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#political science

Do not confuse Emperor Marcus Aurelius with Emperor Aurelian

Do not confuse Emperor Tiberius with Tiberius Gracchus

Do not confuse Thersites with Thyestes 

Do not confuse Lucan with Lucian

Do not confuse Epicurus with Epictetus

Do not confuse William Goldman with William Golding

Do not confuse Ecclesiastes with Ecclesiasticus 

Do not confuse John 1 with 1 John

Do not confuse John, 1 John, 2 John, 3 John and the Revelation of St John with each other

Do not confuse Trajan with Trojan

Do not confuse Elizabeth Taylor with Elizabeth Taylor 

Do not confuse Socrates with Sophocles

Do not confuse Aeschylus with Asclepius

Do not confuse Socrates with Isocrates

Do not confuse Isocrates with Isosceles

Do not confuse Phaedo with Phaedrus

Do not confuse St Augustine of Hippo with St Augustine of Canterbury

Do not confuse Scipio Africanus with Scipio Nasica or Scipio Aemilianus

Do not confuse Nathaniel Hawthorne with Nigel Hawthorne

Do not confuse Bing Crosby with Bill Cosby

Do not confuse Aristophanes with Antiphanes

Do not confuse the Council of Europe with the European Council

Do not confuse the Council of Europe with the Council of the European Union

Do not confuse the European Council with the Council of the European Union

Do confuse the Council of the European Union with the Council of Ministers, they’re the same institution 

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Thomas Sankara, A United Front Against Debt, 1987
Debt’s origins come from colonialism’s origins. Those who lend us money are those who colonized us. They are the same ones who used to manage our states and economies. These are the colonizers who indebted Africa through their brothers and cousins, who were the lenders. We had no connections with this debt. Therefore we cannot pay for it.
Debt is neo-colonialism, in which colonizers have transformed themselves into “technical assistants.” We should rather say “technical assassins.” They present us with financing, with financial backers. As if someone’s backing could create development. We have been advised to go to these lenders. We have been offered nice financial arrangements. We have been indebted for 50, 60 years and even longer. That means we have been forced to compromise our people for over 50 years.
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Fidel Castro, History Will Absolve Me, 1953
I do not fear prison, as I do not fear the fury of the miserable tyrant who took the lives of 70 of my comrades. Condemn me. It does not matter. History will absolve me.
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The search for security in an anarchic system is not the end of the story, and does not necessarily lead to war. The world is not as barbaric as Waltz would have it; “frequently complex interdependence will provide a better portrayal of reality.” Neoliberal Institutionalism/Liberalism has various approaches. One approach emphasizes international cooperation and linkage.

Premise I. Although “survival is the primary goal of all states…fears of attack in general have declined, and fears of attack by one another are virtually nonexistent….Intense relationships of mutual influence exist…but in most of the force is irrelevant or unimportant as an instrument of policy.

Premise II. Multiple channels connect societies, including: informal ties between governmental elites as well as formal foreign office arrangements; informal ties among non-governmental elites…and transnational organizations.

The Theory, Restatement. “[S]ince the distribution of power resources in trade, shipping, or oil, for example, may be quite different, patterns of outcomes and distinctive political processes are likely to vary from one set of issues to another…as the complexity of actors and issues in world politics increases, the utility of force declines and the line between domestic policy and foreign policy becomes blurred.”

Questions. How useful is a theory if it bundles all sorts of issues - economic, political, ideological, etc - all together and says, “different links cause different results?” How can neorealism and linkage theory be reconciled? Is the greater interdependence economic and political among states the cause of a decline in fears of attack, or is this correlative merely?

Robert O. Keohane and Joseph S. Nye, Power and Interdependence.

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Time to read! This book is written by Julia Ebner, a well-known extremism researcher. It describes how white extremists as well as religious extremist use the internet to recruit people. Very easy to read in terms of style, it’s not written like an academic paper. Not so easy judged by the topic though.

(also pls excuse my hands I dunno why the filter made them look so dirty I promise they’re not)

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I am selling my publishing company for forty thousand cash.  It is a great business, and I have had fun writing all the books.  It is poetry.  Not much money in it.  These… are self-published books.  They need marketing, and I am prepared to represent myself as writer.  It is Kindle E-books and paperbacks.  The internet platform is called KDP.  Go have a look.  And go to the Amazon home page, and you can plug in my name.  Pete Marchesi.  You can see there are over 250 books.  It is such a good deal I can’t tell you.  I am getting too old now to put up with the aggravation.  If interested or know someone that is (I can also offer a finder’s fee), message me.  - Pete Marchesi

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Robert Vitalis, White World Order, Black Power Politics: The Birth of American International Relations
Decolonization was arguably the single most significant transformation of the twentieth century, yet it is impossible to name a single scholar among those in the contemporary [International Relations] canon who is known primarily for his or her work on the issue. While arguments about imperialism proliferated across the globe after 1945, they completely disappeared from scholarship in a discipline that ten years earlier considered it to be the most fundamental problem of world order. Similarly, more United Nations resolutions dealt with racism than with any other issue, according to Paul Gordon Lauren. The threat to ‘Western white prestige’ continued to haunt the men in power in Washington and London (and Australia, New Zealand, and South Africa), yet it is impossible to find the issue discussed in the postwar international relations scholarship. As Toni Morrison argued much later about a different part of the academy, 'certain absences are so stressed, so ornate, so planned, they call attention to themselves.’
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