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তাকফিরি ফেতনা ও ইহার ভয়াবহতা
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how low does a human have to fall to end the life of another simply based on what they think? their beliefs? how disgusting is that. even animals only kill to satisfy their hunger, but these pieces of filth kill based on a difference of opinion

they will never be satisfied.

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Dahulu, banyak orang yang “dirinya diakui” sebagai ulama dan mereka banyak “mengislamkan” orang kafir.

Sekarang, banyak orang yang “mengakui dirinya” sebagai ulama dan mereka banyak “mengkafirkan” orang Islam.

Wa na'udzubillah.

وَالسّٰبِقُوْنَ السّٰبِقُوْنَ ۚ ۙ
dan orang-orang yang paling dahulu (beriman), mereka lah yang paling dahulu (masuk surga),
اُولٰٓئِكَ الْمُقَرَّبُوْنَ ۚ
mereka itulah orang yang dekat (kepada Allah),
فِيْ جَنّٰتِ النَّعِيْمِ
berada dalam surga kenikmatan,
ثُلَّةٌ مِّنَ الْاَوَّلِيْنَ ۙ
segolongan besar dari orang-orang yang terdahulu,
وَقَلِيْلٌ مِّنَ الْاٰخِرِيْنَ ؕ
dan segolongan kecil dari orang-orang yang kemudian,
[QS. Al-Waqi'ah: Ayat 10-14]

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The debate over America’s Middle East policy has reached a new level of surreality.

In the wake of President Obama’s West Point commencement address last month—in which he pledged to “ramp up” U.S. support for Syrian rebels seeking to overthrow President Bashar al-Assad—Washington elites are exhorting the Obama administration to do much more.  Former U.S. ambassador to Syria Robert Ford urges intensified training and more advanced weapons for “moderate” opposition fighters; others argue for direct U.S. military involvement.  At the same time, Washington has been stunned by the success of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS), which has seized Mosul, Iraq’s second-largest city, and several other strategic targets, and is drawing close to Baghdad.

Washington elites are effectively compartmentalizing these stories—but, in fact, they are intimately related, and policymakers need to understand the connection to avoid another disaster in the heart of the Middle East.

In Iraq, the resurgence of sectarian violence stems not from the 2011 American withdrawal.  It is, rather, the fruit of America’s 2003 invasion of Iraq, the subsequent U.S. occupation, and the much vaunted “surge” of 2007-2008.  The U.S. invasion and occupation destroyed the Iraqi state and ignited tensions among Iraq’s sectarian and ethnic communities.  The surge sought to empower certain Sunni militias while paying them (temporarily) not to kill American soldiers; this ended up giving Sunni militants the means to press their grievances through escalating violence once U.S. forces were no longer around.

Unfortunately, Washington seems determined to compound its appalling policy choices in Iraq with equally grievous choices regarding Syria.  For over three years, America has provided Syrian oppositionists with “nonlethal” aid, trained opposition fighters, coordinated with others openly providing lethal aid for U.S.-vetted recipients, and extended high-level political backing to the anti-Assad campaign—including serially reiterated public demands from Obama that Assad “must go.”  Yet, from the conflict’s start it has been clear that opposition fighters would not dislodge Assad, no matter how much external help they received—because, from the beginning, the constituencies supporting Assad and his government have added up to well over half of Syrian society.

Objective measures of public opinion in Syria are not as robust as any serious analyst would like.  Nevertheless, for over three years, every piece of relevant data—including multiple polls, participation in the February 2012 constitutional referendum and the May 2012 parliamentary elections, participation in this month’s presidential election (including by thousands of refugees), and other evidence—indicates that a majority of Syrians continues to back Assad.  Conversely, there is not a scrap of objective evidence suggesting that anywhere close to a majority of Syrians wants Assad replaced by some part of the opposition.

These realities were readily observable in spring 2011; we have been writing and speaking about them for over three years.  Yet the Obama administration decided, within weeks after the outbreak unrest in parts of Syria in March 2011, to support oppositionists seeking to overthrow Assad.  It did so—as administration officials told the New York Times in April 2011—because it calculated that destabilizing Assad’s government would undermine Iran’s regional position.

This was a colossally irresponsible exercise in policymaking-by-wishful-thinking, for two reasons.  First, outside support for opposition fighters—a sizable percentage of whom are not even Syrian—has taken what began as small-scale, indigenously generated protests over particular grievances and turned them into a heavily militarized insurgency that could sustain high levels of violence but could not actually win.  The Obama administration prides itself on overthrowing Libya’s Muammar al-Qadhafi in 2011 without putting U.S. boots on the ground (though the results are comparable to those in Iraq:  the destruction of a functioning state and the arming of militias that kill with impunity—including the U.S. ambassador in 2012).  Assad is a vastly tougher target.  Stepped up support for anti-Assad fighters will not accomplish anything positive strategically; it will, however, perpetuate conditions in which even more Syrians die.

Second, it was utterly foreseeable that backing an armed challenge to Assad would worsen the threat of jihadi militancy—in Syria, in neighboring countries like Iraq, and beyond.  Well before March 2011, it was evident that, among Syria’s Sunni Islamist constituencies, the Muslim Brotherhood—whose Syrian branch was historically more radical than most Brotherhood cells—was being displaced by more extreme, al Qaeda-like groups.  External support for anti-Assad forces after March 2011 accelerated the trend and reinforced it with an infusion of foreign fighters, including organ-eating extremists.  Many of these jihadis, according to the U.S. Director of National Intelligence, are now working not just to bring down Assad but also to mount attacks against the United States.

The Obama administration’s transformation of Syria into a magnet-cum-training ground for transnational jihadi fighters has directly fed the resurgence of jihadi extremism we are witnessing in Iraq.  Three years ago, at the beginning of the Syrian conflict, the Islamic State of Iraq—formed in 2006 from Abu Musab Az-Zarqawi’s “Al-Qaeda in Iraq” movement—was on the ropes.  Reinvigorated through the creation of an externally supported insurgency in Syria by the United States and America’s European and regional partners, it rebranded itself in 2013 as the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria and, like the Taliban in Afghanistan before 9/11, has taken over swaths of both Syria and Iraq with lightning speed.

Washington has only itself and its collaborators in the anti-Assad crusade to blame for such an outcome.  As ISIS captures more cities and territory in Iraq, it is also capturing stockpiles of weapons and military equipment that America supplied to the post-Saddam government—weapons and equipment that will enable further gains by ISIS fighters.  Against this backdrop, calls to increase the flow of weapons into neighboring Syria are a case study in Einstein’s (apocryphal) definition of insanity—“doing the same thing over and over again and expecting a different result.”  Calls for the United States to “go back” to Iraq, to undo the horrific damage it has already done there, are equally delusional.

The Syrian conflict will ultimately end with negotiated power-sharing between the Syrian government, still headed by President Assad, and those elements of the opposition with some popular base inside Syria.  This can happen relatively sooner, if America begins basing its Syria policy in on-the-ground reality.  Or the process can be protracted by open-ended external backing for opposition fighters with no meaningful popular base.  Neither the interests of ordinary Syrians and Iraqis nor the interests of ordinary Americans will be served by Washington doubling down on its ill-considered arming of brutal and unrepresentative militias.

The article has been written by Flynt Leverett and Hillary Mann Leverett.

By Flynt Leverett

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Where did you find that killing innocent people is halal, that supporting terrorism/terrorist is halal? Where did you find that rebelled against the government is halal? Where did you find that insulting our chouyoukh is halal? Where did you find that women have to fight in the war? Where did you find that making the takfir of someone is allowed?
Where did you learn Islam? Be careful. I’m not a sheikh, i’m not a student in deen but i want our sisters and brothers to be careful.

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ماذا تعرفين عن الشيخ الداعيه محمد عبد الوهاب
إقرأي أولا عنه قبل أن تحكمي وسوف تعرفين سبب كرههم له
أولا ليس هناك مذهب أسمه الوهبي „ والوهاب هو الله وحده لايطلق على الأشخاص „ وسوف تتحملون وزر هذه الكلمه كلما قلتوها وقذفتوها علينا
نحن نتبع سنة المصطفى والجماعه ولسنا وهابيين
الشيخ محمد عبدالوهاب حارب البدع التي جعلتكم تضلون وتبتعدون عن الله وتتبعون شياطين الإنس „ وحارب الأضرحه التي تقومون بزيارتها بدل من الكعبه 
وحرم التوسل بمشائخكم الذين إدعوا الكرامات وأمرنا أن لا نتوسل إلا لله
الشيخ محمد عبدالوهاب غضب عندما مدحوه فقط „ ومشائخكم يقولون لكم توسلوا بنا الى الله 
الشيخ محمد عبدالوهاب أعاد المسلمون الى الصواب بعد أن هجروا دينهم
والآن حتى قبره لا نعلم أين هو
هذا هو الشيخ محمد عبد الوهاب
أرجوا منكم قبل أن تتبعوا شياطين الإنس , أن تستخدموا عقولكم قليلا ولاتتبعوا أهوائكم . 

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Today the Sunni Kurds of Syria are fighting the Takfiri terrorist,30,000 Kurdish refuges had fled Syria to Iraq to escape the Takfiris who have been killing them in recent days.

What will the Takfiri supporters say here?Is this Shia vs Sunni war as they claimed?

Or are Kurds not Sunnis because they are not Takfiris?Salahudeen Al-Ayubi,the man that liberated al-Quds from Crusaders was a Kurd.

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It is no coincidence that the Bir al Abed bombing occurred on the anniversary of the July War, while today’s massacre of Dahyeh’s residents occurred on the anniversary of Nasrallah’s annual victory speech (to be held tomorrow), and just days after the Zionists’ botched raid in South Lebanon earlier this month.

It is no coincidence that these bombings began right after Hizbullah’s role in liberating al-Qusayr , for which it was punished by the EU [and the treasonous GCC regimes] with a terrorist labeling, ironically.

This is not an attack on Lebanon’s Shia, even if its aim is to provoke sectarian strife; it is an attack on the resistance for confronting the US-Israeli scheme in our region, whether in Lebanon or Syria or Palestine.

It is an act of terrorism which aims at demoralizing the resistance’s supporters who have historically refused to be cowed by Zionist terrorism.

Whether this act was executed by takfiris, who have claimed responsibility for these attacks and threatened more, or by Israel’s local agents, the enemy of the resistance remains one, and it is one which shares the same strategic aim of destroying Syria , Hizbullah and the resistance axis as a whole.

The fact that fingers can be pointed just as easily at Israel as to takfiri jihadis only underlines the multifarious nature of Hizbullah’s enemy, which has required it to expand its concept of resistance by fighting the Empire and its local minions [Arab regimes] and unwitting tools [takfiris] on multiple fronts.

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