  cf. the post entitled Nampō Roku, Book 3 (11):  the Chū-ō-joku [中央卓].
https://chanoyu-to-wa.tumblr.com/post/185938650731/namp%C5%8D-roku-book-3-11-the-ch%C5%AB-%C5%8D-joku-%E4%B8%AD%E5%A4%AE%E5%8D%93
    The chū-ō-joku usually had only two legs (though occasionally a third leg was added to the far side).  This tana was originally made as a rest for a nobleman’s lacquered cap of estate, some varieties of which had rather heavy dependent tails or wings in back (necessitating the third leg).  The chū-ō-joku was originally “adapted” by Shino Shōha, who arranged incense utensils on it during the shoza (of his incense gatherings), replacing them with tea utensils during the naka-dachi, so that tea could be served to everyone in the goza (before the participants took their leave).
◦ Seirō-dana [城樓棚]:  cf., Nampō Roku, Book 3 (4,5):   Concerning the Seirō-dana [城樓棚]; and the Modification of the Naka-dana [中棚] of the Fukuro-dana and the Seirō-dana by Practitioners of Incense.
https://chanoyu-to-wa.tumblr.com/post/185616469930/namp%C5%8D-roku-book-3-4-5-concerning-the
    The Seirō-dana was derived from the fukuro-dana by Tennōji-ya Sōkyū, who basically eliminated the katte-side of that tana (the kō-dana and ji-fukuro not really being used much in chanoyu).  Originally this tana was oriented on the utensil mat so that the mizusashi would occupy the same place (on the mat) as it had done when arranged on the fukuro-dana.
◦ Hora-dana [洞棚]:  cf., Nampō Roku, Book 3 (8):   Concerning the Hora-dana [洞棚].
https://chanoyu-to-wa.tumblr.com/post/185777964865/namp%C5%8D-roku-book-3-8-concerning-the-hora-dana
    The Hora-dana was created by Imai Sōkyū, based on the kyū-dai daisu [及第臺子] -- with the bamboo peg (which can be seen in the drawing) nailed into one side taking the place of a shaku-tate.  Since the Hora-dana basically captures the seat of the mizusashi from the daisu, it was also oriented so as to maintain the mizusashi in its original place.
†It might also just be another case of a miswritten word appearing in the text.  But regardless, the meaning of the sentence would have to be something like what I have translated, given the context.
¹⁰Kyū yojō-han ni tana nashi ni mizusashi okite, cha wo taterare-shi ni, Jōō mo mottomo to dō-shin ari-shi nari [休四畳半ニ棚ナシニ水指置テ、茶ヲ立ラレシニ、紹鷗モ尤ト同心アリシナリ].
    Kyū yojō-han ni tana nashi ni mizusashi okite, cha wo taterare-shi [休四畳半に棚なしに水指置きて、茶を立られし] means “Rikyū, in a 4.5-mat room where there was no tana, placed the mizusashi (on the utensil mat), and in this way served tea.”
    It seems that the first time he did this was when receiving Jōō in his 4.5-mat room shortly after the two had been introduced:  on that occasion, the young Rikyū performed the first hakobi-temae [運び手前] -- since he had lost all of his good tea utensils (they had been purchased by Jōō), he apparently felt it was not appropriate to display anything but the kakemono and the chabana, and the kama in the ro.  After Jōō entered and took his seat, Rikyū brought out everything needed for the service of tea from the katte, served tea, and then took everything away at the end.  The “go-chisō”  [ご馳走] (special feature or focal point of the gathering), rather than being one of the utensils, were Rikyū's physical actions performed in the service of his guest.
    Jōō mo mottomo to dō-shin ari-shi nari [紹鷗も尤もと同心ありしなり] means that Jōō also agreed with what Rikyū had done.
    According to his densho, Rikyū explained that, when the mizusashi is placed out by itself on the utensil mat -- that is, without a tana -- it should be centered on the half-mat.  It appears that this was the precedent for the Sen family’s insistence that everything that was placed on the utensil mat should be centered.
¹¹Shikaraba ro yori ue, han-jō tate-yoko tomo ni itsutsu kane ni kokoro-ete shikaru-beki to te kane wo kuwashiki ateraruru [然ラバ炉ヨリ上、半畳タテヨコ共ニ五ツカネニ心得テ可然トテカネヲ委敷アテラルヽ].
    Shikaraba [然らば] means if so; in that case.
    Ro yori ue [炉より上] is referring to the direction toward the far end of the utensil mat.  In other words, the half of the utensil mat that extends in that direction.
    Han-jō tate-yoko tomo ni itsutsu kane ni kokoro-ete shikaru-beki [半畳縦横共に五つカネに心得て然るべき]:  tate [縦] means lengthwise, yoko [横] means widthwise; tomo ni [共に] means both (that is, 5 kane are distributed across the half-mat both lengthwise and widthwise).
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    In other words, the half mat is divided by five kane that are distributed not only across its width (as we have usually been doing), but also by 5-kane lengthwise (with the 5-bu yū-yo [有餘] at the far end excluded from this division*), as shown above.
    Kane wo kuwashii aterareru [カネを委しい当られる]:  kuwashii [委しい] means carefully, paying minute attention to detail; aterareru [当られる] means to be applied to something, to be put on, to be pressed against†.
    In other words, the kane have to be visualized carefully, with the utensils then distributed across the mat with exactitude, so that they correspond to the kane. __________ *Which -- since no mention of this point has been made -- may or may not have been known by the author of this kaki-ire.
†This probably refers to the kane being pressed onto the surfice of the mat,  but it could also refer to the utensils being associated with those kane.
¹²Kore Jōō, Rikyū sōdan ni te no teiken no aru-koto mochiron naredomo, temae-naki i-zen, chaire・chawan ni te mo, fukuro-dana mae ni oki-awase-suru to iu-koto ha nakare-shi-koto nari [是レ紹鷗、利休相談ニテノ���見ノアルコト勿論ナレドモ、手前ナキ以前、茶入・茶碗ニテモ、袋棚ノ前ニ置合スルト云フコトハナカリシコトナリ].
    Kore Jōō, Rikyū sōdan ni te [これ紹鷗、利休相談にて] means “Jōō, in consultation with Rikyū....”  Possibly giving Rikyū a more authoritative role than would have actually been the case during Jōō's lifetime*.
    Teiken no aru-koto mochiron naredomo [定見のあること勿論なれども]:  teiken [定見] means a fixed or definite opinion; mochiron [勿論] means self-evident, as a matter of course; and naredomo [なれども] means but, however (in other words, the rule thus established applies to what follows).
   Temae-naki i-zen, chaire・chawan ni te mo, fukuro-dana mae ni oki-awase-suru to iu-koto ha nakare-shi-koto nari [手前なき以前、茶入・茶碗にても、袋棚の前に置合すると云うことは無かりしことなり]:  temae-naki i-zen [手前なき以前] means before the temae has begun†; chaire・chawan...fukuro-dana mae ni oki-awase-suru [茶入・茶碗...袋棚の前に置合する] means to arrange the chaire and/or chawan (on the mat) in front of the fukuro-dana; nakari-shi koto [無かりしこと] means something (koto [こと]) that should not exist (nakari-suru [[無かりする]).
   In other words, this is saying that Jōō and Rikyū decided, after discussing this, that before the temae actually begins, arranging the chaire and/or chawan on the mat in front of the fukuro-dana is something that is better not done‡. __________ *Rikyū had learned kane-wari from Kitamuki Dōchin.  And, indeed, this seems to have been his main attractiveness to Jōō (the element that determined to have more than a strictly professional relationship with the young man).
    Dōchin seems to have been disinclined to answer Jōō’s questions about kane-wari, though Jōō had apparently persisted in his inquiries for a long time.  And, after Rikyū’s family lost their money, Rikyū was forced to sell his tea utensils.  So, as a final act of kindness (Rikyū’s lessons stopped as soon as he was no longer able to pay for them, of course), Dōchin introduced Rikyū to Jōō (ostensibly because, as the leading dealer in antiques, Jōō would be prepared to give Rikyū a good price for the things).  But the unspoken part of the deal was that, since Rikyū had already studied with Dōchin for a number of years, he possessed enough knowledge to assuage Jōō’s curiosity.  Nothing that we know indicates that Jōō had a true desire to understand kane-wari deeply (otherwise he would have become Dōchin’s student).  He only wanted to know enough so that his own arrangements would not look wrong to people who had received the orthodox teachings (which is why Jōō, though called the greatest master of the age, does not seem to have ever given lessons, but preferred to keep himself in the background with his collection of meibutsu utensils -- the possession of which implied, to his contemporaries, that he was equally well informed about their correct usage:  Jōō allowed his utensils to be used by people who had been taught about such things, and then took note of what was done, adding that to his store of information; but until Rikyū provided him with a basic introduction to kane-wari, an understanding of the reason behind what was being done had eluded him).
    After Jōō had learned what he needed, he showed his thanks to Rikyū by financing a utensil-collecting mission to Korea (which Rikyū extended to a sojourn of around 10 years):  as the financier, Jōō would have received a percentage of the profits when the utensils were later sold in Japan; but this trip allowed Rikyū to reestablish his family’s fortunes (indeed, if we ignore this -- as do the Japanese biographies of Rikyū -- no explanation can be found for how he became one of the three great masters of Sakai, given the utter impecunity of his situation when we last saw him in his youth...a situation that quite suddenly seems to have dissipated in 1554, when Rikyū once again begins to host chanoyu gatherings).  And upon his return, Rikyū informed Jōō of the ideas and practices to which he had been exposed on the continent, so that their chanoyu began to evolve in a massive way in the year or so between his return and Jōō’s death (at the end of 1555).
†More literally, in the time before the temae has come into being....
‡The whole purpose of the tana is to give the host somewhere to place the utensils -- and, in this, it takes the daisu as its example.  If one wishes to display something on the mat, then why does one need the tana?
    If we consider things in this way, it becomes clear that the whole hitotsu-mono [一ツ物] episode (that figures so importantly in the Enkaku-ji manuscript’s version of this entry) is something added by the machi-shū because, if Rikyū had wanted to protect his Shiri-bukura from the danger of being lowered from the kō-dana to the mat, then there would have been no reason for him to use the fukuro-dana in the first place (since making the other utensils easily available to the utensil mat could have been accomplished simply by placing them in the dōko -- which was always a feature of Rikyū’s tearooms).
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jozefsquare · 2 years
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Movie poster designed for Gencho Genchev’s crime story by Czechoslovak Unknown Artist, 1970.
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thesupergirls · 2 years
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Are you going to hit me or kiss me?
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incorrectcdadquotes · 3 years
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echo: *exists*
gen: you better shut up before I look at you one day, feel warm, and realise I've fallen in love with you.
echo:
gen: I'm serious, quit it! Fuck-
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skyepatridge · 3 years
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Okay, just hear me out. Gen with her hair pulled back.
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imexhaughtsted · 3 years
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when kiena in breaking legacies said "touch her like that again and you'll never get the chance" and when genevieve in charon docks at daylight said "if you lay one finger on her, I'll kill you".... yeah.....
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homosherb · 1 year
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CDAD fandom, my promise to you is to write as much Gencho fanfiction as i possibly can once i finally make an Ao3 account
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sleepysnailart · 2 years
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bibinella · 4 years
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I really liked this little moment so I wanted to draw it 😖
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trislovescats · 4 years
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I am here to fancast Naomi Scott as Genevieve Moretti
DON'T TELL ME SHE'S NOT PERFECT
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Gencho Denchev (Bulgarian, 1932-2018)
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