peopleofvermont

[peopleofvermont]

Proceedings of Grand Committee of the Legislature of the State of Vermont, 1917

But it is said that the people on the east of Connecticut River are under previous obligations to New Hampshire, (which they conceive not to be the case) and that Congress have made a final decision on the subject, and guaranteed all the lands east of the river aforesaid, to New Hampshire.—See the Resolution of Congress,—“In case Congress shall recognize the Independence of the People of Vermont, they will consider all the lands belonging to New Hampshire and New York without the limits of Vermont aforesaid.” Until the former is done, is the latter of any force? Surely no. But there is a Resolution of the 20th of August last confirming the aforesaid Resolution, and requesting the People of Vermont west of said river, to relinquish all claims and demands of lands east of the west banks of Connecticut River, and west of a certain line, or they should not be admitted into the federal Union of the United States. To what does this amount? Nothing but a demand of what was not in their power to comply with, without violating their most solemn compact, as Congress has just been informed by our said delegates. …….. Being fully persuaded, that the people of New Hampshire were not acquainted with the proceedings of Vermont, and the pains they had taken for a settlement of all disputes, induced me to publish the foregoing, with these observations, and have to add, that what is contained in this publication, is the sentiments of the people of Vermont, tho’ perhaps not of all their leaders. I am the public’s most faithful servant, William Page. Exeter Goal, Jan. 12th, 1782. 

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Charles Sumner: His Complete Works, 1900

Gratitude for Sympathy of the People of Vermont.  Letter to Hon. Ryland Fletcher, Governor of Vermont, March 7, 1857.

The Legislature of Vermont, at its recent session, passed a serious of joint resolutions, highly complimentary, and endorsing Mr. Sumner’s last speech in the Senate. On receiving a copy, Mr. Sumner wrote the following reply. New York, Saturday, March 7, 1857. To His Excellency, Ryland Fletcher, Governor of Vermont.

Sir,—At the last moment before leaving for foreign lands in quest of that vigorous heath which for nearly ten months has been taken from me, I have received notice of the resolutions adopted by the Legislature of Vermont, and approved by your Excellency, which give the official sanction of a generous, virtuous, and intelligent State to my speech in the Senate on the 19th and 20th of May last, exposing the Crime against Kansas. Such a token is precious to me in every respect,—not only because it assures me of the personal sympathy of the people of Vermont, declared through their representatives, but because it attests their interest in that cause which is more important than any person.

I cannot accept this public approval of my speech without seizing the occasion to express a heartfelt joy that I was permitted to make it, and also my humble determination, with returning strength, to do something that shall still further unmask the portentous Barbarism which has fastened on our Republic, and installed itself in all the high places of power.

I have the honor to be, Sir, with much respect, Your faithful servant, Charles Sumner. 

[peopleofvermont]

Bibliography of Vermont, 1897

Page 103: —St. Peter’s Life. The chains of St. Peter. St. Peter’s Relics in the Cathedral of Burlington. Right Rev. Louis de Goesbriand was born August 4, 1816, in the province of Brittany, France. After a course of three years in the Seminary of ST. Sulpice, Paris, he was ordained priest by Bishop Rosate, July 13, 1840. In response to a call sent by the American Bishops to the Seminaries of Europe for volunteer priests, he came to the United States, and was assigned to the charge of Louisville, Ohio. He was subsequently Vicar General of the Diocese of Cleveland, Ohio, and Rector of the Cleveland Cathedral until 1853, when, upon the erection of the Diocese of Burlington, Vt., he was chosen its first Bishop. He was consecrated as Bishop in the Cathedral of New York, Oct. 3, 1853, by Mgr. Bedini, Archbishop Hughes of New York preaching the sermon. He was installed by Bishop Fitzpatrick, of Boston, Nov. 6th, 1853. He has made various journeys to France, Ireland, Rome and the Holy Land; has obtained large funds for his church; procured and superintended the erection of the stately Cathedral of the Immaculate Conception in Burlington; of St. Joseph’s Church, Burlington; of the Providence Orphan Asylum, and of other churches and hospitals in his dioceses. He has, by his Christian devotion and many virtues, won the respect and esteem of the people of Vermont of all denominations.

Page 163: —Appeal to the people of Vermont, on the subject of the Anti-Masonic Excitement; by the Lodges of Freemasons in the County of Orange, and the Valley of White River. Chelsea: Printed at the Advocate Office. n.d. 16mo, pp. 23.

Page 175: Minot, George R. The History of the Insurrections in Massachusetts, in the Year MDCCLXXXVI, and the Rebellion Consequent thereon. By George Richards Minot, A.M. Printed at Worcester, Massachusetts, by Isaiah Thomas. MDCCLXXXVIII. 8vo. pp. 192. Known as the “Shay’s Rebellion.” Many of the first settlers in various sections of Vermont were refugees from the Shays party, and the authorities and people of Vermont being favorable to immigration, the Shays men who came within her borders with a view of settlement, were never seriously disturbed. Mr. Minot says: “Those decisive measures by the authorities of New York, obliged the malcontents to flee out of the State of New York, and to betake themselves to their last resort in Vermont.” Governor Chittenden, however, in obedience to a bar majority of the General Assembly, but in opposition to his own views, issued a proclamation on the subject as a matter of courtesy perhaps to the Governor of Massachusetts; for Vermont being an independent State, and not a member of the Confederation of States, was not bound by the articles of Confederation “binding themselves to assist each other against all force opposed to, or attacks upon them, or any of them,” etc. And there was no extradition treaty existing between Vermont and any of the other States. See Tyler, Royall.

Page 203: —Mr. Phelps’ Appeal to the People of Vermont, in Vindication of Himself, against the Charges made against him upon the occasion of his Re-Election to the Senate of the United States, in relation to his course as a Senator. MIddlebury: Published by the Author. Nov., 1845. 8vo, pp. 43.

Page 248: —Vermont State Papers; being a collection of Records and Documents, connected with the Assumption and Establishment of Government by the People of Vermont; Together with the Journal of the Council of Safety, the First Constitution, the early Journals of the General Assembly, and the Laws from the year 1779 to 1786, inclusive, to which are added the proceedings of the first and second Council of Censors. Compiled and published by William Slade, Jr., Secretary of State. Middleburg; J.W. Copeland, Printer, 1823. 8vo, pp. xx, 567, (1).

Page 249: —To the People of Vermont. Being Gov. Slade’s Reply to Senator Phelps’ Rejoinder. 8vo, pp. 40, 4. Oct. 10, 1846.

Page 276: —Northern Guide. Lake George, Lake Champlain, Montreal and Quebec, Green and White Mountains, and Willoughby Lake, with maps and tables of distances. By Z. Thompson. Author of History and Gazetteer of Vermont. Burlington: Published by S.B. Nichols. 1857. 18mo, pp. 45. ……. Mr. Thompson devoted the entire period of his life to the interests and welfare of his native State, and his labors are more gratefully appreciated as time passes. The best monument to his memory is his works. The people of Vermont have not publicly manifested that gratitude to the memory of Mr. Thompson which his labors merit; even in the history of Burlington, in which town Mr. Thompson passed the larger part of his life, as published in Miss Hemenway’s Gazetteer, less then one page is devoted to him.

Page 295: —An Address (and Proceedings) of the Council of Censors, to the People of Vermont. Western District, Vermont. Bennington: Printed by Anthony Haswell. MDCCC 8vo, pp. 32, (1). ……. —An Address of the Council of Censors, to the People of Vermont; together with proposed amendments to the Constitution. Montpelier, Vt.: Printed by Walton & Goss. 1813. 8vo, pp. 16.

—An Address (and Proceedings) of the Council of Censors. (Chosen March 26th, 1806.) To the People of Vermont. Bennington: Printed by Anthony Haswell. 1807. 8vo, pp. 12. 

[peopleofvermont]

Journal of the House of Representatives of the State of Vermont, 1883

In this day of grief and affliction, the people need to turn to the great source of consolation for support. I therefore recommend that the hour of three o’clock in the afternoon of Friday next, be observed as a time of prayer and contrition by the people of Vermont; that so far as it is consistent the ministers call the people together in their usual houses of worship; that places of business be closed during the hour, and that labor cease for a time. May this apparently great misfortune be blessed to the wisdom of the rulers, and the happiness of the people of this Nation.

Done in the Executive Chamber at Bradford, September 21st, 1881. By the Governor, Roswell Farnham. Lester F. Thurber, Secretary of Civil and Military Affairs. 

[peopleofvermont]

Records of the Governor and Council of the State of Vermont, 1880

Page 56: Silas Hemenway Jenison, son of Levi Jenison and Ruth Hemenway, was born in Shoreham, May 17, 1791, and was the first native of the State who became its Governor. He was the son of a farmer, who died when the son was only about a year old, so that his life for many years was spent upon a farm managed by his mother. In his youth he had the advantages of the common district school only, but he acquired a taste for reading, which abided with him through life. He, also, after his school days were ended, engaged the services of Gideon Sissons, an old schoolmaster of Shoreham, who was skilled in the Latin and French languages, arithmetic, algebra and surveying, and from him the young Jenison acquired a handwriting round and free and the skill of an accurate surveyor, in which his services were often employed to the close of his life. Quite as much as most Governors Vermont has ever had, he possessed the qualities of its first Governor, sound common sense, fidelity in the discharge of every duty, an earnest regard to the interests of the State, and fearlessness in the discharge of every duty which devolved upon him as the Chief Magistrate of the State. In his administration occurred what was called “the Patriot rebellion” in Lower Canada, in which the sympathies of the people of Vermont were largely with the rebels; but perceiving that neutrality was the duty of the nation, and of Vermont as a part of it, he promptly issued his proclamation to that effect, and called out the militia to aid the officers of the United States in repressing those bodies of armed men who were moving to aid the rebellion in Canada. By this course he doubtless forfeited the good will of many voters, but he was sustained by a majority of the people, and in 1840 received the largest majority of votes for Governor which had ever before been cast. As a member of the Legislature he interested himself largely in the Grand List, a subject which still needs the services of some able and fearless man and the support of all honest legislators. Gov. Jenison was a member of the General Assembly 1826 until 1831; Judge of Addison County Court 1829 until 1835; Delegate in the Constitutional Convention of 1843; Judge of Probate 1841 until 1847; Lieut. Governor 1834 and ’35, and acting Governor in 1835, and Governor 1836 until 1841, when he declined a reelection. His death occurred Oct. 30, 1849.—History of Shoreham; and Deming’s Catalogue.

Page 323: We would now speak a few words to the honorable Representatives of the people of Vermont.

Brethren and friends: The land we now claim never was purchased of us either by the French or English, and we never sold it nor was it ever conquered by our Indian brethren, but it has always been in our hands, and when you made settlements upon it, we considered then it belonged to us. And now “In justice and equity, it does not belong to us!” Yes, brethren, we believe it belongs to us, and we shall claim it as long as the sun rolls from the East to the West. In the year 1683 our ancestors had a considerable dispute as to the boundary line of the land, which we now claim, with the eastern Indians. A French Jesuit, who was well acquainted of our claim, wrote the following paragraph to Governor Dongan, of New York: “The Iroquois, of the Sault St. Lous or Cognawagahah, have always claimed the country lying in the east side of Lac de Champlain.” The boundary is as follows, viz.: beginning at the head of Lac de Champlain [Lake George] running thence east up to the heights of the treat mountain, thence north to the Fort Chamblee.” Thus you see, brethren, the Jesuit makes it appear that our ancestors have always claimed the land where you now live, and much larger than we do now. We claim as follows: “Beginning on the east side of Ticonderoga, from thence to the great falls on Otter Creek [Sutherland’s Falls,] and continues the same course to the height of land that divides the streams between Lake Champlain and Connecticut river, from thence along the heights of land opposite Missisquoi, and down to the Bay:” that is the land which we claim.

Page 337: Footnote: The Cognawaga Indians of the Lake of the Two Mountains could not have acquired any tribal rights in Vermont, since they date their existence as a distinct tribe “about the year 1789,” when Vermont was almost wholly covered with grants to and actually occupied by the people of Vermont. Nevertheless, as descendants and relatives of the claiming Indians for any rights that existed previous to 1789, they were entitled to a hearing and rightfully admitted by the Commissioner.

Page 338: In the first place, you will observe that many of the Indian tribes were living upon their lands at the time the treaties were made with them, and had valuable improvements, and their tiles to their lands undisputed, and their lands at so late a period had become very valuable. Your title to lands in Vermont is not only doubtful, but it is utterly denied, and it has never been admitted that you have any legal claim; and you only ask for compensation for the lands of your ancestors once occupied as their hunting ground. You say in honest justice that the people of Vermont ought to pay you as specified above, from the fact that they have so long lived upon our ancient hunting ground, and thereby deprived you in a great measure of the means of supporting your numerous families.

You will please to observe, that your ancestors left their ancient hunting ground and emigrated to Canada about the year 1676, and placed themselves under the Crown of France, and soon after swore allegiance to his Majesty’s government, became the allies of the French and the enemies of the English and American Colonies. Had your fathers chosen to have remained on your hunting grounds in Vermont (if they ever occupied them,) they might have done so until their title should have been extinguished by purchase in a fair and honorable manner; and that sense of justice, which has always been prominent with the people of Vermont, in all their transactions with their neighbors, warrants the belief that they would not have endeavored to obtain it in any other way. But the country was found to be vacant at an early day, and grants of land were made to the people of Vermont; first by the Governor of New Hampshire; then New York claimed the territory of Vermont upon the ground that it was a Dutch province, and that the Dutch had purchased it of the Indians, and New York, then a British province, had taken it by conquest from the Dutch, and by a grant of Charles Second to the Duke of York in the years 1664 and 1674, of the disputed territory. Whether the lands in Vermont were ceded to the Dutch in an early day, as claimed by New York, I have no further means of knowing; but one thing is certain, that the king of Great Britain, when the territory was claimed by New York, made grants of land extending upon the territory which you claim in Vermont, without requiring a previous purchase from you, or any other nation, or tribe of Indians; which is a very strong proof against the existence of any title in you, to the lands your ancestors own in Vermont.

Page 339: Many of the early settlers of Vermont, after purchasing their lands from New Hampshire, repurchased them from New York, and after continuing the controversy with New Hampshire and New York for a quarter of a century or more, it was finally settled by the State of Vermont paying New York the sum of $30,000 to relinquish her claim to the territory of Vermont. So you see, Brothers, that the people of Vermont have already paid very dear for their lands. …… [Reply of the Indian Deputies.] Brother:—In an answer to your two first questions, given us in writing Friday last, we had no idea of giving offense. We claim the privilege of answering in our own way; for want of better information, possibly some portion of our answer may be considered surplussage, or in other words, inadmissible. Brother, in answer to yours of this day, we observe that you are not well pleased with ours of yesterday, as regards the price of our hunting grounds in Vermont. As Indians, we did suppose that the people of Vermont would be willing to pay us poor Indians as much per acre as the United States Government pay other Tribes or nations of Indians for their hunting grounds. Brother, we have well considered your answer to us of yesterday, and have concluded to make the people of Vermont, though you, a further offer, as we are very desirous of being considered just, honest, and generous. We now say further, the people of Vermont may have their choice, either to pay us four cents per acre for our hunting grounds lying easterly of the New York state line, after deducting that portion of the waters of Lake Champlain, or an average of the twenty treated as communicated in our answer of yesterday; or you may pay us $89,600 at such time as may hereafter be agreed upon. Brother, we say that we have in our possession volumes of treaties published by the general government, and other official documents, from which we learn the date of each treaty, with whom made, the amount ceded to the United States in acres, the sum paid in consideration of said cessions, from the origin of government to A.D. 1840. The same documents are in your State Library. Therefore, Brother, it is a very easy matter for our Brothers of Vermont to examine for themselves; we prefer the privileges of selecting the twenty treaties; we most willingly give our Brethren their choice.

Page 342: At the next Session of 1854, we again presented our claim at your council fire, at your wigwam in the city of Montpelier, and renewed our claim. We then waited to witness whether the communication should succeed or have it ended by the Legislature. Our brotherly thanks to those who pitted and respected us, so far as putting life to our communications, which was through the goodness and kindness and humanity, also from the good feelings of the people of Vermont; it is true that joy went through our whole Iroquois Tribe, when the Report was made by us of being in hopes of coming to a final settlement, for our compensation.

Page 468: 1776, Sept. 27. Covenant and Compact of the people of Vermont.

Page 484: 1798, Nov. 22. Gov. Tichenor to Samuel Mattocks, on payment of the debt to New York, iv, 442.

1798, Dec. 7. Same to same, and on the condition of the people of Vermont, iv, 444. 

[peopleofvermont]

Records of the Governor and Council of the State of Vermont, 1875

Page 255: Resolved, That in case Congress shall recognize the independence of the said people of Vermont, they will consider all the lands belonging to New Hampshire and New York respectively, without the limits of Vermont aforesaid, as coming within the mutual guarantee of territory contained in the articles of confederation; and that the United States will accordingly guarantee such lands, and the jurisdiction over the same, against any claims or encroachments form the inhabitants of Vermont aforesaid. Extract from the minutes, (Signed) Charles Thomson, Sec’ry.

Page 264: Joseph Jones, in Congress, to General Washington.—[Extract.] Feb. 27. With respect to the business of Vermont, I think you need not be uneasy from apprehensions that the army, or any part of them, will be employed to force a compliance with the act of the 5th of December last, should the people of Vermont refuse a compliance with that demand; at least for some time to come, if ever. To go into detail upon this matter would be prolix, and rather improper for the scope of a letter. It cannot be denied that the act of Congress of the 20th August [1781] opened the prospect to Vermont of an acknowledgment of their independence and admission into the Union. Although it gave ground of hope, it was not conclusive: and the Legislature of Vermont, absolutely rejecting the offer, and recommending to the people an inviolable adherence to their union and encroachments on the adjoining States, as well as other unwarrantable acts they have unjustly concealed from the public in their remonstrance, released Congress from their offer, and left them at liberty afterwards to accept or refuse, as they saw fit, when Vermont, repenting of her conduct, at a future period complied.

Page 275: The Deposition of Oliver Lovell of lawful age being duly sworn deposit and saith that some time ago viz. about the time when Lord Cornwallis was a driving the people in the Southern States that one Judge Mossly [Moseley] who was then a Superior Judge of the people of Vermont came to this Deponents House, and in discourse with said Mossly, Mossly said that if the people of Vermont did not make a Speedy Treaty with the Britons they would be to blame for if that was neglected Vermont perhaps would never have an opportunity to have any favors above the other States and I hope said Mossly our people of Vermont will make peace with the Britons Soon—and further this Deponent Saith not. Oliver Lovell. June 21, 1782.

Page 294: The British esteem it an object of great importance to them, to engage the people of Vermont in their interest, and have accordingly instructed Gen. Clinton & Gen. Haldiman to use their best endeavors to that end. And tho’ I don’t think the people have any intention to come under the British yoke, or do anything injurious to this country, yet, if left in their present situation, they may be led to take steps very prejudicial to the United States. I think it very unlikely that Congress can attend to the settlement of the dispute by a Judicial decision, during the War, and every day I live, and everything I see, give to my fears the consistence of opinion. It is a mighty arduous business to compel the submission of men to a poetical or religious government. It appears to me very doubtful whether Vermont, if independent, would not be more useful to New York, than as the Eastern District.” He added his belief, moreover, that the government of the State [of New York] would be more manageable, and greater benefits derived to the people, from a less extent of territory; that the security of a republic is the diffusion of knowledge, and the vigor and spirit of a common sentiment, which may persuade and animate every heart; that “the attempt would be more virtuous, and more honorable, to force cultivation through the barrier of a land monopoly, and to spread its influence over a hoarded wilderness, than vainly to subdue or acquire, or more mainly to covet, a wide dominion extensively useless.” These opinions were not relished by his friend, the Governor, nor by the other prominent characters in his own State. At a later period, in writing to Governor Clinton, he recurred to the same topics as follows.

Page 328: And it being now represented by the State of New York that great danger and distress will arise from a further delay of the decision of the said controversy; and the people of Vermont having complied as aforesaid with the terms prescribed by Congress, as a preliminary to a recognition of their independence, your committee submit the following resolves:…. ……. Your committee further report, with respect to the matters alleged by the delegates of New York, concerning the sufferings of individuals by banishment and confiscation of property, and the disorders and violences that have happened in consequence of the opposite and interfering jurisdiction exercised by the State of New York and the government of Vermont, over the same persons within the said district; that the several letters and papers from the Governor of New York and the people of Vermont, relative to those matters, have been heretofore committed, and no report hath been made thereon; your committee are therefore of opinion, that if Congress should judge it expedient to take any further order respecting those matters, it will be proper again to commit those papers.

Page 335: The war with Great Britain had proved greatly distressing to every part of the United States; but it had served to establish an union among the people of America, which could not have been so firmly cemented, but by the prospect of common danger. This appearance was now come to an end. On January the 20th, 1783, the preliminary articles of peace were signed by the ministers of the king of Great Britain, and the United States of America. In this treaty the former colonies were acknowledged to be free, sovereign and independent states. By putting an end to war, this treaty put an end to the embarrassments of Congress, and to all the fears of the people of Vermont. An union with the confederation was no longer a matter of immediate and urgent necessity. the state had now no external enemies to oppose, or any body of troops to be raised or kept in pay. Weary of so long and distressing a war, all parties wished for the repose and tranquility of peace; and were heartily desirous of dropping all occasions of controversy and debate. The business of Congress, however, became more and more embarrassing. Their currency had failed, their revenues were exhausted, their armies were dissatisfied and unpaid, the debts they had contracted were unfunded, the public creditors were everywhere full of complaints against their proceed gins, and they had no resources to answer the demands that were perpetually made upon them. Few of the states paid much regard to their resolutions, and it was now fully evident that their powers were inadequate to the public business of the United States, and that he articles of union and confederation were essentially defective. Without power to relieve themselves, under these embarrassments, the Congress was daily sinking into a state of insignificance and contempt; and the public affairs of the union were constantly becoming more and more embarrassed with weakness, disorder, the want of wisdom, credit, and power.

In such a state of things, an admission into the confederacy of the states, ceased to be an object of any importance, or even desire. Vermont was happy in being free from the load of debt, which lay upon the United States; and was not perplexed by the constant calls of Congress, to raise the necessary sums of money. The legislature had acquired wisdom and experience in governing the people, from the difficulties in which they had been engaged. It had not been in their power to contract very large debts, nor was it necessary or practicable to impose heavy taxes upon the people. The state had a large quantity of valuable lands to dispose of; and purchasers and settlers were constantly coming in, from all the New England States. Thus, by one of those sudden transitions which are common to human affairs, from the most distressed and perplexed state, the condition and prospect of the people of Vermont became, at once, more easy and flattering than those of their neighbors. Encouraged by the mildness of the government, the smallness of the taxes, the fertility and cheapness of the lands, large addition were annually made to their numbers and property, by the accession of inhabitants from other states. There was nothing, therefore, in the public affairs of the United States, or in those of Vermont, that could lead the inhabitants any longer to wish for an admission into the confederation. The body of the people felt that they were in a better situation than the people in the neighboring states; and it was the general inclination and desire, not to be connected with the union, if it could be decently avoided.

Page 358: It is evident therefore that creditors must have looked mainly to the land and its products for pay, and that enforced collections would in numerous cases deprive the debtors of homes and means of support. In these respects the people of Vermont suffered even more than those of the older neighboring States, and it is not surprising that many complained, and some contemplated the same violent remedy that was attempted in other states, but rather that the emergency was so wisely met by the government and people of Vermont, and the attempts at violence so promptly and thoroughly suppressed.

Page 391: Sir, in behalf of the people of Vermont I return you thanks for the honor you have done me and them in generous correspondence, and assure you that we esteem [it] a great honor to be noticed by the French nation, the guarantees [guarantors] of American independence, more especially as we are not yet confederated with the United States. We flatter ourselves that a mutual intercourse of Friendship and good offices amounts nearly to an alliance.

We have not as yet made an accurate plan or map of the State, but are doing it, which when done we will send to France, to be completed by the King’s engravers, with the seal of the State, as you proposed. And with respect to the College, a Committee is now appointed to mark out the place, and as to the seal of the College and its device and any other matters relating thereto, the people of Vermont confide in Mr. St. John and are his Humble servants. As to any shrubs or rarities to accommodate the King’s garden, we have it in contemplation, and will write you on that, as well as other particulars, more fully at another time.

Page 404: It will be observed that the privileges accorded by the foregoing documents were not in terms limited to the people of Vermont, and that no intimation is made that they were in response to any application of Vermont; yet it is certain that the advantages were almost exclusively enjoyed by the people of this State, and it was asserted in a memorial of Levi Allen to the General Assembly in 1791, that they were conceded at the request of Vermont. The reason of this not being avowedly so, appears from a statement of a correspondent of the ‘Vermont Gazette’ of Dec. 10, 1787, to wit: “Lord Dorchester cannot tolerate any separate intercourse with the people of Vermont without infringing the peace [the treaty] of 1783.” That treaty included Vermont within the boundaries of the United States, and Lord Dorchester and the British government might well deem it improper to treat with any body other than the proper agents of the government of the United States. It is true that Vermont was then practically independent of Congress, as she was not a member of the confederation; but confessedly she was so temporarily only, because she was constantly prepared for admission to the Union at the earliest moment practicable. This delicacy, however, need not and did not prevent Lord Dorchester from listening to the representations from Vermont, or from granting privileges which he deemed to be advantageous to his own people and government as wells to them, in a way which could give no offense to Congress. The same policy was adopted by him a year later.

Page 412: To this I shall subjoin the following abstract, taken from General Allen’s memorials on this subject, to his Grace the Duke of Portland, etc.—Page 104, Vol, I, of the ship Olive Branch capture.

In an interview with his Grace, General [Ira] Allen laid down the advantages that would mutually result to the two countries, if such a communication should be carried into effect. His Grace objected to any share of the expense on the part of the British Government, but expressed his readiness to relieve, and to consider of proposals for carrying the same into execution on other principles. General Allen, in his Memorials, etc., offered to cut the Canal at his own expense, on condition that he should be secured in an interest of his money, by an order from Government, assigning a tonnage on vessels, etc. navigating this lake, to the amount of said interest; and that shipping built in said Lake, by the citizens of Vermont, should be permitted to pass to and from the open seas, paying such tonnage as should be deemed reasonable on passing Quebec; that the manufactures, raw materials, and produce of Vermont, should be permitted to pass to the open sea; that the manufacturers, goods, etc. of Great Britain, should be permitted to be imported in the shipping of Vermont into the said State, without paying any duty on such exports or imports, by Act or Acts of the Parliament of Great Britain, or the Legislature of Lower Canada. That contiguous to said Lake was a fertile country abounding in lumber, iron ore, marble, etc. that the soil produced wheat, Indian corn, peas, barley, hemp, grass, etc. in great abundance; that the country was erected into a settlement after the conquest of Canada, by the late Lord Amherst, in 1761, and is now estimated at a population of 150,000 souls. That Great Britain, through the medium of the said Canal and Navigation, would, in fact, reap the advantage of the trade of Vermont, and of the northern part of the State of New York, which parts, contiguous to Lake Champlain and Iroquois, would then find it their interest to become a part of the State of Vermont. That such reciprocal navigation and interest in the Canal, would cement and promote friendship betwixt the people of the two Canadas, and those near the lake and the Iroquois, and would tend very much to strengthen the Treaty made betwixt Great Britain and the United States of America in 1794, under which treaty British ships are permitted to navigate Lake Champlain for commercial purposes. that in case of war betwixt any powers, except those of Great Britain and America, the commerce of said Lake might be conveyed to Europe in Vermont or British bottoms, free from capture, high insurance, or expense of convoy. Hence the enterprising inhabitants of Vermont would find it their interest to support the government of Great Britain in Canada, whilst the remainder would be satisfied with the Canal and commerce. In peace or war, it would render the price of salt, English goods, etc, cheap, and in time of war, the exports of Vermont would bear a high price, in consequence of the ease and safety of transportation. The people of Vermont thus situated, would be averse to war; they would, in fact, be a neutral body betwixt two great nations; whilst their Representatives in the Legislature of the United States would oppose every idea of hostilities between Great Britain and the United States, on principles of mutual interest; thus the most permanent contracts are established, and the blessings of peace and prosperity the rewards.

Page 423: Is it not natural to suppose, that a powerful people both by number and situation, unconnected as they now stand, & without any relative importance in the union, irritated by neglect, or stimulated by revenge—I say, is it not probable, under such circumstances, they will provide for their own safety, by seeking connections elsewhere? And who that hears me, doubts, but that these connections have already been formed with the British in Canada? We have the strongest evidence that negotiations have been carried on between that government and the leaders of the people of Vermont. Whatever may be the person temper of the people, it is easy to foresee what it will become under the influence of their leaders. Confederated with a foreign nation, we can be at no loss to anticipate the consequences of such a connection, nor the dangers form having so powerful a body of people, increasing rapidly in numbers and strength, associated with a foreign power, and ready upon any rupture to throw their weight into an opposite scale. In their present situation, they bear no part of our public burdens; if they were a part of the confederacy, they must of course participate in them. They are useless to us now, and if they continue as they are, they will be formidable to us hereafter. I have observed before, that the people there enjoy an exemption from taxes. In these states the taxes must be considerable to fulfill the public engagements; to support the government. What a temptation will a comparison of situations in this respect fussing to the inhabitants of those states boarding on Vermont? It is the policy of the Vermontese to make proselytes to their government, and the means which they employ for that purpose are too well calculated to accomplish their designs.

Page 432: The enterprise will of course become more difficult by delay, and procrastination can only serve to render the claims of the State and its citizens, in the opinion of mankind, obsolete, and to give the consent of time to the connection which the people of Vermont have, in all appearance, already formed with the British government. This last point I shall discuss more fully in another place.

I have confined myself in my reasoning to an examination of what is practicable on the part of this State alone. No assistance is to be expected from our neighbors. Their opinion of the origin of the controversy between this State and the people of Vermont, whether well or ill founded, is not generally in our favor; and it is notorious that the Eastern States have uniformly countenanced the independence of that country. This might suggest to us reflections that would confirm the belief of the impracticality of destroying, and the range roof attempting to destroy that independence. …….. In popular governments, the sentiments of the people generally take their tone from their leaders. The leaders of Vermont cannot desire a reunion with New York, because this would amount to an abdication of their own power and consequence. The people of Vermont will not desire it, because no people ever desired to pass from a situation in which they were exempted from taxes, and in which they suffered no particular oppression, to one in which they would be subject to burthens comparatively heavy.

Page 436: But would Great Britain hazard a war with the United States for so inconsiderable an object? In the first place, the object is not inconsiderable. In the next, our situation is not such as to render our resentment formidable. This situation is perhaps better understood by everybody else than ourselves; and no nation would forego a present advantage to our detriment, while it knew that a change of government must precede any inconveniences from our displeasure. I do not suppose that the British government would, in the present state of things, commit itself to any avowed engagements with the people of Vermont. It will, no doubt, take care to be in such a situation as to leave itself at liberty to act according to circumstances; but it will, and I have no doubt does, by the intermediation of its officers, keep up a secret intercourse with the leaders of that people, to endeavor gradually to mould them to its interests, to be ready to convert them to its own purposes upon any favorable conjuncture or future emergency. This policy is so obvious and safe, that it would be presumable without any evidence of its existence. 

[peopleofvermont]

Records of the Governor and Council of the State of Vermont, 1874

Page 213: Similar is the State of Vermont; whose inhabitants, at the expense of their fortunes, and hazard of their lives, without the least charge to any Colony, Province, or State, from which they removed, by hard labor and unconquerable spirit, they have procured settlements, in the wilderness of Vermont; have faced death and danger; undergone unspeakable hardships, in perils by savages, in perils by wild beasts of prey, in cold, in nakedness, in hunger, and in want. That above all have they suffered, from the cruelty of Great Britain and her emissaries. Nevertheless, from the first day of their entering into said wilderness, they never adopted, or choose any kind of government, any further than compelled by the murdering sword, nor did they ever from into a State of society, with any other Colony, Province, or State, but kept a well regulated association among themselves, for the protection of life, and property, until the 15th of January 1777, when by the united voice of the people, they declared themselves a free and independent State. For the truth of these thighs we can appeal to many undeniable facts; so late as march 1774, [1775,] previous to the battle of Lexington, the judges of new York, were led in fetters of iron, within the gates of their own city, for shedding innocent blood at Westminster, in murderously attempting to enforce the laws of that province, upon the people of Vermont. And as the territory of Vermont did not originally appertain to New York, and seeing the inhabitants never did associate with that province, it is manifest they have as good a natural right to independence, to make and execute their own laws, as any body of people on this continent.

Page 229: Had New York succeeded in their various and insidious attempts to subjugate the people of Vermont, the recent claims of those other governments would never have ben mentioned and the jurisdiction of New York over this territory would at this day have been indisputable, so that Massachusetts Bay and New Hampshire have taken advantage of the controversy between New York and Vermont, and even of the bravery of the latter in defending their natural rights and liberties, as the only possible ground of laying their frivolous claims. they have furthermore taken the advantage of the bravery of the United States in general and Vermont likewise, in bringing about the present revolution by which means they dare extend their pretended claims which it is presumed they would not have had the hardiness to endure [against] the British government over the head of those royal adjudications of 1739 and 1764 aforesaid, and it is worthy a remark that the se claims have been started about three years since the declaration of independence of the United States. Still the people of Vermont, legally speaking, remains under the British Government (over which Governor Philip Skeene was commissioned chief magistrate and next to this Government has the best claim to the jurisdiction of Vermont) from the 4th day of July 1776 to the 15th day of January next following and then in a solemn manner disavowed the British government and rejected the pretensions of Mr. Skeene, and all other pretenders to the jurisdiction of this territory, and declared themselves a free and Independent State; and have as they humbly conceive, in their various struggles for liberty, fairly merited the enjoyment of it. This they consider as the ultimate reason of their many expenses, labors, toils, battles, victories and hazards, and or the attainment of which they have cheerfully suffered such an uncommon series of concomitant evils.

Page 316: Footnote: These resolutions were sent to Gov. Chittenden by Gen. Washington, by a special messenger—Capt. Ezra Heacock,—who was also charged with a verbal inquiry, whether the people of Vermont would be satisfied with the independence suggest by the resolutions, or really designed to join the enemy. Gov. Chittenden conversed freely on Vermont affairs with Capt. Heacock; assured him that the negotiation with Canada was to secure the state from invasion; that the people of Vermont were zealous supporters of national independence, and desire the admission of their state into the union; but that under no circumstances would they submit to the jurisdiction of New York: “that they would oppose this by force of arms, and would join with the British in Canada, rather than to submit to that government.” Capt. Heacock was requested to report these declarations to Gen. Washington.—Vt. Hist. Soc. Collecitons, Vol. II, p. 158.

Page 375: A motion was then made by Mr. Clark [of New Jersey,] seconded by Mr. Atlee [of Pennsylvania,] that the rest of the report be committed; which is as follows: Congress having resolved on the 7th day of August last, that in case they should recognize the independence of the people of Vermont, they would consider all the lands belonging to New Hampshire and New York, respectively, lying without the limits aforesaid, as coming within the mutual guarantee of territory contained in the articles of confederation; and that the United States will accordingly guarantee such lands and the jurisdiction over the same, against any claim or encroachments from the inhabitants of Vermont aforesaid; and Congress having, on the 20th day of the same month required as an indispensable preliminary to their recognition of the independence of the people inhabiting the territory aforesaid, and their admission into the federal union, the explicit relinquishment of all demands of lands or jurisdiction on the east side of the west bank of Connecticut river and on the west side of a line beginning at the northwest corner of the state of Massachusetts, thence running twenty miles east of Hudson’s river so far as the said river runs northeasterly in its general course; thence by the west bounds of the townships granted by the late government of New Hampshire, to the river running from South bay to Lake Champlain; thence long the said river to Lake Champlain; thence along the waters of Lake Champlain to the latitude of 45 degrees north, excepting a neck of land between Missiskoy Bay and the waters of Lake Champlain. And the people inhabiting the territory aforesaid, not having as yet made the relinquishment aforesaid as above required, and attempting since the death of the above resolutions to extend and establish their jurisdiction over part of the lands guaranteed to the states of New York and New Hampshire above said; and it being indispensably necessary to bring all disputes respecting the jurisdiction of the people residing within the territory aforesaid to a speedy issue:

Page 389: That, in the opinion of your committee, the competency of Congress to enter into the above resolutions, was full and complete,—the concurrent resolutions of the Senate and Assembly of the State of New York, of the 15th and 19th of November last, containing a protest against the authority of Congress in the matter, notwithstanding; these concurrent resolutions, in letter and in spirit, being, undeniably, incompatible with a legislative act of the said state of a preceding day, to wit, the 21st of October, 1779, wherein there is an absolute reference of the dispute between that state and the people of Vermont, respecting jurisdiction, to the final arbitrament and decision of Congress; and from which alone would result to Congress all the necessary authority herein:…

Page 402: Instructions of Gen. Haldimand to Commissioners appointed to negotiate with Vermont, Dec. 20, 1780. (Copy.) Instructions to… Having given you full power in my name to negotiate, in conjunction with M… [Major Dundas,] with the people of Vermont for the Exchange of prisoners by my Letter of the 20th October, I now instruct you in what you may assure and promise to them as the means of accommodation, and their return to their allegiance. Sensible of the Injustice which Individuals in the New York Government attempted against them, in solicit and obtaining Grants of Lands which had in consequence of Grants from New Hampshire been cultivated by the labor and industry of the Inhabitants of the Green Mountains, I always regretted the measures which were taken by the Government of New York and felt compassion for the unhappy people who were the objects of them. I have always been of opinion that a people who during the last war were so ready on every occasion to oppose the Enemies of Great Britain, and [would] never have been prevailed upon to separate themselves from a Country with which they were intimately connected by religion, laws and language, had their properties been secured to them. It is therefore with great cheerfulness that I authorize you to give these people the most positive assurances that their Country will be erected into a separate province independent and unconnected with every Government in America, and will be entitled to every prerogative and Immunity which is promised to other Provinces in your [copy of the] Proclamation of the King’s Commissioners.  This I hope will be sufficient to remove every jealousy of Great Britain wishing to deprive them of their Liberties, or of my ever becoming an Instrument to oppress them. I sincerely wish to bring back to their Allegiance a brave and unhappy people, so that they may enjoy the Blessings of peace, Liberty, and an honest Industry.

Page 406: Memoranda of dispatch from Lord George Germaine to Gen. Haldimand. February 7, 1781. (No. 77.) The Minister says: The return of the people of Vermont to their Allegiance is an Event of the utmost Importance to the King’s Affairs. General Haldimand has received instructions to draw them over, and give them support.

Lord George Germaine to Sir Henry Clinton.—[Extract.] Whitehall, [London,] February 7, 1781. The return of the people of Vermont to their allegiance, is an event of the utmost importance to the king’s affairs; and at this time, if the French and Washington really meditate an irruption into Canada, may be considered as opposing an insurmountable bar to the attempt. General Haldimand, who has the same instructions with you to draw over these people, and give them support, will, I doubt not, push up a body of troops, to act in conjunction with them, to secure all the avenues though their cottony into Canada; and when the season admits, take possession of the upper parts of the Hudson and Connecticut rivers, and cut off the communication between Albany and the Mohawk country. How far they may be able to extend themselves southward, or eastward, must depend on their numbers, and the disposition of the inhabitants; but, if Albany should take part with them, the inducement to attempt to open a communication with them by Hudson’s river will appear irresistible to people here.

Page 415: Colonel Allen gave a brief account of this interview, which will be found in the first volume of the ‘Vermont Historical Collections,’ pp. 420-426. It contained a document which is not to be found in the ‘Haldimand Papers.’ It was probably written on the 11th of May. Allen’s statement in reference to it was, that “he declined writing anything, lest his writings should be exposed;” but “would verbally state the business, which Major Lunno [Lernoult] might write and communicate to the commander-in-chief:”

“Major Lunno at once adopted Colonel Allen’s mode to inform the commander-in-chief, and proceeded in the following manner:—

Question.—Did not the people of Vermont take an early and active part in the rebellion? Answer.—The people of Vermont were informed that hostilities had commenced at Lexington, by an express from the Governor and Council of Connecticut to Colonel Ethan Allen, who requested him immediately to raise the Green Mountain Boys, and, without loss of time, to march and take the first Tycondaroga and Crown Point, which Colonel Allen complied with, and also took the King’s sloop of war with 16 guns, then lying off Fort St. John’s.

Question.—Have the people of Vermont continued their exertions in the course of the war? Answer.—No people in America have exerted themselves more than those of Vermont; they, with the assistance of the militia from the State of New Hampshire, and from the county of Berkshire, gave the first check to General Burgoyne’s army by the victory at Bennington, and by other exertions, greatly contributed to the capture of his whole army at Saratoga.

Question.—What were the motives which stimulated the people of Vermont to such violent measures? Answer.—The inhabitants of Vermont principally came from Connecticut and the other New England States, and, as brethren, felt for them in a high degree when hostilities first commenced; besides, they were of the same opinion as entertained by their brethren in New England, that the Parliament of Great Britain had no right to bind and control the colonies in all cases whatsoever, and that representation ought to precede taxation.

Page 416: Question.—On what principles do the people of Vermont act by endeavoring to obtain an armistice, and the privilege of being a colony under the crown, after taking so decided a part as you say, on similar principles to those of their brethren in New England? Answer.—When the people of Vermont first took an active part against Great Britain, they were in principles agreed with their brethren in the other colonies to oppose the claims of the Parliament on America, and fought in their country’s cause, expecting to enjoy equal privileges with their neighbors in choosing and establishing their own form of government, and in sharing with them all the advantages which might result form their united efforts in the common cause. But after all, they have found to their sorrow, by acts and resolution of Congress, and proceedings of other States, that they intend to annihilate the new State of Vermont, and annex its territory to New York, whose government is perfectly hated and detested by the people of Vermont. To effect this plan, the frontiers of Vermont have been left naked and exposed to the wasting sword of the British troops, with a view to depopulate the country, and give the New York monopolists possession. This usage being too much for human nature to bear, the citizens of Vermont think themselves justifiable, before God and man, in seeking an armistice with the British, and ceasing further to support a power that has too soon attempted to enslave a brave and generous people.

Page 423: With respect to the permanent Cartel wished for by Vermont, as proposed by them, the General has already determined, and his reasons for not complying therewith have been communicated to Colonel Allen. He is nevertheless desirous to accomplish the Reunion already proposed to the people of Vermont, but fears that delay will prove fatal to his wishes in their favor. The Terms for reconciliation which His Excellency has held out to them are undoubtedly sufficient to secure to them their Liberties and Properties, and he desire you would communicate to Colonel Allen his ardent wish that the people of Vermont lose no time in acceding to conditions so consonant to their well Being. There is from the last accounts from Europe great reason to think that a general negotiation for peace has commenced under the mediation of the Emperor. Sir Joseph York and Sir … Keith are the Plenipotentiaries on the part of Great Britain and are gone to Vienna on that Business. Whatever the Terms of peace may be, the people of Vermont must be left in the same unfavorable situation they were in before the present troubles, except that by a speedy determination to resist the Tyranny of Congress and to accept the Terms offered them, they secure to themselves a separate Government and Jurisdiction independent of the other States.

Page 429: Memorandum of letter of Lord George Germaine to Gen. Haldimand. No. 87. 7th July [1781.] The Minister says,—If we succeed at the Southward, I shall not be afraid of a failure in our Negotiation with the people of Vermont, for Washington must in that case, make still further Detachments from his army on the Hudson’s River, if not carry away the greatest part of it: and as General Haldimand will have a Body of Troops to throw in among them, their apprehension of the resentment of the Congress must be removed, and they will see it to be their wisest and safest course to declare for His Majesty, for In confess that I really more upon their finding it to be for their Interest than upon their loyalty, for their taking part with us.

Gen. George Washington to Gen. James Clinton.—[Extract.] July 9, 1781. I can give no countenance to any cartel which may have been settled between the people of Vermont and the Governor of Canada, and so I lately informed Mr. Chittenden by an officer sent down by him to me. I wish there may not be other business transacted under the cover of a flag from Vermont to Canada besides the exchange of prisoners.

Page 447: Form of Proclamation proposed by Gen. Haldimand. Frederick Haldimand, etc. etc.

Whereas, his Majesty, persevering in his humane endeavors to prevent the Calamities of War, Hath been Graciously pleased to grant unto me, in general Terms, permission to treat with, and to propose to his Subjects in the District of Country called Vermont such Terms for accommodation as might appear to me best calculated to recall hem to their Allegiance, and to rescue them from the oppression of their interested deluders, by reuniting them upon a respectable and permanent footing, with the Mother Country.—Happy in the prospect of being Instrumental to so desirable an event, I embrace this mode, as the most public, of declaring to the people of Vermont, that upon their cordially and effectually reuniting themselves, as a Government under the Crown of Great Britain, they shall be considered by the same a separate province, independent of, and unconnected with every Government in America, and will be entitled to and shall enjoy every prerogative and immunity promised to the other provinces in the Proclamation of the King’s Commissioners, comprehending Charter rights, as formerly enjoyed by the province of Connecticut, the right of appointing a governor excepted, which must rest in the Crown.

In order the more effectually to remove every jealousy on the part of the people of Vermont (industriously infused by designing Men into the minds of the Ignorant) of Great Britain’s wishing to deprive them of their liberty, and to curtail their Interest by limiting their possessions—and in order to remove the injuries said to have ben exercised against them by the New York Government, in obtaining Grants of Land which had, in consequence of Grants from New Hampshire, been cultivated by the labor and industry of the Inhabitants of the Green Mountains.—I hereby further promise, that, until such time as His Majesty’s pleasure shall be signified to me, or that I shall have authority from one of the King’s Commissioners (for which I have already made application) to confirm to the said people of Vermont their late acquisition of Territory, together with their Landed Property, as granted under New Hampshire, Viz.—From the North Line of Massachusetts, North, to the South Line of Canada, and from the Hudson’s River, East, to the Mason Line, I shall consider the same, to all intents and purposes, belonging to the Province of Vermont, and I shall afford to them the same protection, privileges and Immunities herein promised to the Inhabitants of the original District.

Page 448: A free Trade with Canada will likewise be granted and encouraged, and the more effectually to protect the said people of Vermont in their possessions, a cooperative Force sufficient for that purpose will, at all times, be provided by the Crown, and the Vermont Troops shall have every present and future Advantage in common with the provincials now serving with the King’s Army.

Thus, it is hoped, Terms so eminently humane and generous will not leave a doubt remaining with the people of Vermont of the sincere and friendly intentions of Great Britain, and dispose them, tho’ late, to give a virtuous Example to their Countrymen by acknowledging, tho’ late, their Error, and putting a stop to a ruinous and unnatural War, destructive to the harmony and mutual affection, which, until its fatal Commencement, constituted the happiness and Strength of both Countries, and successfully defended their religion and Laws against the baneful Influence of Despotism. Given, etc., (Signed) F.H. …….. Gen. Washington to Gen. Roger Enos. Camp Before York, Oct. 6, 1781. Sir,—I yesterday received your favor of the 26th August, and am glad to find that matters are like to be accommodated to the mutual satisfaction of the people of Vermont and those neighboring States, whereby the strength of a numerous body will be thrown into the general scale, and the enemy disappointed in the hope which they entertained of separation of interests. You will be pleased to correspond with Major-General heath, who commands the army at the northward. It will be necessary also for you to keep a communication with Brigadier Stark, who commands at Saratoga and in that district. I am, etc., G. Washington.

Page 476: Uninformed as I am of the intention of Administration (except in general terms that they are Specific, [pacific,] I can no longer act with Vermont upon any certain grounds until I receive Instructions for that purpose, for which I have written to Lord Shelburne, whose Answer from the lateness of the Season I can only expect through your Excellency; in the meantime I shall amuse the Messenger, who is very pressing for answer to his proposals, in the best way I can and be very careful not to embark in any measure which may tend eventually to embarrass his Majesty’s Commissioners in the management of the important affairs with which they are entrusted: on the one hand, I shall not deceive these people into measures which it may cease to be my duty to support, nor, on the other, will I, for their sakes, throw any difficulties in the way of reconciliation or peace with the revolted Colonies in general. I will nevertheless, as far as it will not interfere with the measures which may at present be agitating at New York, neglect nothing in my power to retain the people of Vermont in the same favorable disposition in which they are at present, convinced that the very best consequences must result to the safety of this province from an union with that people in case it should become the seat of War, an event which, from concurring circumstances, I think is not improbable. I shall therefore be extremely averse, from everything which might diminish their confidence in me, or destroy their hopes from the royal Clemency and protection, provided affairs should not take a favorable turn between the King’s Commissioners and the Congress.

Page 485: The English ministry had at one time sanguine expectations from the prospect of affairs in this quarter. I have seen two letters form Lord George Germaine to Sir Henry Clinton, one written in February and the other in June, 1781, wherein the minister congratulates the commander-in-chief on the happy return of the people of Vermont to their allegiance, and represents it as an important event. He adds, that, should Washington and the French meditate an irruption into Canada, they would find in Vermont an insurmountable barrier to their attempts; and also that General Haldimand would undoubtedly send a body of troops to act in conjunction with the people, secure the avenues through the country, and, when the season should admit, take possession of the upper parts of the Hudson and Connecticut Rivers, and cut off the communication between Albany and the Mohawk country. Again he observes, that, should the people of Vermont be menaced by a detachment from Washington’s army, General Haldimand would have forces ready to throw in among them, by which they would be relieved from any fears of the resentment of Congress, and see it to be their wisest and safest course to return to their loyalty. Such were the vagaries of Lord George Germain in his office at Whitehall, even within a few months of the capitulation at Yorktown. And in truth they present a very just specimen of the strange reveries, surprising ignorance, or willful blindness of that minister, in regard to American affairs, during the whole war. 

[peopleofvermont]

Journal of the Senate of the State of Vermont, 1868

Page 10: A joint resolution from the House of Representatives: Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives, That Major Generals William F. Smith and W.T.H. Brooks are entitled to the grateful remembrance of the people of Vermont for their distinguished services as commanders of the First Vermont Brigade in the late war, which contributed so largely to the proud fame which that organization achieved in discipline and labor.

Page 290: The females occupy that part of the building called “the old prison,” and they remain together day and night, without a matron, having free intercourse with each other at all times; the consequences of which are often painfully evident here, and they cannot be doubtful for the future. While the officers do the best they can under the circumstances, I regard this state of things as fraught with danger to the discipline and safety of the inmates—as ruinous to the remnant of moral principle still existing in the minds of those females when they enter—and as constituting obstacles to all efforts for inducing reformation, which are little short of hopeless insuperability. I pray you, gentlemen, and though you, the Legislature and people of Vermont, to devise a remedy without delay for this sorry case.

2. Explicit provision ought to be made for the instruction of those who are unable to read and write, in the rudiments of these, and other necessary branches of common learning.

This in some states, as in New Hampshire and Connecticut, is made a part of the specific duty of the Chaplain, and it is taken into the account in naming a sum for his compensation—and this appears to come fitly within the line of his work. No words are needful to convince the intelligent people of Vermont, of the importance of useful knowledge to the prevention of vice and crime.

Page 314: Notwithstanding the general intelligence diffused among the masses, yet there are many in New England who are uninformed upon the subject, and regard the whole theory of fish culture as a great humbug, and feel very fearful that somebody will make money out of the office of Fish Commissioner. We are pleased to know that the more intelligent portion of the people of Vermont are not reckoned in this class, but feel mortified at the penuriousness manifested by those legislators who insisted upon limiting the entire expenses of five years to the paltry sum of $500. But we are not disposed to harshly criticize the acts of these men, for they did not comprehend the importance or magnitude of the undertaking. Personally we care little about it, for we are so sanguine of success, that we propose to go on and do what we can to re-stock our streams, pay the bills, and risk the result. but we must say that for the credit of the State we regretted much to have such a clause placed upon our statute book. It contrasted unfavorably with similar laws of other states. While Massachusetts was expending her tens of thousands of dollars in constructing fishways, so that salmon and shad could reach New Hampshire and Vermont, it looked as though the people of our State were hardly willing to do the small share allotted to them, of merely furnishing the spawn for the young salmon and shad. 

[peopleofvermont]

Mr. Phelps’ Appeal to the People of Vermont, 1845

Page 6: His Excellency gives the committee to understand, either that he does not understand them to desire to know the source from which his information is derived, or that he is willing to endorse the credibility of his informant without knowing who he is. The grand charge of all depends upon “I was informed, by whom I cannot remember,” etc. Did His Excellency or the committee consider that, in using this language, the one was giving and the other receiving reliable testimony,—or did they mutually understand the purpose of each other to be to gather up the unfavorable rumors within their reach, and by embodying and giving to them the imposing form of a Report of a Committee of the Senate of Vermont, to render them doubly effectual to my prejudice? It is in vain for them, in my judgment, to attempt to impose upon the people of Vermont the belief, that in this course of proceeding they considered themselves as acting an honest or honorable part.

Page 13: Notwithstanding the effort of Mr. H. to give prominence to what he calls my refusal to vote on the distribution bill, the truth cannot be concealed. There was no intimation that I should not vote on the bill, if I remained in the Senate. No reason was given why I should not, except that if I resigned my place, I should not be there to vote. Upon his own statement, there was no more of it than expressing a purpose of resigning. Supposing then that I did, under the influence of constitutional dejection, aggravated by ill health and by a dissatisfaction with my position, express a momentary purpose of resigning, which was never carried into effect; is this an offense for which I am to be arraigned before the people of Vermont—tried, convicted, and punished. If it be so, it is an offense which I think neither of the gentlemen whose communications I have been examining, will every lay upon their consciences. Neither His Excellency nor Mr. Hall ill, I think, ever entertain the sinful purpose of resigning an office which they may be fortunate enough to hold, unless it be with the very laudable view of obtaining a better one.

Page 17: He came to Washington early in 1841, ostensibly as bearer of the presidential votes of this State; but he was also charged with the interests of a candidate for the office of Collector at Burlington. Soon after his arrival, he disclosed to me his business, and I entered very cordially into his views in relation to the collectorship, in which I had the concurrence of the very estimable man who was then my colleague. Mr. Meach spent the residue of the session at Washington; and after the adjournment, we returned to Vermont together. During his sojourn there, I was always at his service, as I took a pleasure in furthering his views. He was often in my room, and, as might be expected, there was a free, unrestrained, and in many respects confidential intercourse between us. It is not strange if, during that period, much idle conversation occurred, and much was said which was not expected to be either repeated or remembered. Nor is it to be wondered at, considering our comparative age, and my confidence in his friendship, if I should disclose to him matters which deeply affected my own feelings. Those who have tried public life, know well that it has its trials; and he must be a novice who imagines that a seat in the United States Senate has no thorns about it. I had even then, as well as since, encountered many things calculated to disturb my sensibilities. I need not disclose what they were. The people of Vermont have only to consult their own recollection of political events in this State, and my connexion with them, to know, that if I possess the ordinary sensibilities of our nature, they have been severely tried. That I should have unbosomed myself to Judge Meech, was not strange; and if I spoke of injuries, or supposed injuries, with deep feeling and with warmth, it will not surprise those who are acquainted with my constitutional temperament. Doubtless much was said that would not bear repetition upon the housetops, and much perhaps of a personal character, which if disclosed, was calculated to give offense. But I supposed I was communing with a friend who would not betray my confidence. Nothing was farther from my suspicions than that I was furnishing material to a secret enemy to be proclaimed from the housetops, or spread before the representatives of the people of Vermont, for the purpose of degrading me in their estimation. That Judge Meech then entertained such a purpose, I cannot believe. His sense of propriety and of honor,—his self-respect, would have shrunk from it. Yet his pliancy and want of moral courage, has led him to submit to the task of drawing upon his recollection for a colored and garbled representation of the occurrences of that period, in order to minister to the malignity of a few individuals who, from the basest motives and for the gratification of the vilest passions, had undertaken the work of my destruction. 

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Vermont Constitutional Convention, Journal, 1843

The power to propose amendments must necessarily be delegated to some selected body. In the different states, different rules prevail. In some, it is given to the Legislature, under certain restrictions; in others, to a Convention elected by the people; in ours, to a Council of Censors, elected once in seven years. But the power of adopting or rejecting, ought always to be vested in the freemen themselves, and an opportunity is now offered to the people of Vermont to assert and secure for themselves and their posterity, this most invaluable and inalienable right.

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The New World: Strictures on Stone’s Border Wars in Relation to the Vermontese, 1843

Page 446: After fully exonerating the whole mass of the people of Vermont “from any intention of even listening to British proposals,” this writer says: “But with great deference, after a full examination of the case, the same cannot be said of the leaders of the Vermontese. They had determined that New York should be dismembered; and if they could not force themselves into the Confederation as a State, they were willing to fall back into the arms of Great Britain as a Colony.”—

Page 447: Let us glance at the evidence in support of this grave and singular accusation. At the outset of this conspiracy, according to Colonel Stone, Colonel Beverly Robinson, acting on the known hatred of the people of Vermont to the government of New York, “sought to open a correspondence with Ethan Allen, as early as March, 1780. The first letter was handed to Allen in Arlington, but was not answered. The second letter from Robinson was received by Allen in February, 1781, which, with the first, he inclosed to Congress in March, accompanied by a letter.” What sent these British letters to Congress?

[peopleofvermont]

Zadock Thompson, History of Vermont, 1842

Page 53: The color of the Hog, in a wild state, is blackish brown mixed with gray. Its tusks strong, prismatic, curved outwards and slightly upwards; its body short and thick; its ears erect, and the young are striped with black and white. In the domestic state it is subject to very great variety, both in form and color. Pork or the flesh of the Hog, has always been to the people of Vermont one of the most important articles of food. When the country was new, the first settlers of the state depended, to a very considerable extent, upon the spontaneous productions of the forests for the means of fattening their hogs. Hogs are extremely fond of acorns, beech notes, and other nuts, and with these the forests abounded. When, on the occurrence of frosts in autumn, these nuts began to fall from the trees, it was the practice of the early settlers to turn their hogs into the woods and let them run till the setting in of winter and the fall of deep snows, when they were usually found in good condition to be butchered. But on account of the great number of bears, wolves and catamounts, which embraced every opportunity to destroy them, the fattening of hogs in this way was, at best, a precarious business. In some places, where a considerable numberer of hogs were turned into the woods together, a person was kept with them to protect them during the day, and collect them into a place of safety for the night, and often has our blood chilled in our veins as we have heard our fathers narrate, with quivering lips, their bloody struggles with bruin for the possession of a favorite hog. Almost every family in the state fattens one hog, or more than one, for their own use, and by most of our farmers, more or less are fattened for market. Hogs are usually butchered in this state when about 20 months old, and their weight when dressed is from 150 to 400 pounds, according to kind and condition.

Page 58: On the 28th of October, Governor Chittenden, by direction of the Council and General Assembly, wrote to the president of the Council of Massachusetts, informing him that he had been made acquainted with the proceedings of Congress on the 24th of September, and that those proceedings contained the first intimation, which he had received, of the claims of that state over a part of Vermont. In this letter, which was forwarded by Gen. Ethan Allen, Gov. Chittenden vindicates the rights of the people of Vermont to liberty and independence, and expresses a determination, on his part, “to bring about an equitable accommodation of all differences, agreeable to the strict rules of justice and equity.”

Page 66: In the winter of 1782, the British in Canada were extremely anxious to ascertain how the people of Vermont were affected by the capture of Cornwallis. Their agents wrote, on the 28th of February, and again on the 22nd of April, in the most pressing terms for information, and stating that the commander-in-chief had full powers to confirm every article which had been agreed upon at a former interview for the establishment of Vermont as a royal government. Impatient at not receiving an answer, they wrote again on the 30th of April, making new offers and promises, and designating several individuals in Vermont for whom his excellency was authorized and disposed to provide in the distribution of the royal favors, and in several cases assured them what commissions they should receive.

Page 67: In July, Colonel Ira Allen was again sent to Canada with a letter from Governor Chittenden to General Haldimand, requesting the release of two officers, belonging to Vermont, who were then prisoners in the hands of the British. The British agents thought this a favorable opportunity for bringing the negotiations with Vermont to a decision, and used every art to persuade Vermont immediately to declare herself a British province. Allen employed every argument to justify Vermont for delaying it, and to prevent the renewal of hostilities. Haldimand was finally prevailed upon to continue the armistice, and to liberate the prisoners above mentioned. He then wrote to Governor Chittenden, announcing his pacific disposition towards Vermont in the most unequivocal terms, and requesting the people of Vermont, without apprehension, to encourage and promote the settlement and cultivation of the country for the interest and happiness of themselves and their posterity.

Page 72: With the resolution of Congress of August 20th, a verbal message had been sent by General Washington to Governor Chittenden, desiring to know what were the real designs, wishes and intentions of the people of Vermont;—whether they would be satisfied with the independence proposed in said resolution, or seriously thought of joining the enemy and becoming a British province. On the 14th of November, Governor Chittenden returned an unequivocal and decisive answer to the above communication, in which he said that no people on the continent were more attached to the cause of America than the people of Vermont; but, that they would sooner join the British in Canada, than submit to the government of New York—that, driven to desperation by the injustice of those who should have been her friends, Vermont was now obliged to adopt policy in the room of power. He ascribed the late resolutions of Congress, not to the influence of friends, but the power of enemies, believing that Lord Germain’s letter had procured that, which the public virtue of the people could not obtain.

Page 74: Vermont, having complied with the requirements of Congress, now confidently expected an immediate recognition of her independence, and an admission into the federal union; and with it a termination of the disagreeable controversy with New York. The legislature therefore proceeded to choose four agents to arrange the terms of admission, and then take their seats in Congress as representatives of Vermont. But, in their expectations, the people of Vermont were again doomed to disappointment; a disappointment, the pain and mortification of which could only be exceeded by the implicit and injustice of the neglect which occasioned it. Congress still refused to admit Vermont into the union, and again revered to her policy of evasion and delay.

Page 75: During these transactions, New York resolved to see what could be effected by adopting a more lenient policy towards the people of Vermont. Accordingly on the 14th of April, 1782, the Legislature of New York passed several acts in relation to this district. By the first of these acts full pardon and immunity was granted to the inhabitants of the district, for all crimes and offenses with which they stood charged, excepting for the crime of treason in adhering to the king of Great Britain, and for murder. This was followed by another act confirming—first, all the grants made by New Hampshire within the district, which were prior to the grants of the same lands by New York; secondly, all the grants made by New York, of lands not previously granted by New Hampshire, and such as were made in conformation of New Hampshire grants; thirdly, all Vermont grants of lands not previously granted, and lastly, the possessions of individuals not included in any of the above-mentioned grants, to the amount of 500 acres each, and no more; all these confirmations to be made without requiring any fee to the government.

But the people of Vermont had now gone too far, and had established their government upon too firm a basis to be shaken from their purpose of independence by any, however specious, decides of New York. They even appeared to have adopted a fixed determination to listen to no proportions from any quarter by which their separate existence as a state should be endangered; and as the acts above-mentioned were not to take effect until Vermont renounce her assumed powers of government, and the people returned to their allegiance to New York, they seem to have been treated by Vermont with very little attention.

Notwithstanding the unsettled and embarrassing state of her relations to Congress and the neighboring states, the internal tranquility of Vermont had been, for some time, but little disturbed. her political institutions had been gradually maturing, and the organization of her government had assumed a regularity and efficiency which commanded the obedience and respect of the great body of the citizens. New York had not relinquished her claim to jurisdiction over the territory, but she had not, of late, made any serious effort to exercise it; and had contented herself with opposing the admission of Vermont into the union, and by endeavoring, in the manner we have just related, to bring over the people to her own interest. But while a vast majority of the people of Vermont yielded a willing obedience to her authority, and were ready to make almost any sacrifice to sustain her independence and government, there were some among her citizens whose submission was reluctant, and who were ready to embrace any favorable opportunity to renounce their allegiance and support the claims of New York.

Page 76: The faith of the people of Vermont in the wisdom and integrity of Congress, weakened by several of their former acts, was by the foregoing nearly destroyed, and with it the reverence and respect of the people for that body. The governor and council of Vermont, on the 9th day of January, 1783, returned a spirited remonstrance to the above resolutions, in which Congress was reminded of their solemn engagement to the state of Vermont, in the resolution of the 20th of August, and which, after the fullest compliance on the part of said state with the requirement of Congress, Congress had refused or neglected to fulfill. Congress were told, that, by their own articles of confederation, they had no right to intermeddle with the internal policy of any of the United States; and least of all with that of Vermont, from which she had received no delegated authority whatever. It asserted that Vermont had as much authority to prescribe measures to Congress, as Congress had to revoke the legal decisions of Vermont in the case of the criminals already mentioned.

Page 81: On the 20th of January, 1783, the preliminary articles of peace were signed, which terminated the war with Great Britain, and established the independence of the United States. By this event, Congress was in a great measure relieved from its embarrassments with regard to Vermont, and Vermont released from her fears. The British army upon the northern frontiers of Vermont, whose efforts had been so long paralyzed by the artful policy of a few individuals, was now withdrawn, and the people of Vermont were now in little dread of external foes, nor very solicitous for an immediate union with the confederated states. Their confidence in the wisdom and ability of Congress, which had been much impaired by the evasive and vacillating policy of that body with regard to Vermont, during the war, was now dearly destroyed. They beheld the United States without a currency, without any adequate revenue, while their armies were unpaid and dissatisfied, their credit gone, and the government daily sinking into insignificance and contempt.

Page 82: Vermont, on the other hand, in consequence of being refused admission into the federal union, was, in a great measure, freed from the difficulties in which congress and the confederated states were involved. Her government, having learned wisdom from experience, was moving prosperously onward and was daily increasing in firmness and efficiency. The United States had contracted an immense debt in the prosecution of the war, but the calls of Congress upon the people to pay this debt, could not reach into Vermont. Vermont, it is true, was obliged to pay the forces which she had raised for her own defense, but these were few, as she had, during much of the war, relied for safety more upon her policy, than her power. And, much of the territory of Vermont being ungrafted and at the disposal of the legislature, after the close of the war, settlers from other states, invited hither by the mildness and efficiency of the government, the comparative exemption from taxes, and the fertility and cheapness of the lands, annually made large accessions to her population and resources, and enabled her, out of the avails of her public lands, to supply her treasury and pay her debts without imposing oppressive burdens upon the people. The people of Vermont, observing that their own condition was gradually improving, while that of their neighbors was constantly growing worse, ceased to regard their admission into the union as an event to be desired, or calculated to better their condition. …… After the adoption of the federal constitution, the policy and proceedings of the new Congress were carefully observed by the people of Vermont. During two sessions they found the government laboring to restore public confidence by providing for the payment of the public debts, and by the establishment of equal law and justice in every department of the federal government. Their measures appeared to be marked with so much wisdom and prudence, as, in a great degree to restore to the people of Vermont that confidence in the federal government, which had been nearly destroyed by the evasive and vacillating policy of the old Congress, and to remove the aversion, which they had for some time felt, to a confederacy with the United States.

Page 86: Footnote: The representatives of the people of Vermont, was upon this occasion, request your Honor to accept, for your past services, all that a noble and generous mind can give, or wish to receive,—their gratitude and warmest thanks; and it is their earnest wish that, in your advanced age, and retirement from the arduous task of public life, you may enjoy all the blessings of domestic ease. I am, may it please your Honor, (by order and in behalf of the House,) with the greatest respect, your most obedient, humble servant. Gilbert Olin, Speaker.”—Journal of the Legislature for 1789, page 29.

Page 87: He was a member of the first convention of delegates from the several townships, which met at Dorset, September 25, 1776, for the purpose of taking into consideration the expediency of declaring Vermont an independent state, and at the subsequent meeting of the convention at Westminster, January 15, 1777, he was one of the committee who fraughted the declaration of independence, which was there adopted, and also a member of another committee, who, at that time, petitioned Congress, praying that body to acknowledge Vermont a free and independent state. He assisted in forming the first constitution of Vermont, which was adopted by the convention, July 2nd, 1777, and in 1778 he was elected the first governor of Vermont, which office he held with the exception of one year till his death. He was one of the eight persons who secretly managed the negotiations with the British in Canada in 1780, and the three following years, with such consummate adroitness and skill as to deceive alike the British and the people of the United States, and effectually to secure Vermont from the hostilities of the enemy, whose forces were all this time in possession of lake Champlain, and Vermont without any other means of defense. After the close of the war, Governor Chittenden again removed his family to Williston, where he spent the remainder of his active and useful life. Advanced in years and declining in health, in the summer of 1797 he resigned the office of governor, which he had held for 18 years, and died the same season, August the 25th, in the 69th year of his age, beloved by his family and friends and sincerely esteemed and lamented by the people of Vermont.

Page 88: Early in the session a committee was appointed to draw up an address to the President of the United States, which was soon after adopted by a vote of yeas, 129, and nays, 23. In this address the principles and proceedings of the French were treated with much asperity. It expressed the entire confidence of the legislature in the president, and the fullest approbation of the measures of his administration, and declared the willingness of Vermont to take up arms, if necessary, for the defense of the cottony against the rapacity of the French. To this address, Mr. Adams afterwards returned a very polite and respectful answer, in which he complimented the people of Vermont for their patriotism and virtue, and expressed the high satisfaction derived from the assurance of their approbation.

Page 94: This resolution was discussed for several days, and with much warmth, and various attempts were made by the federalists to modify it, by striking out or altering the part in italic, but without success, and it was finally passed in its original form, by a vote of 128 to 79. But the minority were not silent. They entered their protest upon the journals of the house, in which they acknowledge themselves under the most sacred obligation to yield a prompt and faithful obedience to every law of Congress, and to support with their lives all that is dear to freemen, the independence of their country; yet they declare the resolution to be subversive of the true principles of a republican government. They likewise expressed their disapprobation of the leading measures of the national administration, and pronounced the declaration of war to be premature and impolitic. The majority, however, proceeded to act up to the spirit of their resolve, and passed a law prohibiting all intercourse between the people of Vermont and Canada, without a permit from the governor, under a penalty of $1000 fine, and seven years confinement at hard labor in the state’s prison. They also passed an act exempting the persons and property of the militia, while in actual service, from attachment; an act, laying a tax of one cent per acre on the lands in the state, in addition to the usual assessments, and other acts relating to the detaching and paying of the militia.

Page 99: In 1821, Mr. Skinner was again elected governor. In his speech, the governor informed the assembly that he had received communications from Maryland and New Hampshire, respecting the appropriation of the public lands belonging to the United States, to the several states for the benefit of education, and said that the people of Vermont “could feel no delicacy in making a claim of this kind, for no one of the United Sates, in proportion to their ability, contributed more to the acquisition of those rights, which were purchased by the toil, distresses and sacrifices of the revolutionary war. Situated on the frontier, they constituted the barrier between the enemy and the confederated states. Not having been acknowledged as a member of the confederation, no part of the expense they incurred in the war has been assumed by the general government, while they have participated in the burden of the public debt.” In conformity with these suggestions, resolutions were passed declaring the right of each of the states to a participation in the benefits of the public lands and requesting our delegation in Congress to use their endeavors to procure the passage of an act appropriating to the use of the state of Vermont, for the purposes of education, such portion of the public lands as should be equitable and just.

Page 105: The people of Vermont made a formal declaration of their independence, and of their right to organize and establish a government of their own, on the 15th day of January, 1777. On the 2nd day of July following, a convention of delegates from the several towns assembled at Windsor, and adopted the first constitution of the state. This constitution was revised by the same convention in the following December, and went into effect, without being submitted to the people for their ratification.

Page 133: For many years after the organization of the government of this state, a large majority of the people were decidedly opposed to the issue of paper money; nor could they be brought to consent to the establishment of banks within the state till they felt themselves compelled to such a measure in self defense, in consequence of the great multiplication of banks in the neighboring states. While bank bills were the circulating medium in other states, it was found to be impossible to prevent their introduction here, and the consequence was that the people of Vermont suffered by being imposed upon by counterfeit bills and by the failure of banks, while neither the state nor any of its inhabitants shared any of the profit accruing from the banking operations. The only remedy, which they could devise for this evil, was to establish banks within the state, which should furnish to the people a medium of their own, similar to that possessed by other states, and serve as a guard against the circulation of spurious bills and the bills of insolvent foreign banks.

Page 215: Agriculture gives employment to the great body of the people of Vermont. While suitable numbers are devoted to the various trades and professions, which are rendered necessary by the immediate wants of society, six-sevenths of the whole population are engaged in agricultural pursuits; and it is pleasing to observe the gradual improvement, which this art is undergoing in Vermont, and the great advance which it has made, within a few years past, in the public estimation. The time has been, when the professional men, the merchants and even a portion of the mechanics in this state were wont to look down (down?) with feelings bordering on contempt upon the farmer and his employment. And the farmer himself, ignorant, or insensible of his own advantages, submitted to live in a state of vassalage to the other classes, and particularly, to the merchants. But for several years past there has been a gradual change going on in the relative condition of the merchant and the farmer. Or, in other words, the farmers have been learning, (and we hope they will not forget the lesson,) that they are the only class of community, who possess the elements of independence, and, relying upon these, they have been by degrees freeing themselves from their thralldom and rising in their relation to the other orders of society, until agriculturalists and farmers are become titles of which none are now ashamed. 

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Journal of the Senate of the State of Vermont, 1841

Page 51: Mr. Sheldon, from the select committee, to whom were referred the resolutions from the legislatures of the states of Maine and New Hampshire, relating to the northeastern boundary, made the following report:

The select committee to whom were referred certain resolutions from the state of Maine, and a report and resolutions from the state of New Hampshire, upon the subject of the northeastern boundary, have had the same under consideration, and beg leave respectfully, to REPORT:

That we deem it unnecessary at this day, with all the information there is on this subject, before the people of Vermont, to enter into a history of the disputes between the government of the United States and Great Britain concerning the northeastern boundary. In the opinion of your committee there is no evidence that the government of Great Britain has the least shadow of a title to any part of the so called “disputed territory.” Indeed, it is believed that from 1783 to 1814—a period of thirty years—our title was unquestioned by the British government. During the conferences of Ghent at the latter period, they began to think that in case of a war with the United States, or a rebellion in the North American Provinces, it would be very convenient for them to have a direct communication through the territory for the march of there armies from Halifax to Quebec. Then it was, that the first intention of any claim to this territory was made known—a claim, in the opinion of your committee, as unprecedented as it was unjust. On this question it is believed the United States are plainly in the right, and the British government as plainly in the wrong. Your committee, therefore, beg leave to recommend the adoption of the following resolutions:….

Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives, That we heartily respond to the sentiments contained in the resolutions from the states of Maine and New Hampshire, above referred to.

Page 1: That such a system of educator, in all its branches and departments, ought to be encouraged by liberal legislation, as shall render the people of Vermont not inferior to any other in intellectual and moral culture:—and

That, to accomplish this, not only ought district schools to receive the anxious care of the Legislature, but academies and colleges should also receive the patronage of the State; and that all classes of schools and seminaries should be so provided for and regulated as to unite them in one complete system, and give them the greatest possible efficiency for the elevation of the whole people.

Page 10: All this has been accomplished, your committee would again remark, chiefly by collecting information and diffusing it among the people, and leaving it to exert upon intelligent and patriotic citizens its natural influence. The law has been thoroughly revised, but only so far altered as to give free action to the impulse thus called forth, and furnish it the requisite facilities for accomplishing its ends. And it has been done at a trifling expense. The whole, including the secretary’s salary, and the cost of numerous and invaluable publications that have been sent into every district in the State, with all the priceless results, have drawn from the public treasury less than $6,000—less than $1,500 a year—less than the people of Vermont have paid annually for killing foxes! If the people of the State, or any part of them, have expended more in the service, it has been voluntarily and gladly done—an expenditure that was regarded as a privilege at the time, and in looking back upon which they rejoice.

Page 11:  It would be arrogating quite too much to the intelligence and public spirit of the people of Vermont, to suppose our schools, which are certainly not under a more efficient system of supervision and accountability than those of Massachusetts and Connecticut were six years ago, to be in a condition essentially better; it will be assuming enough to go on the supposition that our system is in as good and healthful a state as theirs then was. But it is now clear, on the slightest examination of the documents, that an investigation in those States was imperiously demanded. Existing evils were found to be absolutely intolerable; while to have attempted the improvement of the system without a thorough inquiry into its stake, would have been to legislate in the dark. And who can glance at the results without acknowledging them to have been unexpectedly great and happy, and such as would a thousand times repay any community for three or four years of the most liberal expenditure and most laborious effort? Is it a trifling matter to be able to say, of the public schools of a whole town, as we find it said by a very intelligent committee in Massachusetts, “that they afford as good means of education as money can buy?” that the “poorest citizens may feel satisfied that, if they will send their children punctually and regularly to school, from the age of four or six years to sixteen, they will enjoy as good privileges as the rich can obtain at any price, and will be as thoroughly educated, whether on the point of manners and morals, or of studies, and orderly habits, and literary progress?”

Page 52: The school fund, when regarded as a mere financial operation, is obnoxious to very serious objections. The three sources of revenue, sequestered to swell this fund, have never ben sufficient to defray the ordinary expenses of government, but rest has always been had to direct taxes to supply the deficiency of the Treasury. The expense of collecting a direct tax is never less than seven cents on the dollar, and it may be more. The losses, necessarily incident to a fund on loan, and the expense of its management, could not be reasonably estimated at less than three percent, provided it could always be safely invested at six percent on a long loan. But even this is not to be expected. According to this calculation there is a direct loss of ten cents on the dollar, on the entire amount of the fund, so that at the period, when by the calculation, the people of Vermont may expect to realize some of the contemplated benefits of the fund, they will have sunk $400,000 in the accumulation and management of the fund; in other words they will have expended $4.4 million, and will have a fund of $4 million only for the support of schools. The whole system, in its inception and progress, is founded on principles, which must necessarily eventuate in loss. Few would perceive the wisdom of the man, who should devote a long life, to accumulate a reservoir of water, above its natural level, by means of manual labor, to be used by his descendants for hydraulic purposes. All would see, that the project was founded in error and would result in loss; that the dreams of the visionary would be finally dissipated, by the imprisoned waters seeking and finally finding their natural level, and probably with disastrous results. And still there are many points of resemblance between the school fun and such a visionary project. 

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Acts and Laws Passed by the Legislature of the State of Vermont, 1841

The select committee to whom were referred certain resolutions from the state of Maine, and a report and resolutions from the state of New Hampshire, upon the subject of the northeastern boundary, have had the same under consideration, and beg leave respectfully to REPORT:

That we deem it unnecessary, at this day, with all the information there is on this subject before the people of Vermont, to enter into a history of the dispute between the government of the United States and Great Britain, concerning the northeastern boundary. In the opinion of your committee, there is no evidence that the government of Great Britain has the least shadow of a title to any part of the so-called “disputed territory.” Indeed, it is believed, that from 1783 to 1814—a period of more than thirty years—our title was unquestioned by the British government. During the conferences at Ghent at the latter period, they began to think, that, in case of a war with the United State, or a rebellion in their North American provinces, it would be very convenient for them to have a direct communication through this territory, for the march of their armies from Halifax to Quebec. Then it was that the first intimation of any claim to this territory was made known—a claim, in the opinion of your committee, as unprecedented as it is unjust. On this question it is believed, the United States are plainly in the right, and the British government as plainly in the wrong. Your committee, therefore, beg leave to recommend the adoption of the following resolutions:….

[peopleofvermont]

Journal of the House of Representatives of the State of Vermont, 1841

Page 66: There are nowhere more suitable materials to be wrought, by the influence of education, into intelligent and efficient men, than the hardy, enterprising youth of this State. Her sons, and those educated in her institutions, are now occupying distinguished places in almost every State in the Union; holding seats in their legislative halls, or representing them in the halls of Congress, presiding over their courts of justice or their literary institutions, or honoring themselves and their native State in the discharge of professional duties, as ministers of the gospel, lawyers or physicians. And it has been a frequent remark of intelligent men, well acquainted with the subject, in relation at least to one of our literary institutions,—that no institution, with such limited means, has sent forth into the world so many efficient and useful men. By a wise system of education in all its branches and departments, encouraged and fostered by liberal legislation, not only the people of Vermont may become the most enlightened people in the country, but the streams, which are annually issuing and spreading over wider fields abroad, may carry with them a still more beneficent influence.

Page 57: That such a system of education, in all its branches and departments, ought to be encouraged by liberal legislation, as shall render the people of Vermont not inferior to any other in intellectual and moral culture:—and…

Page 66: All this has been accomplished, your committee would again remark, chiefly by collecting information and diffusing it among the people, and leaving it to exert upon intelligent and patriotic citizens its natural influence. The law has been thoroughly revised, but only so far altered as to give free action to the impulse thus called forth, and furnish it the requisite facilities for accomplishing its ends. And it has been done at a trifling expense. The whole, including the secretary’s salary, and the cost of numerous and invaluable publications that have been sent into every district in the State, with all the priceless results, have drawn from the public treasury less than $6,000—less than $1,500 a year—less than the people of Vermont have paid annually for killing foxes! If the people of the State, or any part of them, have expended more in the service, it has been voluntarily and gladly done—an expenditure that was regarded as a privilege at the time, and in looking back upon which they rejoice.

Page 67: It would be arrogating quite too much to the intelligence and public spirit of the people of Vermont, to suppose our schools, which are certainly not under a more efficient system of supervision and accountability than those of Massachusetts and Connecticut were six years ago, to be in a condition essentially better; it will be assuming enough to go on the supposition that our system is in as good and healthful a state as theirs then was. But it is now clear, on the slightest examination of the documents, that an investigation in those States was imperiously demanded. Existing evils were found to be absolutely intolerable; while to have attempted the improvement of the system without a thorough inquiry into its stake, would have been to legislate in the dark. And who can glance at the results without acknowledging them to have been unexpectedly great and happy, and such as would a thousand times repay any community for three or four years of the most liberal expenditure and most laborious effort? Is it a trifling matter to be able to say, of the public schools of a whole town, as we find it said by a very intelligent committee in Massachusetts, “that they afford as good means of education as money can buy?” that the “poorest citizens may feel satisfied that, if they will send their children punctually and regularly to school, from the age of four or six years to sixteen, they will enjoy as good privileges as the rich can obtain at any price, and will be as thoroughly educated, whether on the point of manners and morals, or of studies, and orderly habits, and literary progress?”

Page 124: The school fund, when regarded as a mere financial operation, is obnoxious to very serious objections. The three sources of revenue, sequestered to swell this fund, have never ben sufficient to defray the ordinary expenses of government, but rest has always been had to direct taxes to supply the deficiency of the Treasury. The expense of collecting a direct tax is never less than seven cents on the dollar, and it may be more. The losses, necessarily incident to a fund on loan, and the expense of its management, could not be reasonably estimated at less than three percent, provided it could always be safely invested at six percent on a long loan. But even this is not to be expected. According to this calculation there is a direct loss of ten cents on the dollar, on the entire amount of the fund, so that at the period, when by the calculation, the people of Vermont may expect to realize some of the contemplated benefits of the fund, they will have sunk $400,000 in the accumulation and management of the fund; in other words they will have expended $4.4 million, and will have a fund of $4 million only for the support of schools. The whole system, in its inception and progress, is founded on principles, which must necessarily eventuate in loss. Few would perceive the wisdom of the man, who should devote a long life, to accumulate a reservoir of water, above its natural level, by means of manual labor, to be used by his descendants for hydraulic purposes. All would see, that the project was founded in error and would result in loss; that the dreams of the visionary would be finally dissipated, by the imprisoned waters seeking and finally finding their natural level, and probably with disastrous results. And still there are many points of resemblance between the school fun and such a visionary project. 

[peopleofvermont]

Journal of the House of Representatives of the State of Vermont, 1840

And your committee are of opinion that the Governor of this state, in thus performing an act of courtesy, due alike to the ancient and honorable commonwealth of New Jersey, and to every other state in the Union, in bringing this subject under the consideration of the legislature and people of Vermont, has discharged a most important duty to his own state nd the whole American people.

[peopleofvermont]

Journal of the Senate of the State of Vermont, 1839

Page 66: Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives, That as the Representatives of the people of Vermont, we do solemnly protest against the annexation of Texas to the United States.

Page 67: 5. Resolved, That we do, in the name of the People of Vermont, protest against the passage of the same or any similar resolution by the present or any future Congress of the United States.

Page 82: On motion of Mr. Pierpoint, the fourth resolution was amended, by adding thereto the following words: “And we do, hereby, in the name of the people of Vermont, protest against the passage of the same, or any similar resolution, by the present or any future congress of the United States.”

Page ix: It being therefore in conformity with the letter and the spirit of the deeds of cession, not repugnant to the provisions of the constitution, and sustained by considerations of expediency, your committee believe it to be the duty of the Representatives of the people of Vermont to instruct their Senators and request their Representatives in Congress to urge the distribution of the process of the public lands among the States, doing equal justice to all. They accordingly recommend the adoption of the following resolutions. R. Gowdey, for Committee.

Page xlv: If the legislature of Indiana intend that an expression of the sentiments of this or any other state legislature, in regard to the power and duty of the general government relation to slavery in the territories under its control, or their remonstrance against the annexation to the union of further territory, where slavery exists, is an “interference with the domestic institutions of the slaveholding states,” the committee int hat view of the subject, are not able to perceive, that this legislature are called upon to reassert their often expressed sentiments. This legislature have already freely expressed, and sent forth to the world the views, which are believed to be entertained by the people of Vermont. The committee therefore believe, that no action is demanded in relation to the resolutions of the legislature of Indiana, and recommend the adoption of the following resolution. S. Swift, for Committee.