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#demirtas
ataturquie · 21 days
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nazarproperty · 1 month
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🌅 Alanya Demirtaş'da Deniz Manzaralı Satılık 2+1 Daire
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Alanya Demirtaş Mahallesi'nde, deniz manzaralı bir yaşamın kapılarını aralayan bu satılık daire, 2 yatak odası ve 1 salonuyla 90 m2 genişliğindedir. Ayrıca, 1 banyo/WC ve 1 balkonu mevcuttur. Daire, 7 katlı binanın 2. katında konumlanmıştır. Ayrı mutfaklı olan daire, Kuzey ve Doğu cephelerine bakmaktadır, bu sayede gün boyu doğal ışık alır ve ferah bir atmosfer sunar. Deniz manzarasıyla göz kamaştıran bu satılık daire, denize sadece 700 metre mesafededir. Konforlu yaşam alanları ve muhteşem manzarasıyla dikkat çekmektedir. Detaylar ve iletişim için: 📞
📞+90 532 637 68 87 ☛ https://nazarhomes.com
#Alanya #Demirtaş #DenizManzaralı #SatılıkDaire #Demirtas #Apartmentwith #SeaView #FlatforSale #NazarEmlak #NazarRealEstate 🌊🏠
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cinemaloversworld · 3 months
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Красные бутоны | Kızıl Goncalar (2024)
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christophernolan · 21 days
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In this parable, they thought of me as a lion and you as a gazelle. There is no mercy from a lion to a gazelle, nor affection from a gazelle to a lion. But there is another tale. There are two fish looking for water. What is the water looking for? The hunter knows.
Kizil Goncalar Episode 16
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kenxmatsui · 1 year
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for: @esendemirtas location: caffeine crypt
Let’s be clear, Ken told everyone that dared to question him – he did not need a break. Content to continue to pour over files and keep working, he was in his element, so why on earth would he disturb that? But unaffected as he might be to physical exertion and tiredness even he couldn’t deny the way his eyes seemed to strain or how letters blurred out of focus despite his best efforts to concentrate. It was after much debate that he decided if not a break, he could pause for a while at least. 
Sustenance, he figured, would be a good idea. It had been a while since he ate – a forever habit of his that was yet to break, when work needed to be done everything else fell back on the priority list which since becoming a Vampire grew worse since food or rest were redundant. Opting for tea rather than coffee, it was just securely in his hands when someone collided into him. “Watch it!” A scowl etched into his features immediately and as he made eye contact with the other Ken only grumbled more. First impressions counted for a lot and Esen had not made a good one. Unbothered that she was Leyla’s friend and a fellow clan member, niceties were not offered, “You’re lucky my drink didn’t spill.”
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moonglowmagic · 1 year
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Who: @esendemirtas
Where: Rose Tinted
What: Building Flower Crowns
"Okay I know this is on my list and all but this is actually a huge pain in the ass." She remarked before throwing one of the flowers she'd brown down, she picked up her glass of champagne. Downing the rest of her flute quickly, she pushed it off to the side. "I swear i thought I had delicate hands until it came to this." Aggressively trying to interlock the flowers together so she could build another section of her flower crown. "If I quit now can we still mark it off my list and just never tell anyone? I'll even buy one and pretend I made it."
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casperrps · 7 months
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Yasemin's style often borders on looking like she would be at home at a music festival or renaissance fair in just what she considers her normal attire. She genuinely wears flowers in her hair, wears a lot of floral prints or lace, and plenty of skirts & jewelry. Flower child all the way. She does happen to simultaneously dress a bit... upscale. Has some pearls, lace / silk, well-tailored clothing. She doesn't normally wear a lot of casual jeans or sneakers etc. that's really not her thing. Does own a few pairs of jean overalls, but they have flowers and embroidery on them. Yasemin does a lot with her hair. If it isn't flowers, she has fancy combs or other hair accessories. Overall, she's a bit modest in her 'day-to-day' wear, not always covered but she does wear longer skirts and if she has a shorter top on there's usually a layer over it. Her pajama sets are definitely more on the luxury side of the spectrum, opting for silk & lace and is basically never just in a big t-shirt & sweatpants.
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rojinfo · 2 years
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Demirtas appelle la Turquie à négocier avec Öcalan
Demirtas appelle la Turquie à négocier avec Öcalan
Entendu mardi dans le cadre d’une audience du procès « Kobanê » devant la Cour criminelle d’Ankara, Selahattin Demirtas, ancien co-président du HDP emprisonné, s’est exprimé sur le contexte historique de la question kurde en Turquie. À cette occasion, il a appelé l’État turc à trouver une solution par le dialogue avec le leader kurde Abdullah Öcalan, également emprisonné. Le procès « Kobanê »,…
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drdanojowa · 11 months
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PKK is not a terrorist group. Turkey should stop profiling of Kurdish freedom fighters and free political prisoners like Abdullah Ocalan and Sellahatin Demirtas. PKK successfully fought ISIL and proved they are dependable. Erdogan and his government should stop the propaganda.
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acid-gramma · 1 year
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burda bile akpli mi var aq popüler kültür koleleri chpye verir ne demek
yok ya trolluk yapiyo belli. akli olan herkes hak hukuk ozgurluk icin savas verdigimizi biliyor selahattin demirtas hukuksuz atiliyor cikartilip duzgunce yargilanmasi bizim insani savasimiz. yarin bir gun seni beni de kanunsuz hapse mahkum edemesinler diye ugrasiyoruz burda. sana ters gelen kisinin madur olmasina goz yumarsan aynisini sana yaptiklarinda da kimse senin icin savasmaz bro
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mariacallous · 1 year
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Can elections remove an autocrat like Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan from power? If you pose this question to Turkey watchers in Western capitals to get their take on the country’s upcoming election, you will get a resounding “no” from a significant number of them. Some will say Erdogan is still very popular—or at least adept at mobilizing his followers. Others will argue that elections do not matter in the entrenched autocracy he has built; one way or another, he will find a way to stay in power. Take the Western conventional wisdom about this Sunday’s election with a grain of salt, and here’s why.
Erdogan is indeed a popular leader. He commands somewhere between 40 percent and 45 percent support, no small feat after 20 years in power. But he is not nearly as popular as he once was. In the 2018 presidential election, Erdogan captured 52 percent of the vote, or some 26 million votes. Several factors worked in his favor then. The elections were held just two years after the failed 2016 coup and its “rally-around-the-leader” effect. Erdogan was riding high on a wave of nationalism after the Turkish military intervened in the Syrian civil war to fight the Syrian Kurds. The country was not suffering from a major economic crisis like today. The opposition was fractured: The popular Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP) co-chair Selahattin Demirtas, Iyi Party leader Meral Aksener, Republican People’s Party (CHP) candidate Muharrem Ince, and Felicity Party leader Temel Karamollaoglu were each on the ballot running separately against Erdogan. The nationalist base was more unified, with the majority still backing Erdogan; the nationalist breakaway Iyi Party had been established too recently to draw away much of the vote.
Fast-forward to 2023. To win the election, Erdogan has to capture more than the 26 million votes he secured in 2018 because Turkey’s voting population has grown. His problem is that he faces a dramatically different political context that makes that task very difficult. The failed coup’s rally-around-the-leader effect is long gone. The wave of nationalism that Erdogan once rode has come back to haunt him: There is now a growing nationalist opposition to Erdogan, with several nationalist parties peeling away votes from his far-right ally, the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP). The Turkish economy has plunged into a major crisis, with runaway double-digit inflation and soaring food prices. Most importantly, the opposition is more united than it has ever been: Six parties have come together under the Nation Alliance banner and a single presidential candidate, CHP leader Kemal Kilicdaroglu, with additional backing from the pro-Kurdish HDP. Altogether, Kilicdaroglu commands 50.9 percent of the vote, according to the latest poll.
Skeptics might say that these arguments and poll numbers would only be relevant if Turkey were a democracy and add that Erdogan has so much to lose that he would do anything to secure victory. They have a point. It is easy to be cynical about elections in a country run by an entrenched autocrat who has demonstrably manipulated previous votes and refused to accept the results when they haven’t gone his way. In the June 2015 parliamentary elections, Erdogan’s ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) lost its parliamentary majority. Erdogan stalled talks between the AKP and the CHP about forming a coalition government and forced new elections. He renewed the fight against the outlawed Kurdistan Workers’ Party to reverse his party’s defeat in new elections held that November. In 2017, Turkey held a controversial constitutional referendum to switch to an executive presidency that would grant Erdogan unprecedented powers. The referendum, which Erdogan won by a narrow margin, was marred by widespread allegations of fraud. In both the parliamentary elections and referendum, the opposition was not organized enough to protect the ballot or challenge Erdogan’s efforts to create a fait accompli.
In 2019, however, things changed. Erdogan’s party lost almost all of Turkey’s major cities in municipal elections. Particularly frustrating for Erdogan was the loss of Istanbul, the financial capital where he had launched his political career. Erdogan did not accept the opposition’s narrow win in Istanbul and called for a rerun. When the election was run again, the ruling party lost by a much bigger margin. Erdogan abusing his power to deny the election result had the effect of mobilizing the opposition.
What does this tell us about elections in Turkey? That they are popular and fraud is not, making heavy-handed election fraud risky for Erdogan. The 2019 elections made something else clear, too. When the opposition parties get their act together, they can beat Erdogan at the ballot box. Skeptics might point out that the stakes are much higher for Erdogan in the upcoming vote than they were in the 2019 municipal elections and that he will not accept defeat gracefully. They are not entirely wrong. In personalist autocracies like Turkey, rulers who lose power are likely to end up in jail or exile, so they risk everything to cling to power.
What are Erdogan’s options in a scenario where he loses the vote by a small margin? He might declare that the election was stolen and ask the Turkish bureaucracy to back him up. That Turkey’s top electoral body and security bureaucracy will heed his call is not a foregone conclusion, however. A recent decision by the electoral watchdog to turn down a request for voter data from the Erdogan government, part of an effort to create a new online election monitoring system, is a case in point. In March, the Constitutional Court ignored Erdogan’s objections when it reversed a previous decision to block the HDP from receiving allocated state funding to finance its electoral campaign over its alleged ties to militant groups. These and other decisions by key state institutions suggest that Turkish bureaucrats are hedging their bets. They are unlikely to back Erdogan after an election loss and risk legal repercussions under the new government.
Similarly, opposition supporters optimistic about finally beating Erdogan would be more likely to take to the streets if they think the election was rigged or its outcome denied.
A smarter option for Erdogan would be to accept the result and wait for the new government to fail. He still has a strong following he can mobilize for this purpose. Given the enormous economic problems an inexperienced new government would have to address, surging back through democratic means is not impossible—especially if the current opposition makes good on its pledge of switching to a reformed parliamentary system, which would open a path for Erdogan to return to power as prime minister.
Finally, one might expect Erdogan to fight tooth and nail to stay in power in order to avoid facing trial. But according to Turkish law, an indictment would have to be approved by two-thirds of parliament, a supermajority that would be very difficult to achieve—not least because the opposition includes former key Erdogan allies who might get sucked into any investigation, an outcome the opposition will likely want to avoid. The fact that a trial and potential jail time are unlikely makes it easier for Erdogan to accept defeat.
All of this is to say that not all autocracies are created equal; Turkey is neither Russia nor China. In some, elections matter more than in others, and strongmen are weaker than they seem.
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christophernolan · 12 days
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Kizil Goncalar | Season 1 | Episode 14
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beardedmrbean · 1 year
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Turkish police have detained at least 126 people suspected of links to a banned Kurdish militant group, ahead of an election that could bring down President Recep Tayyip Erdogan.
Turkish reports said those held across 21 provinces were suspected of financing and helping to recruit for the outlawed PKK.
The suspects included lawyers, journalists and politicians.
The main pro-Kurdish party said the arrests were timed to affect the vote.
Nineteen days before Turks vote in presidential and parliamentary elections, the HDP said those detained included lawyers who could scrutinise election security, independent journalists, who could cover potential voter fraud, and party campaign managers.
Turkey's state news agency Anadolu said some of those held in Tuesday's raids were linked to 60 street protests as well as child abductions, and were led by public prosecutors in the predominantly Kurdish city of Diyarbakir.
The HDP denies links to the militant PKK, which is considered a terrorist organisation by Turkey, the United States and European Union. It is considered Turkey's second largest opposition party but has seen thousands of its members jailed, including former joint leader Selahattin Demirtas.
In 2019, dozens of elected HDP mayors were removed because of "terror charges", condemned by their party as a coup against voters.
In a bid to avoid a possible court ban on running for parliament on 14 May it has nominated its candidates under the banner of a new Green Left party.
The elections are being seen as Turkey's most significant for years, with six opposition parties uniting behind a single candidate in Kemal Kilicdaroglu. The HDP is not part of that so-called Table of Six but has backed his candidacy.
Mr Kilicdaroglu leads the Republican People's Party (CHP) and opinion polls give him a realistic chance of defeating Turkey's long-time leader Mr Erdogan, who has been in power for more than 20 years.
He has accused Mr Erdogan's ruling AK Party of stigmatising millions of Turkish Kurds as terrorists to consolidate nationalist votes.
President Erdogan has obtained sweeping powers in recent years, turning a largely ceremonial role into an elected post with the ability to appoint judges and declare a state of emergency, with the resulting power of ruling by decree.
His popularity has been dented by soaring inflation of over 50% and by his response to the double earthquake in February, which killed more than 50,000 people in 11 provinces and has left thousands homeless.
Earlier this month, Mr Erdogan accused the centre-left CHP of surrendering to the agenda of the pro-Kurdish party and the PKK "terror group".
The first round of the presidential election takes places on the same day as the parliamentary vote. If no presidential candidate wins more than 50% of the vote, a second round run-off follows two weeks later on 28 May.
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someone call stacey abrams
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melikemordemjaponi · 2 years
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*Eski HDP Eş Genel Başkanı Selahattin Demirtaş’ın babası Tahir Demirtaş, kalp krizi geçirdi. Gazi Yaşargil Eğitim ve Araştırma Hastanesi’ne kaldırılan Tahir Demirtaş ilk müdahalesinin ardından yoğun bakıma alındı.
Konuyla ilgili Selahattin Demirtaş'ın avukatlarından yapılan açıklamada, alınan izinle Demirtaş'ın gece yarısı Diyarbakır'a götürülerek babasını ziyaret ettiği duyuruldu.
Artıgerçek aracılığıyla (+fotoğraf ①)
Link
https://artigercek.com/politika/selahattin-demirtas-diyarbakira-getirildi-229454h
*Tahir Demirtaş, father of former HDP Co-Chair Selahattin Demirtaş, had a heart attack. Tahir Demirtaş was taken to Gazi Yaşargil Training and Research Hospital and was taken to intensive care after the first intervention.
In a statement released by Selahattin Demirtaş's lawyers, it was announced that Demirtaş was taken to Diyarbakır at midnight to visit his father with the permission obtained.
Via artıgerçek(original article in Turkish +photo①)
*トルコの左派ークルド系政党HDPの元共同議長セラハッティン・デミルタシュ氏の父親タヒル・デミルタシュ氏が心臓発作に見舞われた。タヒル氏はトルコ南東部の都市ディヤルベキルにあるガズィ・ヤシャルギル研修・研究病院に運ばれ、最初の処置後集中治療室に運ばれた。
現在もなおトルコのエディルネ刑務所に収監されている、セラハッティン・デミルタシュ氏の弁護士による声明では、デミルタシュ氏は許可を得て、父親を訪問するために真夜中にディヤルバクルまで連れて行かれたことが発表された。
アルトゥゲルチェックの記事本文より引用訳(一部補足+画像①とも)
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moonglowmagic · 11 months
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Where: Backstage
With: @esendemirtas
"It's annoying I can't be out there with you." Dilan whined as she changed out of her Queen Elizabeth costume. "You girls get to have all the fun without me." Sighing heavily, she pulled on her skirt instead. "Try to not have too much fun." She continued to whine with annoyance, she hated that she had to play the Queen instead of in Robin Hoods crew. While she'd been the front of the crew for so long now she had to step aside. Tucking her hair behind her ear before she looked over at Esen with a frown. "Do you think we can make the Queen a secret Merry Man?" Knowing that it wasn't actually a possibly, but she haded being excluded.
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casperrps · 7 months
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|| "She might look like a fragile flower, but her stem is made of steel." ||
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