#matrosskaya tishina

[mariacallous]

In February 2023, Irina, an inmate at the IK-28 women’s penal colony in Russia’s Samara region, began speaking out publicly about her inability to get the HIV treatment she needs in prison. Hers is not an isolated case — HIV-positive inmates throughout the country have been going without lifesaving medication for years. Meduza spoke with human rights activists about how this situation came to be, and with prisoners who are being denied access to the treatment they need to survive.

At least seven regions

On February 22, the independent outlet Holod published the story of Irina, an inmate with HIV who’s being held in the IK-28 penal colony in Russia’s Samara region. Communicating through her son, she told journalists that the HIV-positive prisoners there hadn’t received the antiretroviral therapy drugs Kaletra (lopinavir/ritonavir), Simanod (atazanavir), Ritonavir, or Kemeruvir (darunavir) for several weeks. According to Irina, 10% of the prison’s detainees are now confirmed to be HIV-positive.

Irina said that when she and other women with HIV wrote to the prison superintendent, their complaint wasn’t registered. Yevgeny, Irina’s son, said that a report was filed against her, and that the administration wanted to send her to a “ShIZO,” or “punishment cell,” but in the end, they only gave her a verbal reprimand. On March 6, Yevgeny told Meduza that his mother had been hospitalized with severe liver pain. According to him, she still hasn’t received the HIV treatment she needs.

Since the beginning of 2023, there have been at least seven reports of Russian prisons lacking antiretroviral medications that patients need, according to data collected by the patient advocacy group Patient Control for its project Pereboi.ru. Activists have reported complaints from patients in the Leningrad, Volgograd, Nizhny Novgorod, Novosibirsk, Rostov, Samara, and Sverdlovsk regions.

According to Georgy Ivanov, a lawyer for the Committee Against Torture, it’s almost impossible to describe in detail the scale of what’s happening: “Neither I nor organizations that specialize in helping prisoners have complete statistics on these kinds of appeals. The last time a lack of medication was discussed [in the media], as far as I remember, was in 2019. Back then, the problem arose because there weren’t contracts for supplying the drugs.” 

In a comment to the Russian newspaper Izvestia, Patient Control representatives expressed fears that there could be more prisons where HIV-positive inmates lack stable access to medications than there are registered complaints. According to activist Yulia Vereshchagina, prisoners likely keep silent because they are afraid of prison administrators.

No appointments, wrong medications

Before becoming a human rights activist, Committee Against Torture lawyer Pyotr Khromov served time in Moscow’s Krasnaya Presnya pre-trial detention center. As part of his assigned work as a hospital attendant, he compiled lists of people with HIV. Pyotr described prisoners’ initial medical examinations to Meduza: “When they admit people to the pre-trial detention center, they administer blood tests for syphilis and HIV. About half of HIV-positive detainees learn about their status for first time through this test. Obviously, they weren’t under observation at the AIDS center before this and weren’t given any HIV therapy.” After that, according to Khromov, the center takes another blood sample to check these detainees’ immune status and determine how well their immune systems are coping with the virus.

Pyotr Khromov said that Moscow detention centers only nominally have in-house infectious disease doctors — in reality, the inmates diagnosed with HIV can only receive an appointment for drug therapy at the Matrosskaya Tishina detention center hospital.

If a person is diagnosed with HIV and can’t provide a document showing that they previously received antiretroviral (ARV) therapy, he won’t receive it for several months — not until he goes to the only hospital in all of Moscow’s detention facilities, in Matrosskaya Tishina, where he’ll be seen by an infectious disease doctor. [This happens] even if his immune status is low: I’ve personally seen an index of 20 cells/mm3 in a person waiting to see a doctor.

Due to these limitations, even when drugs are available, interruptions in ARV therapy can occur when an HIV-positive person is held at the detention center if there’s no infectious disease doctor on site to prescribe treatment.

Patients who are already registered with regional AIDS centers receive medications immediately upon arrival to detention centers or penal colonies, but the drug treatment they get in prison isn’t always the same as what their doctors prescribed. Sergey, who was serving his sentence in the IK-9 penal colony in the Kaliningrad region, experienced this issue firsthand. He found out about his diagnosis 20 years ago and had been taking the same set of drugs to treat his HIV infection since 2015. But when he was in prison, he told Meduza, he wasn’t allowed to continue his usual regimen:

I came to the medical unit to get the medication, and they told me that my medication wasn’t available. That I could take a different one, if I wanted. They hadn’t done any tests. No one checked if a different regimen would work for me or not. From January to March 2022, they gave me six different regimens. They didn’t really explain why there weren’t any [of my usual] drugs. They said that the Federal Penitentiary Service had no supplies, and that was it.

When Sergey was released and came to the regional AIDS center for a checkup, the medical staff there explained to him that the drugs he’d been given in prison shouldn’t be taken together. The prison’s administration didn’t provide information to the AIDS center about what exactly Sergey had taken for the full duration of his imprisonment.

Theoretically, if a prison doesn’t have the necessary medication for a patient’s treatment regimen, the patient’s relatives can provide it to the colony. Irina’s son told Meduza that he has to search for drugs for his mother on his own: “It’s very difficult to find ARV drugs in pharmacies in the Samara region, but I managed. They’re very expensive — it costs at least 10 thousand rubles ($132.70 dollars) a month. Not everyone has that kind of money. Or relatives who can buy and pass on the medication.”

In order to receive drug treatment, an inmate must report their HIV status to prison administrators. This requires obtaining a statement from the medical unit. Human rights activist Maria told Meduza that prison medical staff rarely sign such permits: “[Let’s say] a person is being treated with a three-drug regimen, and one of them is not available in the penal colony. If the Federal Penitentiary Service signs off on prescribing this drug to the inmate, the colony would get itself in trouble. After all, it’s the colony’s fault that the prisoner is forced to buy a drug that he’s legally entitled to receive for free.”

Drug procurement chaos

One of the reasons prisons aren’t always able to receive the medication they need has to do with Russia’s state procurement process, according to the Committee Against Torture’s Pyotr Khromov: “No matter what kind of antiretroviral therapy a person uses on the outside, in penal colonies or detention centers he’ll receive only one type of medical therapy — the one purchased by the Federal Penitentiary Service’s regional medical department. Mainly Kaletra, as it’s the most widespread and the cheapest. But unlike people on the outside, who can be given a different drug if they experience side effects, prisoners aren’t given a choice.”

Russia’s system for procuring medications for inmates with HIV has been inconsistent in recent years. On March 1, 2019, the Health Ministry transferred all purchasing authority for medications for HIV and for hepatitis B and C to the Federal Penitentiary Service. The Health Ministry only retained the right to purchase antiviral drugs and diagnostic tools for federal government agencies subordinated to the ministry, the Federal Medical-Biological Agency, and Russia’s consumer welfare agency Rospotrebnadzor, as well as for medical institutions in Russia’s federal subjects.

At the same time, the Finance Ministry was instructed to reallocate the budget set aside for ARV drug procurement for the Federal Penitentiary Service. A 2019 report from Russia’s consumer welfare agency indicated that during the course of the year, about 90% of HIV-infected patients in prisons were receiving antiretroviral therapy. However, according to the NGO Treatment Preparedness Coalition, only half as many inmates actually received treatment. Starting in 2021, responsibility for purchasing ARV drugs for prisoners was transferred back to the Health Ministry.

This change of agencies responsible for procurement caused problems with purchasing ARV drugs and delivering them to prisoners with HIV, human rights activist Andrey told Meduza. A coordinator for the human rights group Russia Behind Bars (whose name we’ve omitted for security reasons) concurred: even if state procurements are made in full and prisoners have access to the drugs, not everyone can receive ARV therapy, as there are no unified regulations for issuing these drugs.

Some people with HIV who are serving sentences in Russian prisons aren’t Russian citizens. They receive medical therapy in the penal colonies because such treatment falls under the Federal Penitentiary Service’s authority. Upon release, these people end up in temporary detention centers for foreign nationals — the Internal Affairs Ministry’s jurisdiction. There, they don’t receive any treatment, as this doesn’t fall under the agency’s authority. 

Incorrect and life-threatening ‘treatment’

In 2013, Yulia was sent to the IK-4 penal colony in Kaliningrad Oblast. She knew that she was HIV-positive before her imprisonment and had been taking the medications Kivexa (abacavir/lamivudine) and Isentress (raltegravir). Yulia told Meduza that from the start of her incarceration in a pre-trial detention center, she was unable to get the medications she needs:

On my first day [in prison], the so-called “feeding window” (Editor’s note: the window where medications are dispensed) opened, and they threw some pills at me. I said it didn’t look like my medication. They just told me: “Take what you’re given.”

According to Yulia, infectious disease doctors often put down a “less severe” stage of HIV in their notes when examining new inmates. This, she said, is a way for prisons to “maintain a stable number of relatively healthy people and not give inmates grounds to register their disabilities.”

In 2016, Yulia noticed that she was being given expired medications. Then, instead of daily therapy, she started receiving packages of pills for several days. The medical unit told Yulia that this was “normal,” and that the medications they were giving her can be taken up to six months after the expiration date. After that incident, according to Yulia, she started receiving pills either without packaging or without date labels. “I asked the medical unit why they cut off the expiration date if they were sure that the medication was okay. I was told that it was none of my business,” she said.

Yulia said that during her imprisonment, her medication was regularly changed without any tests; prison employees would simply show her a new entry in her medical records and explain that “now the medication will be different.” Once, when Yulia was prescribed the medication Kaletra, she had to write a refusal, as she’d previously been hospitalized with liver complications after taking it. During her imprisonment, Yulia took eight different drug combinations — a harmful practice that can cause an infection to progress.

In 2019, Yulia got pregnant. While undergoing exams and standard blood tests at the colony, she learned that her viral load was extremely high:

I went to the head of the medical unit and said that if they didn’t give a shit about me, at least take care of my child’s health: “Take me to an outside hospital.” The doctor nodded his head and disappeared — he just left and went on vacation for a few weeks.

Yulia was finally able to register at a maternity clinic during her 21st week of pregnancy. “When they brought me to the regular hospital, the gynecologist was shocked, of course, at the number and types of drugs I was taking as a pregnant woman. I had a prison guard with me — the doctor asked him what drugs were available now so that a permanent therapy regimen could be prescribed. He chuckled and said [the prison] had everything,” she recalled.

That evening, Yulia went to the prison’s medical unit to get the pills and saw the same medications she had been taking before. When asked why the promised medication was still unavailable to her, she was told that the administration “hadn’t ordered it yet.” She didn’t receive her new medications until a month after the appointment.

As soon as Yulia found out she was pregnant, she decided she would give birth without medications. According to her, the infectious disease doctor authorized her to do so, noting that her viral load had decreased. For unknown reasons, however, the doctor didn’t indicate the authorization in Yulia’s medical records, and she ultimately had a cesarean section against her will. The baby had high antibodies, she told Meduza, which suggested she was at risk for developing the disease herself. “My child was checked by doctors until she was three years old — she was only recently cleared. All this time, there was still a risk that my daughter would also be infected with HIV,” Yulia said.

Due to her frequent drug changes, Yulia developed drug resistance — there’s no longer any medication that tests show works on her body and reduces her viral load. As a result, her HIV infection has progressed to stage four, which is close to the terminal stage.

Human rights activist Maria said that because of the frequent changes in medical therapy, prisoners with HIV suffer from kidney failure, diarrhea, dizziness, weakness, anemia, and nausea. Yulia’s case, she told Meduza, is one of the worst possible outcomes of the government’s negligence.

[kragnir]

[deborahdeshoftim5779]

LEST WE FORGET.

This is Sergei Magnitsky, the Russian tax lawyer from Firestone Duncan who exposed mass tax fraud by members of Russia’s Interior Ministry. When he reported his findings, Magnitsky himself was arrested and incarcerated in Russia’s abusive Matrosskaya Tishina prison. 

Over the next several months, Magnitsky would face numerous rounds of torture as prison guards demanded that he retract his testimony and instead blame his client for the theft.

Courageously, Magnitsky refused to lie, maintaining to the last that members of Russia’s Interior Ministry and Tax Crimes Investigation team had masterminded the tax fraud against his client, Hermitage Capital.  

Magnitsky suffered agonising pains in prison and was continually denied medical care. Nor was he ever allowed to see his family again. 

In November 2009, prison guards locked Magnitsky in a cell and beat him to death for over an hour. To this day, not a single murderer has faced punishment in Russia. Disgustingly, the government officials involved in the theft have since been promoted, and the tax officials who authorised a fraudulent tax refund were absolved using the excuse that the fraudsters had “tricked” them. 

Magnitsky’s client, American-British financier Bill Browder made justice for Magnitsky his life’s work. He lobbied the American government under former President Obama to pass the Magnitsky Act. This law would sanction those responsible for murdering Sergei Magnitsky thorugh visa denials and asset freezes. 

Since then, Browder has expanded the scope of this Act to include human rights abusers from several other nations. Currently, Browder has spoken out against China’s ongoing genocide of the Uyghur population in Xinjiang. 

Browder has faced numerous obstacles to his path for justice. Banned from reentering Russia in 2005 under the guise of “national security”, Browder has good reason to believe that he, too, may be killed should he run into members of Russia’s “security” service and takes various steps to secure himself. Yet he continues to speak out against Putin’s corruption and abuse. 

Russian lawyer and political dissident Alexei Navalny, who has released numerous damaging investigations into Kremlin corruption, has recommended applying the Magnitsky Act against key enablers of Putin’s corruption. For Navalny, until the West sanctions those with the money, Putin will continue his corruption. 

While convalescing in Germany after being poisoned with Novichok, Navalny proposed a list of 35 people to face Magnitsky Sanctions. Allies like Leonid Volkov publicised this list in the hopes that Western nations, convinced that the FSB targeted Navalny with a chemical agent, would retaliate against the Kremlin. 

Has the West done so? Despite copious evidence, including that from Western intelligence sources, the international community has thus far failed to act on Navalny’s recommendations. 

Instead, some politicians prefer to have summits with Putin, others prefer to condemn the Russian President on Twitter, and some even blame the West, casting Putin as a victim who needs “understanding”. 

No amount of condemnation on social media, nor deep concerns, nor summits will save the lives of Russians fighting against corruption and persecution. The Magnitsky Act overshadows all other measures, because it attacks the one thing Putin cares about most: money. 

Without this money, Putin cannot afford to protect himself from the consequences of his criminal behaviour, nor can he protect the henchmen who help him steal from the national coffers and abuse ordinary citizens. Furthermore, anyone who does steal from Russian taxpayers cannot travel freely abroad to enjoy the proceeds of their crime. 

The difference between Western politicians and people like Sergei Magnitsky is striking. Powerful politicians have, time and time again, spoken of “reset”, “engagement”, and “discussion” with a known thief and murderer. Meanwhile, Magnitsky, despite unimaginable torture orchestrated by the Russian government, utterly refused to betray the law and his ethics by lying on behalf of criminals. For this, he paid the ultimate price. 

It is time for Western politicians to stop caring about Putin’s reactions and feelings, and start caring about the millions of Russians suffering under his illegitimate 21 year rule. Apply Magnitsky Sanctions now to all the names Navalny suggested. Support Russians on the streets today. Defend Navalny now, not if the worst happens. Don’t let Sergei Magnitsky’s powerful sacrifice be in vain. 

FURTHER READING

BROWDER, Bill: Red Notice (A full account of how Putin and his henchmen persecuted, tortured, and murdered Sergei Magnitsky; how Browder fought for justice on Magnitsky’s behalf)

BROWDER, Bill: Sergei Magnitsky (More information about Magnitsky from Browder’s website)

RUSSIAN UNTOUCHABLES: A series of short documentaries on the tax fraud Magnitsky uncovered, with shocking details about the lawyer’s detainment, incarceration, torture, and eventually murder. 

#sergei magnitsky #magnitsky #magnitsky act #magnitsky sanctions #russia #law #tax law #tax fraud #matrosskaya tishina #prison system #prison abuse #human rights #human rights law #alexei navalny #free navalny #navalny #russia protests #free russia #putin OUT #Протесты #протесты за Навального #путина под суд #Путина в отставку #россия будет свободной #свобода Россия

[russianreader]

Prisoners of the Article 212 Case

Prisoners of the Article 212 Case

Our Common Cause The criminal investigation of the “riot” on July 27, 2019, in Moscow is absurd. The frame-up has been concocted by Russian law enforcement authorities in plain view. All of the people charged in the case are innocent.

We demand that the authorities drop the case.

What Is the Article 212 Case? On July 27, 2019, thousands of people took to the streets of Moscow to protest the…

View On WordPress

#27 July 2019 Moscow protest rally #Alexander Krylenkova #Alexei Minyaylo #Armen Aramyan #Article 212 Case #Aydar Gubaydulin #Daniil Konon #Danila Beglets #DOXA (Russian student magazine) #frame-up #FSIN-Pismo #Ivan Podkopayev #Kirill Zhukov #legal nihilism #Maria Chernykh #Matrosskaya Tishina Prison #Moscow City Duma #Moscow Helsinki Group #Nikita Ponarin #OVD-Info #Prisoners of the Article 212 Case (pressure group) #remand prison #rigged elections #riot #rioting #Roman Kiselyov #RosUznik #Russian fair elections movement #Russian Federal Criminal Code Article 212 #Russian Federal Criminal Code Article 30

[auroraluciferi]

Putin’s Palace, History of the World’s Largest Bribe - Alexei Navalny

In August 2020, on the order of Vladimir Putin, Navalny was poisoned with “Novichok” chemical warfare agent

He survived, came back to Russia and was arrested right at the airport.              

On August 18, 2021, the court unlawfully arrested Alexey navalny and sent him to “Matrosskaya Tishina” prison

For many years, navalny has been fighting for our rights. Now it’s our time to fight for him.

January 23, 14:00. Central streets of your cities. Take to the streets. Don’t stand aside.

Hi, it’s Navalny.

We came up with this investigation when I was in intensive care, but we immediately agreed that we would release it when I returned home, to Russia, to Moscow, because we do not want the main character of this film to think that we are afraid of him and that I will tell about his worst secret while abroad.

One of these viewers is the most devoted admirer of our work, on whose orders I was poisoned, is Vladimir Putin.

He is definitely watching this now, and his heart is filling with nostalgia.                

This is not only an investigation, but also, in a sense, a psychological portrait. I really want to understand how an ordinary Soviet officer turned into a madman who is obsessed with money and luxury and literally ready to destroy the country and kill for the sake of his chests of gold. That’s why this is a very symbolic place to start our film.                                                     

I am in Dresden, and this inconspicuous panel building is where first corruption schemes were drawn by those who would later arrange the biggest robbery in the history of Russia.

They will simply steal all the national wealth.                                                  

Their leader, 33-year-old Volodya Putin, the future richest man in the world, lived here.

In those days, everything was simple and the level of his atrocities roughly corresponded to the level of this building. Vladimir Vladimirovich was occupied with how, using his official position, to get hold of a good imported radio tape recorder.

But in principle, neither his methods nor his circle of proxies have changed.        

It’s just that before, they were interested in radio tape recorders, and now - in huge state enterprises. They sat at ceremonial events and read speeches.

It’s just that in those days, they praised grandfather Lenin and swore allegiance to the ideals of communism, but now they cross themselves in churches and teach us spirituality and conservatism.

Today we will see what is considered impossible to see up close.

We will go where no one is allowed. We will pay Putin a visit and see with our own eyes that this man, in his craving for luxury and wealth, has gone completely mad.

We will find out how and with whose money this luxury is financed.                      

And how, over the past 15 years, the biggest bribe in history is being given and the most expensive palace in the world is being built.

A palace for Putin.

video

#alexei navalny #vladimir putin #2021 #russia #corruption #murder #assassination #Владимир Владимирович #Алексей Навальный #24 января #gazprom #rosneft #russian #journalism #bribery #insane #it's insane #wealth #greed #the scale of it

[grexitdrachmaendebt]

Αλεξάντερ Βικτόροβιτς Σολόκιν ή «Σάσα ο Μακεδών»: Το φριχτό τέλος, το 1998, του πιο στυγνού εκτελεστή που γνώρισε ποτέ η Ελλάδα

«Σάσα ο Μακεδών»: Το φριχτό τέλος του πιο στυγνού εκτελεστή που γνώρισε ποτέ η Ελλάδα

Ο πιο διαβόητος εκτελεστής...

Το όνομα που αναγράφει το διαβατήριο του νεκρού άντρα που είχε βρεθεί στραγγαλισμένος στην Βαρυμπόμπη είναι «Ανδρέας Κολαντόπουλος».

Μια άλλη ταυτότητα τον αναφέρει ως «Βλαδίμηρο Κεσόφ».

Και στα δύο έγγραφα εμφανίζεται ως ομογενής ελληνικής καταγωγής, ενώ πίσω στην Ρωσσία είναι γνωστός με τα παρατσούκλια «Αλέξανδρος ο Μέγας» και «Σάσα ο Μακεδών».

Στην πραγματικότητα όμως ο νεκρός που έχει μπροστά του το κοινό κλιμάκιο Ελλήνων και Ρώσσων αστυνομικός δεν έχει καμία σχέση με την Ελλάδα.

Πέραν βέβαια του γεγονότος ότι για περίπου δύο χρόνια ο Αλεξάντερ Βικτόροβιτς Σολόνικ την είχε μετατρέψει σε προσωπικό καταφύγιο αλλά και ορμητήριο για την μετέπειτα εγκληματική δράση του.

Ο Σολόνικ είχε φτάσει στην Ελλάδα από το 1995, χρησιμοποιώντας ψευδή στοιχεία, δήλωνε ως μόνιμη κατοικία μια διεύθυνση που όπως αποδείχτηκε αργότερα εκεί βρισκόταν μόνο ένα γιαπί, και την ίδια ώρα ο ίδιος και η συμμορία του ζούσαν σε πολυτελείς βίλες στο Λαγονήσι.

Πώς τα… έβγαζε πέρα;

Μα –φυσικά- κάνοντας αυτό που γνώριζε πολύ να κάνει και τον είχε φέρει σε περίοπτη θέση στη λίστα με τους top-10 καταζητούμενους της Interpol στην Ρωσσία.

Εκτελώντας συμβόλαια θανάτου.

Δυναμικός, έξυπνος και ιδιαίτερος χαρακτήρας, ο Σολόνικ είχε γεννηθεί στο Κουργκάν, μια πόλη 350.000 κατοίκων στα Ουράλια Όρη.

Πριν περάσει στην παρανομία, δοκίμασε να σταθεί στην… σωστή πλευρά του νόμου, καθώς αμέσως μετά την στρατιωτική του θητεία εισάγεται στην Αστυνομική Ακαδημία της Μόσχας.

Οι φήμες και οι μαρτυρίες συναδέλφων του σχετικά με τις τεχνικές που χρησιμοποιούσε κατά την διάρκεια συλλήψεων και ανακρίσεων ή ο τρόπος που συμπεριφερόταν σε κρατούμενους, θα τον οδηγήσουν σε απόταξη.

Στο πρόσωπό του όμως την ίδια ώρα η KGB βρίσκει το προφίλ του τέλειου πράκτορα, με συνέπεια να τον στρατολογήσει στις τάξεις της.

Η πτώση της Σοβιετικής Ένωσης έρχεται όταν ο Σολόνικ είναι περίπου 30 ετών.

Το χάος που δημιουργεί αυτό το κοσμοϊστορικό γεγονός γεννά «ευκαιρίες» κάθε είδους. 

Και ο «Μέγας Αλέξανδρος» αποφασίζει να αρπάξει την δική του από τα μαλλιά.

Γνωρίζοντας ως πρώην αστυνομικός και πράκτορας πολύ καλά τι συμβαίνει στην νυχτερινή Μόσχα, περνά στην παρανομία και σύντομα μετατρέπεται σε ηγετική φυσιογνωμία του υποκόσμου.

Εντάσσεται στη «Orekhovskaya», του αρχιμαφιόζου Σεργκέι Τιμοφέεφ ή «Σιλβέστερ» και κερδίζει τον σεβασμό όλων όταν εκτελεί το αντίπαλο δέος, τον αρχηγό των Τσετσένων, Βαλερί Ντλουγκάτζ, την ώρα που διασκέδαζε σε ένα κατάμεστο κλαμπ χωρίς να τραυματιστεί άλλο άτομο…

Σύντομα γίνεται ξακουστός για το πόσο τακτικές και καθαρές είναι οι δουλειές του και για την ικανότητα του να εκτελεί σε κατάμεστα κέντρα διασκέδασης και έτσι γίνεται ο πλέον περιζήτητος εκτελεστής στην πρώην Σοβιετική Ένωση.

Όταν κάποια στιγμή συνελήφθη, μάλλον κατά τύχη, κατορθώνει να βουτήξει το υπηρεσιακό περίστροφο ενός αστυνομικού και να προκαλέσει χάος μέσα στο τμήμα σκοτώνοντας όποιν βρει μπροστά του, αλλά τελικά δέχεται και αυτός μια σφαίρα και τελικά καταλήγει στις διαβόητες φυλακές υψίστης ασφαλείας «Matrosskaya Tishina» όπου μπαίνει στην απομόνωση.

Όλοι πιστεύουν ότι τελείωσαν με τον Σάσα, αφού κανείς ποτέ δεν είχε καταφέρει να αποδράσει από εκεί μέσα.

Ο Σολόνικ τα κατάφερε…

Οι φήμες έκτοτε οργιάζουν.

Όλοι συμφωνούν σε ένα πράγμα. 

Στο ότι ο Σολόνικ με πλαστική επέμβαση έχει αλλοιώσει τα χαρακτηριστικά του προσώπου του και έχει διαφύγει στο εξωτερικό, με τις θεωρίες για την ακριβή τοποθεσία να διαφέρουν.

Τελικά, όπως εκ των υστέρων αποδείχθηκε, εκείνος βρισκόταν στην Ελλάδα.

Η παρουσία του στη χώρα είχε συνδυαστεί με τον πόλεμο μεταξύ συμμοριών της νύχτας στις αρχές της δεκαετίας του ΄90 και ο Σολόνικ στήνει τις δικές του «μπίζνες», όχι μόνο στην Ελλάδα, αλλά και σε διάφορες χώρες στις οποίες «πεταγόταν» από την βίλα του στο Λαγονήσι για να εκτελέσει κάποιο συμβόλαιο θανάτου.

Παράλληλα διατηρούσε άλλες δύο πολυτελείς κατοικίες στην ίδια περιοχή για τις ανάγκες των πρωτοπαλίκαρών του, ενώ σε αυτά τα σπίτια πηγαινοέρχονταν καθημερινά αυτοκίνητα μεγάλης αξίας μέσα στα οποία υπήρχαν όπλα, γυναίκες, ναρκωτικά.

Αν και επικηρυγμένος, ο Σολόνικ συνδέεται με την νεαρή Μις Ρωσία Σβετλάνα Κότοβα, η οποία επίσης έρχεται στην Ελλάδα, όπως και πολλές άλλες καλλονές συμπατριώτισσές της.

Το κύκλωμα που έχει στήσει ο «Σάσα ο Μακεδόνας» στέκει καλά, αλλά όλη αυτή η χλιδή δημιουργεί υποψίες και δεν περνά απαρατήρητη.

Πέντε (5) μέρες μετά την άφιξή της, η κοπέλα δεν δίνει άλλα σημάδια ζωής και κάτω από συνθήκες που δεν έχουν αποσαφηνιστεί, την 1η Φεβρουαρίου προσγειώνεται στην Αθήνα κλιμάκιο των Ρωσσικών μυστικών υπηρεσιών για να διερευνήσει την πληροφορία ότι ο Σολόκιν έχει εκτελεστεί στην Ελλάδα.

Οι αρχικές έρευνες στην περιοχή του Ελληνικού δεν αποδίδουν καρπούς, αλλά τελικά σαν από θαύμα, εκεί θα βρεθεί ένα σχεδιάγραμμα με τις βίλες του Σολόνικ στο Λαγονήσι, αλλά και το ακριβές σημείο όπου βρίσκεται η σορός του στην Βαρυπόμπη.

Οι Έλληνες και οι Ρώσσοι αστυνομικοί μεταβαίνουν στον χώρο και όντως διαπιστώνουν ότι 500 μέτρα από την εθνικό οδό βρίσκεται ένα πτώμα, από τα δαχτυλικά αποτυπώματα του οποίου αποδεικνύεται ότι είναι ο Σολόνικ.

Το μόνο που κρατούσε ήταν έναν με σάκο με όπλα, περούκες, πλαστά ταξιδιωτικά έγγραφα, σφαίρες και εισιτήρια για την Ιταλία.

Εκεί όπου θα εκτελούσε το επόμενο «συμβόλαιο θανάτου» που είχε υπογράψει.

Το σκηνικό θανάτου ολοκληρώθηκε λίγο αργότερα όταν περίπου 300 μέτρα από την βίλα του Σολόνικ στο Λαγονήσι, μέσα σε έναν πρόχειρο τάφο βρίσκουν και την Σβετλάνα Κότοβα.

Ο θάνατός της, όπως και του συντρόφου της, προήλθε από στραγγαλισμό, ενώ στη συνέχεια οι εκτελεστές της διαμελίζουν το κορμί της.

Το μήνυμα ήταν ξεκάθαρο…

Μετά από 23 ολόκληρα χρόνια αυτό το διπλό φρικιαστικό έγκλημα παραμένει άλυτο.

Οι πιθανότητες λένε πως θα παραμείνει έτσι για πάντα.

[angelaiswriting]

Ruined Youth | Vladimir Ranskahov

[original picture: pinterest]

✏️ Pairings: none, just our Volodya

✏️ A/N: this was somewhat inspired by @kellydixon01 ‘s request and by the research on Russian prison tattoos I ended up doing yesterday. Vladimir doesn not have the tattoo of a rose, but when I learned of its meaning (read to find out), I fell in love and now I stan this tattoo on Vlad. Fight me. He also probably does not have the skull tattoo I’m referring to in this thing, I couldn’t understand from gifs and fark pictures. But who cares HAHA

✏️ Song Suggestion: I had If I Go, I’m Goin by Gregory Alan Isakov on loop if you want to listen to it.

✏️ Warnings: kind of dark I guess ? There’s prison-talk, talk of violence and such. This is also a sort of character study I guess ? It’s not sure yet, but I might end up using this for The Assistant.

✏️ Word-count: 1,304

REQUESTS ARE OPEN IF YOU WANT ME TO WRITE FOR YOU 💛

Vladimir hates roses. It doesn’t matter that he has one tattooed on his ribcage.

Or maybe it does matter. But it doesn’t have the romantic meaning the world thinks it has.

There is no woman behind it, no love. Just a life–his life. They’re both trapped–his life and his rose–, choked by barbed wire, the flesh pierced by its spikes.

He got it for his eighteenth birthday but it doesn’t represent freedom. Nor adulthood.

It’s the cage.

The cage behind whose bars he turned into a man.

The cage inside whose four walls he killed the child he’s never had the chance nor time to be.

It camps on his skin next to the skull of a man he killed, but it’s the rose that stings the most. Even now, years after its appearance, it pricks his side with its unfulfilled promises, with its shattered dreams, with its dead kisses, its dried touches, its unlived youth.

He’s glad Tolya doesn’t have it. But it still irks him, it still… breaks him.

He breaks and cracks inside, and the rose gets stronger, its thorns root deeper into his side, barbed wire around his lungs, around his heart.

Vladimir is choked by his past.

And by his present, too–the rose a constant reminder of who he’s never been.

Never will be.

Life goes on without life getting lived. Before that day, he never believed it, for he was young and he had all the time in the world. All the time in the world to live.

With the only exception that he’s never… no, he’s never lived.

He’s a marble rose. Stern. Stoic. Silent. Immortal, and yet–unborn. Unbent. Unbreakable.

With the only exception that he’s made of cracks, of moaning fractures. He hasn’t been whole for a long time.

He’s scattered here and there like rose petals on a bed of love. But there is no love, just bruises, pain, darkness. And his young petals leave bloodstains on the floor, they rot the past, corrupt the present. Its noxious smokes suffocate the feathers of his wings and he cannot fly away.

He cannot leave.

He cannot live.

He’s stuck on the other face of the world–a motherly embrace turned into that of a witch, of a cannibal Baba Yaga ready to swallow him whole.

He’s scattered in the cells of the Matrosskaya Tishina and its Seaman’s Silence still deafens him.

His rose sprouted there, among its walls, under its inhabitants’ fists. And its stem is frail like the dreams of a convict, but its thorns are made of stubborn steel, the same steel that intertwines into bars and chains. Its roots aren’t deep, for the soil is hard, unbreakable, like a winter night in a cell that has been going on for too long.

But Vlad is no saint. He’s a thief. And a murderer. And his petals are the color of the blood of the men he’s killed. The color of his own blood that has stained floors, fists, teeth, lips. It burns with unleashed rage, its flames are the flames of revenge. And of nightmares. And so they’re not red, nor orange, nor hot. They’re ice-cold, death-black, scream-silent. Devoid of any light. But they’re still alive–more alive than Volodya will ever feel again.

And they call for him during the dark hours, they pull him back into the pit.

And they burn him alive.

Those flames burn as cold as the Siberian winter, for his breath is still stuck inside the confinements of the nameless corrective colony he turned twenty-one in. Its memory leaves his lips like condensation, his escaping life robbing him of his warmth, of the fire that had once burned inside him and that is now an endangered spark locked in the cage of his deathful soul.

His hands burn and freeze when his mind goes back there. But the cold is too much, it’s too intense, stronger than his jailors, stronger than his will to live. And so his mind’s legs and feet get stuck in the snow, paralyzed by the grinning ice. And he cannot proceed. His arms shiver like leaves in a thunderstorm and they cannot stretch out. His limbs moan like cracking ice.

And Vlad cannot remember.

But he doesn’t fight it–doesn’t fight the blindness. Darkness is a blessing, a lover’s embrace.

And as long as his eyes are blinded, he cannot see his barbed youth. It doesn’t exist, it’s just the ghost of someone who never was.

But the illusion never lasts long.

The frail weight of his rose is heavier than a memento mori. When the doomed flower of his wasted youth dances in the wind, it carries a ringing lullaby.

It’s not the bell that reminds him he has to die, that his breath is running cold, his time running dry. It’s a jail bell, but it only screams its first call, never its second. Never his freedom.

There is no running away from the past. Not when it has kissed his skin and left faded hatebites in its wake.

His skin is a map, his body a book telling a story, one he never feels like reading, nor telling. It’s his weight, his anchor, his doom.

Every ink or piss-and-gum stroke has a meaning–and its own weight. They’re for suffering eyes, hearts that have raged too much, souls that have fallen deep into the quicksands of life.

Every body is a bible. Every prisoner–a sinner.

But never a fallen man.

Never a failure.

Just someone that has lived too much in the darkness, fighting to find a light. Not the light, but a light in the night of their life.

No one ever thinks of the rose before it sprouts. Youth is for the young–to feel young, breathe deeply, love recklessly.

No one thinks of its consequences. Nor of its unimaginable weight. Nor of the mind-shattering stillness that hugs your every fiber. Nor of its rageful aftershocks.

Before you even think of getting that damn five-dot tattoo on your hand or marked on your forehead, roses grow everywhere. You look at them, you admire them, you gift them to the person you like on a crazy Valentine’s day.

But when you get out, roses are worse than crossed knuckles. Worse than tattooed skulls on your prison-hardened skin. They’re corpses–aborted and distorted and ruined and raped. An assaulted youth that will never come back. A life that will only face obstacles.

And it doesn’t matter that the candle of his life is burning bright on his side, for he is scattered inside the walls of Utkin, its darkness eating him alive.

Sometimes he feels like he has died there and his existence now is just a dream of his dying brain. It steals his breath, squeezes his lungs, rips his heart out of his chest.

He’s left panting and moaning in the constraints of his own black-marked body. And when he looks at himself in the mirror, all he sees are tattoos and scars. And a dead boy turned into a man in a Muscovite prison.

Selfishness is all he knows now. And he wishes his brother were in hell with him. To share the pain. The unshed tears. The dark thoughts. The squared skies. The fallen roses.

But Tolik is not there.

Tolik knows what roses can be in life.

And Vladimir fears he’ll never have hands to hold. Or lips to kiss. A body to love. A soul to embrace.

He knows he’ll always be a prisoner. Even now, in the land of the free, he can feel them–four walls closing in on him. And they’re not the four walls of the house of the brave, but those of the cell he doomed his ruined youth to sprout in.

*

This looked way longer written on paper HAHA 

Thoughts? Do you like this kind of fic-study? Should I do more? Would you like me to do something like this for someone else? Or for Vlad about something else?

TAGS (to be added to or to be removed from any list, shoot me an ask. Same goes for ‘Bratva’)

Everything: @idhrenniel @saibh29 @fuckthatfeeling @aya-fay @pebblesz892  @mblaqgi

Bratva (people not on the lists but that might still be interested): @sweetvengeancee @theranskahovs @brobachev

#vladimir ranskahov #vladimir daredevil #vladimir ranskahov fanfiction #vladimir daredevil fanfiction #character study #angelaiswriting #writeblr #amwriting #daredevil

[xf-2]

米国の上院と下院の超党派の議員が、イスラム教徒の監視に用いられる可能性がある技術を米国から中国へ輸出することを禁止する法案を提出する一方で、「自治」区における人権状況の劇的な悪化について中国共産党の新疆地区の長官（書記）の責任を問いている。

マルコ・レスピンティ（Marco Respinti）

11月14日（水）、米国の両議会に超党派の議員が法案を提出した。ドナルド・トランプ大統領政権に対して、中国国内のイスラム教を信じる少数民族への弾圧に、より強硬な措置を講じるように求めたのだ。要求の中には、新疆地区の共産党の長官（書記）で強力な政治局の一員でもある陳全国（チェン・チュアングオ）に対する潜在的な制裁も含まれていた。陳全国に対しては、この地区の劇的な状況に対する責任を問う声があがっている。法案は、上院のマルコ・ルビオ（Marco Rubio ）議員（フロリダ州選出、共和党）、ボブ・メネンデス（Bob Menendez）議員（ニュージャージー州選出、民主党）が上院に、そして下院のクリストファー・H・スミス（Christopher H. Smith）議員（ニュージャージー州選出、共和党）とトーマス・スオッジ（Thomas Suozzi）議員（ニューヨーク選出、民主党）が下院に提出した。ルビオ議員とスミス議員は、立法府から授権されて活動する超党派の独立組織、中国に関する国会・行政委員会（U.S. Congressional-Executive Commission on China: CECC）の議長と副議長を務めている。同委員会は、中国の人権と法の支配の現況を監視する役割を担っている。

この度提出された法案では、トランプ大統領に対して、この問題に対する米国の政策をとりまとめる新しい「特別コーディネーター」のポストの設置を求めるとともに、中国が拘束しているウイグル族の監視に用いられる可能性がある技術の米国からの輸出禁止を検討するように求めた。

この法案は、15名の上院議員と下院議員の超党派により、8月29日にマイク・ポンペオ国務長官とスティーブン・ムンチン（Steven Mnuchin）財務長官に対し提出された書簡に続くもので、新疆における人権侵害に関与し、指導する立場にある個人および団体に対して制裁措置を速やかに課すように求めた。

新疆ウイグル「自治」区では、150万人にも上るイスラム教徒が、実際「教育による改心」強制収容所に収容されている。そのうち100万人が信仰を捨てるように強制されているウイグル族で、他にはカザフ族や、回族など中国の少数民族のイスラム教徒である。

首都ワシントンで、ポンペオ長官率いる米国務省と、米国国際的な信教の自由に対する特使（U.S. Ambassador-at-large for International Religious Freedom）のサミュエル・D・ブラウンバック（Samuel D. Brownback）大使が宗教の自由を促進するための���僚会議（Ministerial to Advance Religious Freedom）を開催した。会議では82か国の代表が、世界の信教の自由の状況について議論を繰り広げ、ルビオ上院議員とスミス下院議員は、新疆地区で迫害されているイスラム教徒の真の姿を暴き出した。それ以来、米国議員や国務省の間で、中国における信教の自由への関心が高まってきている。 中国への関心が高いルビオ議員とスミス議員は、トランプ大統領の関税に関する政策が引き起こした新たな貿易戦争により、国際的な関心が高まっていることを間違いなく利用し、人権と宗教の自由の問題を提起しようとしている。中国と対峙するときに、これを引き合いに出そうとする人は多くない。表立ってはカトリック教徒を名乗るルビオ議員とスミス議員は、人権侵害の保護に関する確かな実績を残している。妊娠中絶の合法化に反対していることで知られているスミス議員は、自由市場志向の資本主義経済に舵を切った中国が、国内の夫婦に対して子供の数を制限するおぞましい「一人っ子政策」を何年も続けてきたことを、常にはっきりと非難してきた。そして今、マイク・ポンペオ国務長官（敬虔な福音主義の長老派教会）とブラウンバック大使（忠実なカトリック教徒の一人）の下、両議院は強力な後ろ盾を得た。実は、トランプ政権は、1年目は国際的な信教の自由の状況への熱意はあまり感じられなかったが（ジョージ・W・ブッシュ政権は力を入れたが、バラク・オバマ政権は少なくとも本当の意味の信教の自由という点では、あまり熱心ではなかった）、レックス・ティラーソン（Rex Tillerson）氏の後継として、外交政策の陣頭指揮をとることになったマイク・ポンペオ国務長官と、ブラウンバック大使の任命により、風向きが変わった。

この新しい潮流は、米国に重要な政治的変化をもたらした。9月11日のテロ以降、米国はすべてのイスラム教徒をテロリストとみなす、もしくはある程度テロリズムと結び付けるという、安易で政治上便利なレトリックを唱えてきた。残念なことに、新疆のウイグル族もその例外に漏れず、中国共産党の思う壺になっていた。しかし、現実に直面して、この態度が少しずつだが変わりつつある。そして今日、中国に関する国会・行政委員会の並々ならぬ努力のおかげで、米国は中国のイスラム教徒の中で、敵と友人を見分けられるようになってきた。

水曜日に米国議会に提出されたこの法案の根拠は、グローバル・マグニツキー法（Global Magnitsky Act）（正式には、米国議会で超党派で提出された法案で、2012年12月に当時のバラック・オバマ大統領が署名して発布された2012年ロシアとモルドバのジャクソン・バニク・リパールとセルゲイ・マグニツキー法の支配責任法（Russia and Moldova Jackson–Vanik Repeal and Sergei Magnitsky Rule of Law Accountability Act of 2012））にある。同法は、モスクワにある米国系法律事務所、ファイヤーストーン・ダンカン（Firestone Duncan）に勤務していたロシア人会計士、セルゲイ・マグニツキー氏（1972～2009年）が、2009年にモスクワのマトロスカヤ・ティシナ刑務所（Matrosskaya Tishina Prison）で命を落としたことに対して責任を負うロシアの政府関係者を処罰するために制定されたものであった。実際、この法案により、米国政府は世界のどこにおいても人権侵害に関与している外国政府の関係者に制裁を課すことができる。

#中国のイスラム教徒

[orbemnews]

Alexey Navalny, Putin critic, held at detention center in Vladimir region, east of Moscow Kobzev says he visited Navalny where his client, currently in quarantine, will be held temporarily before being moved to a penal colony. “Alexey Navalny is in a quarantine cell. There are two people with him in the cell. He is in complete isolation, does not receive letters, the FSIN-Letter system is disabled for the entire pre-trial detention center. There is nothing in the cell except the TV. There is no refrigerator or even a kettle,” Kobzev wrote on Twitter. Navalny was jailed for violating the probation terms of a 2014 case in which he received a suspended sentence of three and a half years. A Moscow court took into account the 11 months Navalny had already spent under house arrest as part of the decision and replaced the remainder of the suspended sentence with a prison term last month. Russian authorities detained Navalny in January on his arrival from Germany, where he spent five months recovering from Novichok poisoning he blamed on the Russian government. The Kremlin has repeatedly denied any involvement. On Saturday, Russian state media agency TASS reported Navalny would be moved to a notoriously brutal penal colony located in the Vladimir region. Russia’s state-run news agency RIA-Novosti reported on Sunday — citing Moscow’s Public Monitoring Commission (ONK), which observes the treatment of prisoners — that Navalny had already been transferred to the colony. Kobzev told CNN that Navalny was never in the colony reported by state media: “He has never been to penal colony 2 in Pokrov, it was false information.” Navalny’s chief of staff, Leonid Volkov also tweeted on Wednesday that all the leaks and insiders have turned out to be a “complete lie.” RIA-Novosti says Navalny will end up in a general regime colony and there are two of them in the Vladimir region. Both colonies told RIA Novosti that so far they have no information about whether they are expecting Navalny to be transferred to either of them. Last week, Navalny’s lawyers said he had been moved from Matrosskaya Tishina detention center in Moscow but no details had been provided to Navalny’s team or his family on where he was being moved to. Marina Litvinovich, from ONK, told CNN Friday that Navalny was due to be sent to a “general regime” penal colony, the most common type of prison in Russia. Litvinovich said prisoners are not usually kept in cells but sleep in dormitories and are divided into groups. She added prisoners can work if they choose to do so. Mikhail Khodorkovsky, once Russia’s richest oligarch and now in exile in London, spent 10 years in a remote penal colony close to Russia’s borders with China and Mongolia — the Krasnokamensk penal colony. Khodorkovsky famously fell out with Putin by funding opposition groups and highlighting official corruption before being arrested. After his release in 2013, Khodorkovsky told CNN in an interview that he had been stabbed in the face by a fellow inmate during his time in jail. “When I was stabbed with a knife I was lucky — he tried to get to my eye but he got my nose,” he said. “As a result, the dentist who was there — someone who was also a plastic surgeon — carried out an operation on me, which means it was virtually not noticeable.” Khodorkovsky also described the cramped conditions inside the colony. He said people slept in barracks, sometimes with 50 to 100 people in one room. On his website, the former oil tycoon has written of the treatment he faced from prison authorities, who he says repeatedly accused him of “behavioural violations” in order to prevent his parole hearings from succeeding. They also placed him in isolated cells as a punishment, Khodorkovsky claimed. Russian authorities have categorized Navalny as a flight risk — a characterization the activist has ridiculed — so Litvinovich says he might be subjected to special supervision or searches. Update: An earlier version of this story, first published on Friday and updated on Sunday, stated that Navalny had arrived at a penal colony east of Moscow. This was based on information from Moscow’s Public Monitoring Commission in addition to reporting from TASS, Russia’s state media agency. On Wednesday, Navalny’s lawyer Vadim Kobzev said that Navalny is being held temporarily in detention center-3 in Kolchugino, in the Vladimir region. Source link Orbem News #Alexey #Center #critic #Detention #East #held #Moscow #Navalny #Putin #Region #Vladimir

[trendingnewsonsocialmedia]

Week 2: Protests in Russia Vol.2

This week became another week of protests in Russia. Again, the demonstrations happened across the whole country in the big cities on January 31st followed by February 2nd. Thousands of people participated in the protests and demanded the release of Alexey Navalny. In Moscow on January 31st, the procession ended near the jail Matrosskaya Tishina, where Navalny was illegally kept. On the 2nd of February people gathered outside the Moscow City Court where the court was considering replacing Navalny’s suspended sentence with a jail sentence. The court decision was not fair and just and was also influenced by the government authorities, which makes it absolutely unethical and even illegal.

[worldnewsinpictures]

Is taken to Matrosskaya Tishina, medium-security prison, in north-east Moscow Find out more. Keep updating. What can you do? poison didn't work!... Got an opinion about this? See what others are saying.... See MORE -> https://worldnewsinpictures.com/matrosskaya-tishina-medium-security-prison #Matrosskaya #MatrosskayaTishina #MatrosskayaTishinaMoscow #KeepWhat #KeepWhatGot #SeeMORE #Tishina #mediumsecurity #prison

[deborahdeshoftim5779]

This is Yulia Navalnaya, wife of Alexei Navalny, being detained at the protest on 23 January. She has once again been arrested. 

We have to give this woman credit. According to Alexei Navalny’s Instagram, she was instrumental to his recovery from Novichok poisoning. Mrs. Navalnaya had to spend 5 months in Germany, after suddenly hearing from Kira Yarmysh that her husband had been poisoned. 

Imagine the trauma of this. 

Navalnaya returned with her husband to her native Russia, only for Alexei to be snatched by police on spurious charges. She herself has been placed under police surveillance for absolutely no reason, as she reported on Instagram. 

Twice Mrs. Navalnaya has come out to protest in defence of her husband’s freedom, and undoubtedly the freedom of all Russia. Today is the second time that she has been arrested for exercising this lawful and moral right. Remember that the Navalny’s have 2 children-- one of whom, Zahar, is still legally a minor. 

Isn’t it interesting that Putin likes pontificating about family values, yet tried murdering a husband and father using a chemical weapon? He didn’t think about family values then. And since the Russian Education Ministry claims to care about the wellbeing of minors, does arresting the mother of a young boy help his wellbeing? 

No doubt Yulia Navalnaya, who has behaved with great dignity in spite of the abuse, will return once again to protest against Putin and his injustices. This week, Navalny will stand trial, and could be sentenced to a penal colony for a minimum of 3.5 years. The effect of this inhumane treatment on his family is too appalling to consider. 

Given that Putin only cares about family values when he is using stolen money to buy luxury apartments for the mothers of his mistresses, it falls to the West to take a stand against this false arrest, false imprisonment, and false judgement of Alexei Navalny. 

#free navalny #alexei navalny #yulia navalnaya #free russia #freedom #putin is a thief #putin's palace #russia #russian politics #russia blog #novichok #kremlin #russia protests #navalny protests #matrosskaya tishina

[newschinese]

美國和歐盟呼籲俄羅斯 立即釋放納瓦爾尼和抗議者

莫斯科 — 

歐盟各國外長星期一（1月25日）在布魯塞爾開會，討論歐盟27國集團對俄羅斯逮捕反對派領袖、克里姆林宮批評者阿列克謝·納瓦爾尼（Alexei Navalny）以及警方鎮壓親納瓦爾尼抗議者的反應。目前要求對克里姆林宮實施制裁的壓力愈來愈大。

歐盟外交政策負責人博雷利（Josep Borrell）在會上表示，最近的“拘留潮以及對納瓦爾尼的拘留，讓我們非常擔心。”

德國外長海科·馬斯（Heiko Maas）說，根據俄羅斯憲法，“每個俄羅斯人都有表達意見和示威的權利”。馬斯還說，“法治的原則也必須適用於那裡，俄羅斯一直致力於這一點。”

法國外長勒德里昂星期天在接受法國國家廣播電台採訪時談到了俄羅斯的“獨裁傾向”。他說，“必須全部曝光”納瓦爾尼中毒一事，“這是一次暗殺企圖。”

歐盟領導人呼籲俄羅斯立即釋放納瓦爾尼和所有被關押的支持納瓦爾尼的抗議者。

美國國務院發言人內德·普萊斯（Ned Price）星期天在一份聲明中表示，美國對逮捕行動以及“本週末在俄羅斯各個城市對抗議者和記者使用嚴厲手段”表示強烈譴責。

聲明還說，壓制俄羅斯民眾和平集會和言論自由的權利，逮捕反對派人物納瓦爾尼，並對抗議進行鎮壓，“都顯示（俄羅斯）公民社會和基本自由受到進一步的限制，令人擔憂。”

聲明還說，美國呼籲俄羅斯當局“釋放所有因行使普世權利而被拘留的人員，立即無條件釋放納瓦爾尼。我們敦促俄羅斯全力配合國際社會對納瓦爾尼中毒事件進行調查，並對在其土地上使用化學武器的行為做出可信的解釋。”

俄羅斯外交部發表聲明反駁說，美國在社交媒體上“煽動激進分子”將對美俄關係產生負面影響，美國駐莫斯科外交官將面臨“嚴肅對話”。

俄羅斯有數百人星期天仍被關押在監獄裡。他們一天前因參加要求釋放納瓦爾尼的全國街頭抗議活動而被捕。

俄羅斯各地爆發抗議

數万名在押反對派領袖納瓦爾尼的支持者星期六無視當局警告，聚集在俄羅斯街頭，這些人面臨被警方逮捕的風險和新冠疫情導致的額外健康風險。

納瓦爾尼上週末從德國返回俄羅斯後被關押，隨後便引發了抗議活動。納瓦爾尼在德國進行康復，他去年8月在西伯利亞中毒後差點喪命。

據獨立監督組織OVD-Info報導，截至星期六晚，約有3200人被捕，其中包括納瓦爾尼的妻子尤利婭（Yulia）和他的助手、政界人士柳博夫·索博爾（Lyubov Sobol） 。幾十名記者也被拘留了。

尤利婭·納瓦爾納亞（Yulia Navalnaya）星期六通過社媒體Instagram上發文證實了她在莫斯科被捕的消息。她在警車裡發出這條帖子，並對帖子質量欠佳向人們道歉。她寫道：“質量太差，很抱歉。警車裡光線不好。”

俄羅斯60多個城市星期六發生了抗議遊行，數千名納瓦爾尼的支持者要求立即釋放這位克里姆林宮的批評者，他們無視警方為驅散抗議活動而採取的措施，堅持遊行，而警方稱這次遊行是非法的。

社交媒體上一整天都在發佈各種目擊者視頻，視頻顯示防暴警察粗暴地拘留抗議者，有的還用警棍毆打抗議者。據悉，有多個人員受傷的報告。

數十名納瓦爾尼的支持者在莫斯科“水手的沉默”（Matrosskaya Tishina）監獄外的對峙中被捕，納瓦爾尼目前被關押在這裡 。

在聖彼得堡，俄羅斯特警部隊OMON的一名防暴警察被拍到在一名女子詢問另一名示威者被捕的情況後，用腳踢這名女子的肚子，將她踢倒。

俄羅斯國家通訊社俄羅斯新聞社(RIA-Novosti)報導稱，當天有39名警察受了輕傷。

納瓦爾尼的全國影響力

儘管國家媒體幾乎完全禁止報導，但這次抗議進一步證明納瓦爾尼在俄羅斯各地建立了影響力。

事實上，納瓦爾尼的知名度在很大程度上是基於社交媒體活動和網絡視頻調查，這些調查聲稱揭露了克里姆林宮精英階層的腐敗。

就在本周納瓦爾尼入獄後，他的團隊還在網上發布了一段很長的視頻，聲稱發現了為普京總統秘密建造的奢華宮殿。

儘管克里姆林宮否認了視頻的真實性，但這條視頻很快就獲得了7000萬的觀看量。

在星期六的抗議集會前，警方從從納瓦爾尼的幾個辦事處中逮捕了他的主要同伴，並判處他們9到28天不等的短期監禁。

如果說施壓是為了恐嚇，但全國各地仍在舉行各種規模的集會。

在俄羅斯第二大城市聖彼得堡，抗議者衝破警戒線，數千人在涅瓦大街上游行。

冒險的策略

上週日，納瓦爾尼結束了他在德國近5個月的康復歷程, 他在返回俄羅斯後被捕。去年8月，他在西伯利亞旅行時中毒。

納瓦爾尼堅稱，暗殺企圖是在普京總統的命令下進行的，但俄羅斯領導人對此予以否認。

然而，俄羅斯當局拒絕調查這一事件，並寧願威脅對納瓦爾尼提出新的刑事指控。

本週早些時候，一名法官裁定將納瓦爾尼收押30天候審，納瓦爾尼被控在國外康復期間違反假釋條例。

庭審在警察局內的一個臨時法庭舉行的，納瓦爾尼稱這次審判“超出了無法無天的程度”，並呼籲俄羅斯人走上街頭予以回應。

“他們逮捕他的方式違反了我們的憲法，”23歲的莫斯科抗議者伊利亞（Ilya）說。

伊利亞還說： “如果他們能對納瓦爾尼這樣一個在網上擁有幾百萬粉絲的人這樣做，他們就能對我們這樣做。”

然而，儘管參加遊行的人很多，但尚不清楚示威者是否在他們要求釋放納瓦爾尼的核心要求上取得了進展。

反對派領袖的首席策略師宣布，下週末將再次舉行抗議活動。

22歲的尤里在莫斯科普希金廣場分發小型俄羅斯國旗，他說：“如果我們有足夠多的人走上街頭，他們就不得不放他走。”

他還說：“我們是真正的愛國者。不是那些從人民那裡偷東西的人。”

from 新聞 - 美國之音 https://www.voacantonese.com/a/eu-us-russia-navalny-rallies-20210125/5750755.html

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