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#also this post comes across as negative towards el and it's not meant to be you know he's my MAN
jacnaylor · 1 year
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look whilst we're on the subject the way people came for kathy re: the letter (and came for me for defending her lmao) it's like. you do know she wasn't sitting around thinking about liv for 12 years right.
first of all, elliot starts by saying 'kathy wrote it' and then clarifies that by saying they wrote it together and that he helped dictate it. so kathy and elliot wrote it. do you think elliot is gonna sit down with his wife of 40 years and write a love letter to another woman?
second of all. it wasn't kathy's decision. NONE of it was. they ASKED elliot to go back to ny and to make a speech at liv's ceremony. he brought kathy with him. so obviously they have to say SOMETHING to liv. even if was gonna be a speech or a letter or whatever. they were coming back as a unit so they wrote to her as a unit. like the audience, and probably everyone involved, knew that deep down elliot meant something else. but he still said those things in the letter and signed his name to them. if he wanted to write something else im sure he could have lmao. he isn't blameless.
THIRD of all i honestly thing elliot had no clue where to even start, given the way they left, and this was quite literally the only thing he could think of to do, and it made it easier for him to have kathy help him with what to say.
FOURTH OF ALL - wait - FINALLY ok so there's some shit about 'what we were to each other wasn't real' and that's not true, we know that isn't true for either of them and it's not great to hear. i get why people were upset. but they haven't seen each other in 12 years. maybe that what he told himself in order to get by. maybe he told himself kathy was his real life and olivia was another life, a fantasy life. AND even after all of that, all of the shit and the lies, they still said they wanted olivia to be happy and loved because even in the end kathy and olivia never ever blamed each other for any of it.
basically kathy made the best of a complicated situation she never chose for herself and in this house we love and respect her
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esrescuer · 6 years
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Mexican Repatriation
The Mexican Repatriation was a mass deportation of Mexicans and Mexican-Americans from the United States between 1929 and 1936. Estimates of how many were repatriated range from 400,000 to 2,000,000. An estimated sixty percent of those deported were birthright citizens of the United States. Because the forced movement was based on race, and ignored citizenship, the process arguably meets modern legal definitions of ethnic cleansing.
Widely blamed for exacerbating the overall economic downturn of the Great Depression, Mexicans were further targeted because of "the proximity of the Mexican border, the physical distinctiveness of mestizos, and easily identifiable barrios." While supported by the federal government, actual deportations were largely organized and carried out by city and state governments, often with support from local private entities.
Large numbers of Mexican nationals and Mexican-Americans were repatriated during the early 1930s. This followed the Wall Street crash of 1929 and resulting growth in nativist sentiment, exemplified by President Herbert Hoover's call for deportation and a series on the racial inferiority of Mexicans run by the Saturday Evening Post.
Scope of Repatriation
Reliable data for the total number repatriated is difficult to come by. Hoffman estimates that over 400,000 Mexicans left the US between 1929 and 1937, with a peak of 138,000 in 1931. Mexican government sources suggest over 300,000 were repatriated between 1930 and 1933, while Mexican media reported up to 2,000,000 during a similar span. After 1933 Repatriation decreased from the 1931 peak, but was over 10,000 in most years until 1940. Research by California state senator Joseph Dunn concluded that 1.8 million had been repatriated.
This constituted a significant portion of the Mexican population in the US. By one estimate, 1/5th of Mexicans in California were repatriated by 1932, and 1/3rd of all Mexicans in the US between 1931 and 1934. The 1930 Census reported 1.3 million Mexicans in the US, but this number is not believed to be reliable, because some Repatriations had already begun, illegal immigrants were not counted, and the Census attempted to use racial concepts that did not map to how many Spanish-speakers in the Southwest defined their own identities.
Repatriation was not evenly geographically distributed, with midwestern Mexicans being only 3% of the overall US Mexican population but perhaps 10% of repatriates.
Besides coverage in local newspapers and radio, deportation was frequent enough that it was reflected in the lyrics of Mexican popular music.
Justifications for Repatriation
Even before the Wall Street crash, a variety of "small farmers, progressives, labor unions, eugenicists, and racists" had called for restrictions on Mexican immigration. Their arguments focused primarily on competition for jobs and the cost of public assistance for indigents. These arguments continued after the beginning of the Great Depression.
For example, in Los Angeles, C.P. Visel, the spokesman for Los Angeles Citizens Committee for Coordination of Unemployment Relief (LACCCU), wrote to the federal government that deportation was necessary because "[w]e need their jobs for needy citizens". A member of the Los Angeles County board of Supervisors, H.M. Blaine, is recorded as saying "the majority of the Mexicans in the Los Angeles Colonia were either on relief or were public charges." Similarly, Congressman Martin Dies wrote in the Chicago Herald-Examiner that the "large alien population is the basic cause of unemployment." Independent groups such as the American Federation of Labor (AFL) and the National Club of America for Americans also thought that deporting Mexicans would free up jobs for U.S. citizens and the latter group urged Americans to pressure the government into deporting Mexicans. Secretary of Labor William Doak (who at that time oversaw the Border Patrol) "asserted that deportation... was essential for reducing unemployment".
Contemporaries did not always agree with this analysis. For example, in a study of El Paso, Texas, the National Catholic Welfare Conference estimated that deportation of parents who were non-citizens would cost more than roundup and deportation, because previously ineligible remaining children and wives would become eligible for welfare. Modern economic research has also suggested that the economic impact of deportation was negligible or even negative.
Racism was also a factor. Mexicans were targeted in part because of "the proximity of the Mexican border, the physical distinctiveness of mestizos and easily identifiable barrios."
Mechanisms of Repatriation
In response to these justifications, the federal government, in coordination with local governments, took steps to remove Mexicans. These actions were a combination of federal actions that created a "climate of fear", along with local activities that encouraged repatriation through a combination of "lure, persuasion, and coercion".
Early "voluntary" Repatriation
Mexicans were often among the first to be laid off after the crash of 1929. When combined with endemic harassment, many sought to return to Mexico. For example, in 1931 in Gary, Indiana, a number of people sought funding to return to Mexico, or took advantage of reduced-rate train tickets. By 1932, such repatriation was no longer voluntary, as local governments and aid agencies in Gary began to use "repressive measures ... to force the return of reluctant voyagers". Similarly, in Detroit, by 1932 one Mexican national reported to the local consul that police had "dragged" him to the train station against his will, after he had proven his residency the previous year. Mexican Consulates across the country received complaints of "harassment, beatings, heavy-handed tactics and verbal abuse".
Federal government action
As the effects of the Great Depression worsened and affected larger numbers of people, feelings of hostility toward immigrants increased rapidly and the Mexican community as a whole suffered as a result. States began passing laws that required all public employees to be American citizens and employers were subject to harsh penalties such as a five hundred dollar fine or six months in jail if they hired immigrants. Although the law was hardly enforced, "employers used it as a convenient excuse for not hiring Mexicans. It also made it difficult for any Mexican, whether American citizens or foreign born, to get hired." The federal government imposed restrictions for immigrant labor as well, requiring firms that supply the government with goods and services refrain from hiring immigrants and as a result, most larger corporations followed suit and as a result, many employers fired their Mexican employees and few hired new Mexican workers causing unemployment to increase among the Mexican population.
President Hoover publicly endorsed Secretary of Labor Doak and his campaign to add "245 more agents to assist in the deportation of 500,000 foreigners." Doak’s measures included monitoring labor protests or farm strikes and labeling protesters and protest leaders as possible subversives, communists or radicals. "Strike leaders and picketers would be arrested, charged with being illegal aliens or engaging in illegal activities and thus be subject to arbitrary deportation."
Repatriation in Los Angeles
Beginning in the early 1930s, local governments instigated Repatriation programs, often conducted through local welfare bureaus or private charitable agencies. Los Angeles had the largest population of Mexicans outside of Mexico and had a typical deportation approach with a plan for "publicity releases announcing the deportation campaign, a few arrests would be made 'with all publicity possible and pictures,' and both police and deputy sheriffs would assist". This led to complaints and criticisms from both the Mexican Consulate and local Spanish language publication, La Opinión. The raids were significant in scope, assuming "the logistics of full-scale paramilitary operations" with cooperation from Federal officials, country deputy sheriffs and city police who would raid public places who were then "herded" onto trains or buses. Jose David Orozco  described on his local radio station the "women crying in the streets when not finding their husbands" after deportation sweeps had occurred."
Several Los Angeles raids included roundups of hundreds of Mexicans with immigration agents and deputies blocked off all exits to the Mexican neighborhood in East LA, riding "around the neighborhood with their sirens wailing and advising people to surrender themselves to the authorities."
After the peak of the Repatriation, Los Angeles again threatened to deport "between 15,000 and 25,000 families" in 1934. While the Mexican government took the threat seriously enough to attempt to prepare for such an influx the city ultimately did not carry through on their threat.
Legal process of deportations
Once apprehended, requesting a hearing was a possibility but immigration officers rarely informed individuals of their rights and the hearings were "official but informal", in that immigration inspectors "acted as interpreter, accuser, judge and jury". Moreover, the deportee was seldom represented by a lawyer, a privilege that could only be granted at the discretion of the immigration officer.  This process was likely a violation of US federal due process, equal protection and Fourth Amendment rights.
If no hearing was requested the second option of those apprehended was to voluntarily deport themselves from the US. In theory, this would allow these individuals to reenter the US legally at a later date because "no arrest warrant was issued and no legal record or judicial transcript of the incident was kept".  However, many were misled and on departure given a "stamp on their card [which showed] that they have been county charities". This meant that they would be denied readmission, since they would be "liable to become a public charge".
Mexican government response
Mexican governments had traditionally taken the position that it was "duty-bound" to help repatriate Mexicans who lived in the annexed portions of the southwest United States. However, it did not typically act on this stated policy, because of a lack of resources. Nonetheless, because of the large number of Repatriations in the early 1930s, the government was forced to act and provided a variety of services. From July 1930 to June 1931, it underwrote the cost of Repatriation for over 90,000 nationals. In some cases the government attempted to create new villages ("colonias") where Repatriates could live, but the vast majority returned to communities in which relatives or friends lived.
After the peak of the Repatriation had passed, the post-1934 government led by Lázaro Cárdenas continued to speak about encouraging Repatriation, but did little to actually encourage that to occur.
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