Last Seen Blogs
epiclong
Untitled
bvlletproof-heart
📝 [NOTE ADDED] See you hell, asshole!
anteritist
ace.
1dervol
Rockybottom
carlosreyeswrites
Danielle.
Photo
Abolishing the Janissary
Sultan Selim III initiated the reconstruction of the Ottoman army from scratch and addressed financial concerns. To fund the establishment of a modern army called the “Nizam-i Cedid,” the Janissary corps was disbanded, and a new system called “Irad-i Cedid” was introduced to finance these reforms.
Establishment of Irad-i Cedid
The decision was made to establish the Irad-i Cedid treasury, separate from the existing treasuries, to finance various military and state expenses. This treasury was funded through various sources, including taxes on tobacco, alcohol, and agricultural products, as well as special duties Istanbul Fun Tours.
Financial Regulations
To manage the revenues of the Irad-i Cedid treasury, a Directorate of Finance was established, and experienced officers were appointed to oversee its operations. Detailed regulations were outlined in a statute book to ensure proper management and accountability.
Sultan Selim’s Reforms
Sultan Selim III implemented extensive reforms in administration, economy, trade, politics, and diplomacy, inspired by European methods. He established permanent embassies in major European capitals and introduced a balanced foreign policy, facilitating Western influence in the Ottoman Empire.
Diplomatic Achievements
Permanent embassies in European capitals, including Paris and London, played a crucial role in enhancing Ottoman diplomacy. Notably, Ke|it Pasha served as an ambassador for an extended period, contributing to diplomatic advancements and the establishment of Western-standard diplomatic training.
Legacy of Ottoman Diplomacy
The Ottoman diplomatic efforts, bolstered by ambassadors like Ke|it Pasha and institutions such as the School of Diplomacy, paved the way for the rise of Ottoman statesmen. Ultimately, these diplomatic foundations laid the groundwork for the modern Republic of Turkey under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk and his associates.
0 notes
Photo
Investigation into Alleged Atrocities
False Claims of Atrocities
Kiani Pacha, tasked with investigating atrocities committed by the Baslii-Bazouks, made startling claims to Mr. Schuyler. However, upon investigation, it was discovered that some of these claims were entirely baseless. For instance, the alleged killing of the wife and daughter of the Mudir of Avrat-alan was found to be untrue, as the Mudir had no daughter, and his wife was unharmed. Similarly, reports of the murder of the Mudir’s wife in Otluk-kui were debunked, as there was no Mudir in the village during the unrest.
Disputing Accounts of Turkish Women’s Deaths
Of the twelve reported cases of Turkish women killed, only five were investigated, revealing that three were entirely unfounded. Without knowledge of the villages where the other seven incidents purportedly occurred, further investigation was impossible, leading to doubts about the accuracy of these claims. Additionally, the gruesome tale recounted by Edib Effendi about the mutilation of a Turkish girl was deemed pure fiction, lacking any evidence or credibility Bulgaria Tours.
Events in Panagurishti
In Panagurishti, also known as Otluk-kui, nine Turks and two Turkish women were reported killed over a period of nine to ten days. However, examination revealed that all but two women and one zaptieh were killed while armed, suggesting they were actively involved in confrontations. Around twenty prisoners were captured during this time, all of whom were treated well until the arrival of the Turkish army, which subsequently released them.
Corroboration of Accounts
The validity of these findings is supported by multiple accounts from different sources, including a schoolmistress in Panagurishti. Upon further investigation and comparison with various testimonies, the consistency of the accounts became evident. Furthermore, the Turks themselves, both locally and in Philippopolis, did not claim a higher death toll than what was reported.
The investigation into alleged atrocities revealed discrepancies and false claims regarding the deaths of Turkish women and other incidents. Through careful examination and corroboration of accounts, it was determined that many of these claims lacked credibility. This underscores the importance of thorough investigation and skepticism when assessing reports of violence and unrest.
0 notes
Photo
Unsubstantiated Claims and Reckless Accusations
Lack of Evidence
The assertion that atrocities were committed by both Bulgarians and Turks lacks credible evidence. Reports from various consuls in the region, including Turkish authorities themselves, fail to substantiate claims of widespread Bulgarian brutality. Turkish officials concede that the majority of Turkish casualties occurred in battle, with minimal evidence of civilian casualties. Even purported instances of Turkish women and children killed or harmed lack verification upon investigation. For instance, Kiani Pacha’s claim regarding the death of the Mudir’s wife and daughter was debunked by Mr. Schuyler’s inquiries, revealing the absence of evidence to support such allegations. Lord Derby’s sweeping assertion of Bulgarian barbarity appears baseless and irresponsible, particularly amid accusations leveled at reputable newspapers for allegedly spreading unfounded rumors Guided Turkey Tours .
Justification for Uprising
Critics argue that Bulgarians had no justification for their uprising and must bear the consequences. However, the manifesto released by the new government following the deposition of the previous Sultan offers a compelling rebuttal. It outlines the systemic misrule and oppression that pushed the Bulgarians to their breaking point. The rampant extortion and mismanagement of the government had plunged the peasantry into unimaginable misery, rendering their existence unsustainable without change. The revolution in Constantinople was a testament to the widespread discontent fueled by years of tyranny. Yet, instead of acknowledging these grievances, Midhat Pacha and his cohorts persist in persecuting the very people who acted out of necessity. The Bulgarians’ plight epitomizes a long-standing struggle against oppression and exploitation, a fight that any people, faced with similar circumstances, would be compelled to undertake.
Solidarity with the Weak
Rather than condemning the Bulgarians, we should empathize with their plight and recognize their just cause. No populace should endure the relentless exactions, extortion, and tyranny inflicted upon the Bulgarians for centuries. If such injustices were imposed elsewhere, the response would undoubtedly be one of unified resistance. It is imperative that we stand in solidarity with the oppressed, rejecting attempts to vilify them for seeking freedom and justice. In a world where the powerful often exploit the weak, it is our moral obligation to champion the cause of those who are unjustly oppressed.
0 notes
Photo
Collectivization and Economic Policies
Collectivization and Economic Policies (1950-1958)
Collectivization of Land (1950-1952)
In 1950, Bulgaria adopted the “Model Statute of the Collective Farms” (TKZS), modeled closely on the Soviet kolkhoz statute. The collectivization of land under the First Five Year Plan progressed significantly:
Year Collective Farms Farmers (%) Arable Land (%)
1944 28 — —
1946 480 3.7% 3.5%
1948 1,110 11.2% 6%
1952 2,747 52.3% 60.5%
The forced collectivization peaked in 1950, witnessing a significant increase in the number of collective farms. By the end of the First Five Year Plan, 60% of arable land and 50% of all farms were transformed into cooperatives Guided Istanbul Tour.
Economic and Labor Policies (1950-1957)
In 1950, a new system of compulsory state supplies was introduced, obliging farmers to provide a fixed quantity of grain to the state, irrespective of the yield. The year 1951 saw the implementation of a new Labor Code, issuing job passports and prohibiting job changes. The Second Five Year Plan (1953-1957) continued the focus on industrial expansion, particularly in heavy industry, and intensified land collectivization.
Capital Investments and Industrial Preferences (1953-1957)
A comparison of capital investments between the First and Second Five Year Plans reveals a clear preference for industrial development:
Sector 1st Five Year Plan (Billion Leva) 2nd Five Year Plan (Billion Leva)
Industry 5.9 13.0
Agriculture 1.2 3.2
Transport and Communications 2.1 3.1
Others 2.8 4.7
Total 12.0 24.0
The preferred category of industry can be further divided into heavy and light industry
Year Heavy Industry (%) Light Industry (%)
1939 29% 71%
1948 35% 65%
1952 39.1% 60.9%
1955 45.2% 54.8%
Acceleration of Collectivization (1953-1958)
The tempo of collectivization in agriculture accelerated towards the end of the Second Five Year Plan. It set the stage for the “great leap forward” at the beginning of the Third Plan:
Year Collective Farms (TKZS) Farmers Average Acreage per Farm
1953 2,744 207 2,127 acres
1958 3,290 374 2,850 acres
In 1957, the Labor Code underwent revision. By April 10, 1958, the Socialist sector dominated Bulgaria’s national economy, constituting:
98% of entire industrial production
87% of entire rural-economic production
99% of domestic trade
93% of national income.
0 notes
Photo
Collectivization and Economic Policies
Collectivization and Economic Policies (1950-1958)
Collectivization of Land (1950-1952)
In 1950, Bulgaria adopted the “Model Statute of the Collective Farms” (TKZS), modeled closely on the Soviet kolkhoz statute. The collectivization of land under the First Five Year Plan progressed significantly:
Year Collective Farms Farmers (%) Arable Land (%)
1944 28 — —
1946 480 3.7% 3.5%
1948 1,110 11.2% 6%
1952 2,747 52.3% 60.5%
The forced collectivization peaked in 1950, witnessing a significant increase in the number of collective farms. By the end of the First Five Year Plan, 60% of arable land and 50% of all farms were transformed into cooperatives Guided Istanbul Tour.
Economic and Labor Policies (1950-1957)
In 1950, a new system of compulsory state supplies was introduced, obliging farmers to provide a fixed quantity of grain to the state, irrespective of the yield. The year 1951 saw the implementation of a new Labor Code, issuing job passports and prohibiting job changes. The Second Five Year Plan (1953-1957) continued the focus on industrial expansion, particularly in heavy industry, and intensified land collectivization.
Capital Investments and Industrial Preferences (1953-1957)
A comparison of capital investments between the First and Second Five Year Plans reveals a clear preference for industrial development:
Sector 1st Five Year Plan (Billion Leva) 2nd Five Year Plan (Billion Leva)
Industry 5.9 13.0
Agriculture 1.2 3.2
Transport and Communications 2.1 3.1
Others 2.8 4.7
Total 12.0 24.0
The preferred category of industry can be further divided into heavy and light industry
Year Heavy Industry (%) Light Industry (%)
1939 29% 71%
1948 35% 65%
1952 39.1% 60.9%
1955 45.2% 54.8%
Acceleration of Collectivization (1953-1958)
The tempo of collectivization in agriculture accelerated towards the end of the Second Five Year Plan. It set the stage for the “great leap forward” at the beginning of the Third Plan:
Year Collective Farms (TKZS) Farmers Average Acreage per Farm
1953 2,744 207 2,127 acres
1958 3,290 374 2,850 acres
In 1957, the Labor Code underwent revision. By April 10, 1958, the Socialist sector dominated Bulgaria’s national economy, constituting:
98% of entire industrial production
87% of entire rural-economic production
99% of domestic trade
93% of national income.
0 notes
Photo
Rain or Shine Climbing for the Love of Nature
A March Journey to Barla
March brought cold winds and rain as GOLDOSK embarked on a mountain path leading to Barla. The clouds sprinkled raindrops, adding to the challenge of the climb. Taking a break by a mountain brook, the group shared snacks and rested, ready to continue the journey.
Becoming Part of Nature
As they reached the small lake in Barla, the rain intensified into a storm, and the group embraced the elements, becoming like steppe grass, completely soaked. Stretching out like savanna flora, they turned their internal deserts longing for water into green landscapes. The hills seemed to bid farewells, asking not to be left alone.
Barla’s Warm Welcome
As the group approached Barla, walking through valleys and tea plantations, locals looked on with amusement. Some envied their adventurous spirit, while others found it odd to pass over mountains in such weather. The wet and grandeur of Barla appeared on the slopes of the hills, marking the end of the journey.
Echoes of Tiredness
Boarding waiting buses, the group listened to the echoes of their tiredness, reminiscing about the challenges and beauty of the climb. Despite the rain and obstacles, the journey left a sense of accomplishment and a connection to nature Guided Tours Turkey.
Savoring the Mangal Tradition: More Than Just Barbecuing
Beyond Meat The Global Love for Mangal
While Turks have a deep-rooted love for meat, the tradition of mangal (barbecue) is shared by many nations worldwide. Different cultures enjoy this cooking style in various ways, creating a rich and appetizing taste tradition.
Mangal A Social Tradition
Despite being perceived as a masculine activity, mangal is more than just cooking meat. It is a social gathering where loved ones and friends come together. The setup, historically used for cooking coffee during the Ottoman Empire, evolved to include meat, becoming a cherished part of Turkish culture.
The Irresistible Mangal Feast
Mangal setups are typically made of metal plates such as steel, iron, copper, or brass, available in square and round types. The feast includes delicious meats alongside fresh peppers, tomatoes, and eggplants, creating a royal culinary experience. The history of mangal in Turkey dates back to the 1400s, and it became an indispensable part of picnic ceremonies during the urbanization wave in the 1960s.
A Tradition that Transcends Time
Mangal is a tradition that transcends time, offering not only a flavorful meal but also a social and cultural experience. It continues to be a popular activity, bringing people together to enjoy the simple pleasures of good food and camaraderie.
0 notes
Photo
Klissura's Unfulfilled Hopes
The Lingering Shadows of Klissura’s Despair
This article delves into the aftermath of Klissura’s devastation, shedding light on the broken promises and insurmountable barriers that continue to plague the survivors. Despite assurances of restitution, the plight of Klissura epitomizes the bureaucratic hurdles and unfulfilled hopes that define the post-atrocity landscape.
The Elusive Return of Cattle and Retorts
In the wake of Klissura’s destruction, promises echoed through the air like a distant, fleeting melody. The Mutle-Serif of Philippopolis tantalized the victims with visions of assembled cattle awaiting identification, only to be revealed as an illusion. The pledged return of retorts and cattle remained an unfulfilled promise, leaving the survivors in Klissura grappling with shattered expectations Tour Bulgaria.
The Philippopolis Passport Paradox
The seemingly straightforward directive to reclaim lost cattle at Philippopolis unfolded into a Kafkaesque paradox. While the prospect appeared just and equitable, Mr. Schuyler unraveled the hidden layers of deception. Striking at the core of Turkish duplicity, he uncovered the issuance of strict orders preventing villagers from leaving without a special passport. The freedom to claim one’s cattle now danced behind bureaucratic barriers—a cruel twist in the quest for justice.
Imprisoned Amidst Ruins
In Klissura, where hope was already a scarce commodity, the people faced an additional blow. Stripped of their homes and livelihoods, they found themselves imprisoned amidst the ruins. The promise of identifying and reclaiming their cattle in Philippopolis turned into a cruel irony as the survivors were forbidden to leave the remnants of their village, perpetuating their state of despair.
A Glimpse into Systemic Deception
The restrictive passport measures exemplify the broader Turkish strategy in responding to demands for justice and reform. A veneer of compliance conceals a maze of bureaucratic obstructions, rendering promises hollow. Klissura’s ordeal serves as a poignant illustration of the systemic deception employed to feign adherence to international demands while perpetuating the suffering of the afflicted.
Klissura’s Cry for Genuine Restoration
Klissura’s cry echoes beyond its razed landscape—a plea for genuine restoration, devoid of empty promises and bureaucratic machinations. The international community must heed the lessons of Klissura, exposing the façade of compliance and demanding tangible actions to rebuild shattered lives. Only through unyielding pressure can Klissura’s survivors hope for a future unmarred by broken promises and bureaucratic barriers.
0 notes
Photo
Unraveling the Threads of Rebellion
Avrat-Alan’s Fragile Resistance
Whispers of Dissent Avrat-Alan’s Reluctant Rebellion
In the annals of rebellion, Avrat-Alan emerges as a complex tableau where the echo of dissent met the stark reality of pragmatism. Unlike Otluk-kui, the resistance in Avrat-Alan lacked the fervor and unity that typifies a formidable uprising. Instead, it unfolded as a hesitant and fragmented endeavor, revealing a stark divide between the impulsive actions of the youth and the measured reservations of their elders.
The elder and more prudent segment of Avrat-Alan’s populace abstained from participating in the uprising, demonstrating a sagacious reluctance to engage in a futile endeavor. Their counsel fell on deaf ears as the impetuousness of the young men propelled them into a venture that their elders viewed with skepticism. This schism in generational perspectives delineates a community grappling with the cost-benefit analysis of rebellion—an internal struggle laid bare by the ensuing events Bulgaria Holidays.
The Unraveling Bubble Avrat-Alan’s Resistance in Retreat
As Hafiz Pacha’s forces approached Otluk-kui, a pivotal moment unfolded in Avrat-Alan—one that exposed the vulnerability of a rebellion built on shaky foundations. A substantial portion of the insurgents ventured out to reconnoiter, leaving the rest of the populace torn between fear of Turkish retribution and the hope of appeasement. In a surprising turn of events, the pragmatic majority, disenchanted with the ill-fated rebellion, rose against their youthful compatriots.
The insurgents who remained within Avrat-Alan found themselves confined, not by the might of Turkish forces but by the hands of their own disillusioned community. A desperate attempt to signal appeasement to Hafiz Pacha unfolded as the elders, recognizing the futility of resistance, sought to distance themselves from the impulsive actions of the rebels. The confinement of the insurgents within the konak, and the subsequent message to Hafiz Pacha, was a clear indication of the majority’s disapproval and their desire to disentangle themselves from a rebellion that held no promise.
The collapse of the rebellion, when confronted by the advancing Turkish troops, resembled the bursting of a fragile bubble. The uprising, built on the misjudgments of the youth and lacking the foundational support of the wider community, crumbled under the weight of its own impracticality. Avrat-Alan, in this moment, became a microcosm of the larger narrative—a cautionary tale of rebellion without collective conviction, where the fleeting aspirations of the young met the sobering reality dictated by the elders’ pragmatism.
0 notes
Photo
Unraveling the Threads of Rebellion
Avrat-Alan’s Fragile Resistance
Whispers of Dissent Avrat-Alan’s Reluctant Rebellion
In the annals of rebellion, Avrat-Alan emerges as a complex tableau where the echo of dissent met the stark reality of pragmatism. Unlike Otluk-kui, the resistance in Avrat-Alan lacked the fervor and unity that typifies a formidable uprising. Instead, it unfolded as a hesitant and fragmented endeavor, revealing a stark divide between the impulsive actions of the youth and the measured reservations of their elders.
The elder and more prudent segment of Avrat-Alan’s populace abstained from participating in the uprising, demonstrating a sagacious reluctance to engage in a futile endeavor. Their counsel fell on deaf ears as the impetuousness of the young men propelled them into a venture that their elders viewed with skepticism. This schism in generational perspectives delineates a community grappling with the cost-benefit analysis of rebellion—an internal struggle laid bare by the ensuing events Bulgaria Holidays.
The Unraveling Bubble Avrat-Alan’s Resistance in Retreat
As Hafiz Pacha’s forces approached Otluk-kui, a pivotal moment unfolded in Avrat-Alan—one that exposed the vulnerability of a rebellion built on shaky foundations. A substantial portion of the insurgents ventured out to reconnoiter, leaving the rest of the populace torn between fear of Turkish retribution and the hope of appeasement. In a surprising turn of events, the pragmatic majority, disenchanted with the ill-fated rebellion, rose against their youthful compatriots.
The insurgents who remained within Avrat-Alan found themselves confined, not by the might of Turkish forces but by the hands of their own disillusioned community. A desperate attempt to signal appeasement to Hafiz Pacha unfolded as the elders, recognizing the futility of resistance, sought to distance themselves from the impulsive actions of the rebels. The confinement of the insurgents within the konak, and the subsequent message to Hafiz Pacha, was a clear indication of the majority’s disapproval and their desire to disentangle themselves from a rebellion that held no promise.
The collapse of the rebellion, when confronted by the advancing Turkish troops, resembled the bursting of a fragile bubble. The uprising, built on the misjudgments of the youth and lacking the foundational support of the wider community, crumbled under the weight of its own impracticality. Avrat-Alan, in this moment, became a microcosm of the larger narrative—a cautionary tale of rebellion without collective conviction, where the fleeting aspirations of the young met the sobering reality dictated by the elders’ pragmatism.
0 notes
Photo
Unraveling the Threads of Rebellion
Avrat-Alan’s Fragile Resistance
Whispers of Dissent Avrat-Alan’s Reluctant Rebellion
In the annals of rebellion, Avrat-Alan emerges as a complex tableau where the echo of dissent met the stark reality of pragmatism. Unlike Otluk-kui, the resistance in Avrat-Alan lacked the fervor and unity that typifies a formidable uprising. Instead, it unfolded as a hesitant and fragmented endeavor, revealing a stark divide between the impulsive actions of the youth and the measured reservations of their elders.
The elder and more prudent segment of Avrat-Alan’s populace abstained from participating in the uprising, demonstrating a sagacious reluctance to engage in a futile endeavor. Their counsel fell on deaf ears as the impetuousness of the young men propelled them into a venture that their elders viewed with skepticism. This schism in generational perspectives delineates a community grappling with the cost-benefit analysis of rebellion—an internal struggle laid bare by the ensuing events Bulgaria Holidays.
The Unraveling Bubble Avrat-Alan’s Resistance in Retreat
As Hafiz Pacha’s forces approached Otluk-kui, a pivotal moment unfolded in Avrat-Alan—one that exposed the vulnerability of a rebellion built on shaky foundations. A substantial portion of the insurgents ventured out to reconnoiter, leaving the rest of the populace torn between fear of Turkish retribution and the hope of appeasement. In a surprising turn of events, the pragmatic majority, disenchanted with the ill-fated rebellion, rose against their youthful compatriots.
The insurgents who remained within Avrat-Alan found themselves confined, not by the might of Turkish forces but by the hands of their own disillusioned community. A desperate attempt to signal appeasement to Hafiz Pacha unfolded as the elders, recognizing the futility of resistance, sought to distance themselves from the impulsive actions of the rebels. The confinement of the insurgents within the konak, and the subsequent message to Hafiz Pacha, was a clear indication of the majority’s disapproval and their desire to disentangle themselves from a rebellion that held no promise.
The collapse of the rebellion, when confronted by the advancing Turkish troops, resembled the bursting of a fragile bubble. The uprising, built on the misjudgments of the youth and lacking the foundational support of the wider community, crumbled under the weight of its own impracticality. Avrat-Alan, in this moment, became a microcosm of the larger narrative—a cautionary tale of rebellion without collective conviction, where the fleeting aspirations of the young met the sobering reality dictated by the elders’ pragmatism.
0 notes
Photo
Unraveling the Threads of Rebellion
Avrat-Alan’s Fragile Resistance
Whispers of Dissent Avrat-Alan’s Reluctant Rebellion
In the annals of rebellion, Avrat-Alan emerges as a complex tableau where the echo of dissent met the stark reality of pragmatism. Unlike Otluk-kui, the resistance in Avrat-Alan lacked the fervor and unity that typifies a formidable uprising. Instead, it unfolded as a hesitant and fragmented endeavor, revealing a stark divide between the impulsive actions of the youth and the measured reservations of their elders.
The elder and more prudent segment of Avrat-Alan’s populace abstained from participating in the uprising, demonstrating a sagacious reluctance to engage in a futile endeavor. Their counsel fell on deaf ears as the impetuousness of the young men propelled them into a venture that their elders viewed with skepticism. This schism in generational perspectives delineates a community grappling with the cost-benefit analysis of rebellion—an internal struggle laid bare by the ensuing events Bulgaria Holidays.
The Unraveling Bubble Avrat-Alan’s Resistance in Retreat
As Hafiz Pacha’s forces approached Otluk-kui, a pivotal moment unfolded in Avrat-Alan—one that exposed the vulnerability of a rebellion built on shaky foundations. A substantial portion of the insurgents ventured out to reconnoiter, leaving the rest of the populace torn between fear of Turkish retribution and the hope of appeasement. In a surprising turn of events, the pragmatic majority, disenchanted with the ill-fated rebellion, rose against their youthful compatriots.
The insurgents who remained within Avrat-Alan found themselves confined, not by the might of Turkish forces but by the hands of their own disillusioned community. A desperate attempt to signal appeasement to Hafiz Pacha unfolded as the elders, recognizing the futility of resistance, sought to distance themselves from the impulsive actions of the rebels. The confinement of the insurgents within the konak, and the subsequent message to Hafiz Pacha, was a clear indication of the majority’s disapproval and their desire to disentangle themselves from a rebellion that held no promise.
The collapse of the rebellion, when confronted by the advancing Turkish troops, resembled the bursting of a fragile bubble. The uprising, built on the misjudgments of the youth and lacking the foundational support of the wider community, crumbled under the weight of its own impracticality. Avrat-Alan, in this moment, became a microcosm of the larger narrative—a cautionary tale of rebellion without collective conviction, where the fleeting aspirations of the young met the sobering reality dictated by the elders’ pragmatism.
0 notes
Photo
Unraveling the Threads of Rebellion
Avrat-Alan’s Fragile Resistance
Whispers of Dissent Avrat-Alan’s Reluctant Rebellion
In the annals of rebellion, Avrat-Alan emerges as a complex tableau where the echo of dissent met the stark reality of pragmatism. Unlike Otluk-kui, the resistance in Avrat-Alan lacked the fervor and unity that typifies a formidable uprising. Instead, it unfolded as a hesitant and fragmented endeavor, revealing a stark divide between the impulsive actions of the youth and the measured reservations of their elders.
The elder and more prudent segment of Avrat-Alan’s populace abstained from participating in the uprising, demonstrating a sagacious reluctance to engage in a futile endeavor. Their counsel fell on deaf ears as the impetuousness of the young men propelled them into a venture that their elders viewed with skepticism. This schism in generational perspectives delineates a community grappling with the cost-benefit analysis of rebellion—an internal struggle laid bare by the ensuing events Bulgaria Holidays.
The Unraveling Bubble Avrat-Alan’s Resistance in Retreat
As Hafiz Pacha’s forces approached Otluk-kui, a pivotal moment unfolded in Avrat-Alan—one that exposed the vulnerability of a rebellion built on shaky foundations. A substantial portion of the insurgents ventured out to reconnoiter, leaving the rest of the populace torn between fear of Turkish retribution and the hope of appeasement. In a surprising turn of events, the pragmatic majority, disenchanted with the ill-fated rebellion, rose against their youthful compatriots.
The insurgents who remained within Avrat-Alan found themselves confined, not by the might of Turkish forces but by the hands of their own disillusioned community. A desperate attempt to signal appeasement to Hafiz Pacha unfolded as the elders, recognizing the futility of resistance, sought to distance themselves from the impulsive actions of the rebels. The confinement of the insurgents within the konak, and the subsequent message to Hafiz Pacha, was a clear indication of the majority’s disapproval and their desire to disentangle themselves from a rebellion that held no promise.
The collapse of the rebellion, when confronted by the advancing Turkish troops, resembled the bursting of a fragile bubble. The uprising, built on the misjudgments of the youth and lacking the foundational support of the wider community, crumbled under the weight of its own impracticality. Avrat-Alan, in this moment, became a microcosm of the larger narrative—a cautionary tale of rebellion without collective conviction, where the fleeting aspirations of the young met the sobering reality dictated by the elders’ pragmatism.
0 notes
Photo
Mudir’s orders were walked over
We asked them if they could not bring us some saddles also, and this they did with much alacrity, and some chuckling at the way in which the Mudir’s orders were walked over. Finally we mounted and got off. We had been besieged all the morning by the same people who had blockaded us the night before, or who appeared to be the same, their stories were so much alike.
We could do nothing but listen in pity to a few of them—for it would have taken all day to hear each separate tale of misery and suffering—and gave vague promises that we would do all in our power to relieve their misery upon our return to Constantinople. But diplomatic help is, alas ! very slow. While ambassadors are exchanging notes and compliments, inviting each other to dinner, making representations to the Porte, and obtaining promises which nobody believes in, these poor people are starving and dying.
Many of them decided to seize this opportunity and accompany us to Batak, to visit their ruined homes, and others caught our bridle reins, determined to make us listen to their stories before we should start. One woman caught my horse, and held it until she could show me where a bullet had traversed her arm, completely disabling her from work, and this was only the least of her woes Guided Istanbul Tours.
Husband killed
Husband killed, and little children depending on that broken arm for bread ; all of this told in a language so much like Russian that I could understand a great deal of it; so like Russian that I could easily have fancied myself amongst peasants of the Volga, or the denizens of the Gostinoidvor, Moscow. The resemblance is striking, and it is no wonder the Russians sympathies with these people.
You observe the same sort of family likeness about the eyes that may be always seen among brothers and sisters who are utterly unlike each other in features—tricks of countenance, movements of the hands, tones of the voice, even to that curious, uncertain expression of the face, which often in the Russian peasant makes it almost impossible to tell whether he is laughing or crying.
0 notes
Photo
Hafiz Pacha unlike Achmet Aga
During the night and the next morning the troops and the Bashi-Bazouks entered the place, and then began a scene of pillage, violence, and massacre, only equalled by that of Batak. Neither age nor sex was spared. The town was pillaged, then fired ; about one-fourth of the houses were burnt, people were cut down in the streets, on their own doorsteps, on their own hearthstones. Old men and women begging for mercy, and children and infants screaming in terror, perished alike beneath the swift and certain sabre.
It is thought that 3,000 people were killed in this place alone, of whom about 400 were inhabitants of the town, and the rest from the neighbouring villages who had taken refuge here. But we were not greeted here with the scenes of horror that awaited us at Batak. Hafiz Pacha, unlike Achmet Aga, had sense enough to have the bodies buried within the following three days, and thus to cover up his tracks.
It has been repeated again and again that these acts were perpetrated by the Bashi-Bazouks ouly, and not by the regular troops ; and a great deal is made of the statement as showing the massacres were committed without the consent of the authorities. If the statement were worth anything, the converse ought to be true—that if the massacres were committed by the regular troops then the authorities are responsible. Now, as it happens, wherever there were any regular troops to commit massacres, they rivalled the Bashi-Bazouks in atrocity Turkey Sightseeing.
Here, as Mr. Schuyler will show in his report, regular and irregular troops were equally cruel, pitiless, and ferocious, and Hafiz Pacha is no less guilty than Achmet Aga. The reason is simple. They are all Turks alike, and there is nothing to choose between them. These massacres were committed by the order of the authorities, and that is why the men who committed them have been rewarded with decorations and promotions.
When we were in Panagurishti we were shown in the ruins of the church, before the place where the altar had stood, a black spot specked with calcined bones, on which lay a bouquet of flowers. This wras the remains of a priest, Theodor Peoff, 85 years of age, who had been seized and tortured in the hopes of obtaining money, mutilated and maltreated in ways which only the foul imagination of a Turk could invent, then killed, and burnt here before the altar.
0 notes
Photo
King Ivan II Assen
During a siege of Thessaloniki the third brother also fell victim to another boyar plot: in the autumn of 1207 he was killed in his tent. One of the plotters – and nephew to Kaloyan – King Boril (1207-1218) ascended to the throne. A political crisis broke up. As the usurper Boril initiated a persecution of all Kaloyan’s relatives his two nephews, sons of the old king Assen, Ivan Assen and Alexander, lied to Russia. For some time, however, the conflicts along the borders of the country were suspended due to the treaties with the Lati n Empire and the Hungarian Kingdom but the resentment within sharpened Tours Bulgaria.
A factor that additionally jeopardized the crown became the movement of the Bogomils. So in 1211 Boril held the Council of Tumovo which condemned the new heresy. Uprisings broke up. Taking advantage of the confusion and assisted by a Russian military unit Ivan Assen II laid a continuous siege to the capital Tumovo, dethroned Boril and blinded him. Thus the successor of the Dynasty of the Assenids. King Ivan II Assen (1218-1241) came to the throne.
Ivan II Assen inaugurated a period of prosperity during which Bulgaria regained the frontiers it had achieved under Tsar Simeon the Great.
Diplomacy consolidated
An economic and cultural upsurge marked his rule. The new king’s diplomacy consolidated the state and strengthened the relations with the Latin Empire and Hungary. A peace treaty was signed with the ruler of the Epirus region Theodore Comnenus.
Ivan II Assen even engaged his daughter Elena to the Byzantine Emperor Baldwin II, still under age by the time.
But Theodore Comnenus violated the peace treaty and led a large army north- The Church of the Virgin of Petrich in Ivan II Assens Fortress.
0 notes
Photo
Marmora to Tekfur Sarai
Of the walls those on the land side only call for special mention. They are the work of three successive Byzantine emperors — Theodosius II., Heraclius, and Leo the Armenian.
The Walls of Theodosius, extending from the Sea of Marmora to Tekfur Sarai, a distance of about 6120 yards, were built in 413 A.D. under the superintendence of Anthemius, prefect of the city ; but were destroyed by an earthquake thirty-four years later, when they were rebuilt by the prefect Cyrus Constantine in sixty days, as set forth in an inscription on the Melandrian Gate. They consist of a double line of wall, the inner line being considerably higher than the outer one, with a moat 20 yards wide, and a breastwork 19 yards thick, running between. Bemains of these latter may still be seen in the vicinity of the Seven Towers and Silivri Gate. The moat, which is now filled up in places, and is let out in sections to market- gardeners, varies in depth from 4 to 33 feet, and is some 64 feet wide. The tapering wall running along the moat is of Byzantine origin, and was in all probability an aqueduct for the double purpose of conveying water to the cityand of flooding the moat in case of emergency : remains of these aqueducts still in use are to be met here and there.
The stone used in the erection of the walls was procured from the quarries in the vicinity. The inner and loftier wall—some 36 feet high—was flanked by 116 towers, of which some ninety are still standing in a dilapidated condition. These are for the most part square, the rest being either round or octagonal, and were entered by postern gates on the city side; few, if any, having doors leading into the space be-tween the walls. The outer wall—31 feet high and 13 feet thick—was also flanked with towers, numbering 78, of which about seventy remain. The Theodosian wall was pierced by fourteen gates, seven of which were reserved for military purposes.
Seven Towers
The land walls commence at the elegant marble water-gate on the Marmora, near the Seven Towers. The first inner tower was built by the Emperors Basil and Constantine, 975-1025 A.D. ; over the postern may still be seen a carved cross surmounted by a wreath. Of the first outer tower scarcely anything remains. The fourth inner tower, somewhat damaged during the earthquake of 1894, bears an inscription setting forth that it was built by Eomanus, the great Emperor of the Romans.
The seventh inner tower, near the railway, assigned to the Emperors Leo and Constantine, has almost entirely crumbled away. The Golden Gate, so-called from the gilding formerly upon it, which comes next, with its two wooden columns and their exquisite Corinthian capitals, was the triumphal arch through which victorious emperors and generals passed on their return from war. The last of these to pass through was Michael Palteologus, after recovering the city from the Latins. It was built up some centuries ago, and is commonly called the ‘ Closed Gate The carvings and bas-reliefs which formerly adorned it have long since disappeared, the only ornamentation to be seen on it now being the Sultan’s monogram over the Turkish coat of arms.
1 note
·
View note
Photo
Theodoras Metochites
With the exception of the nave and dome, therefore, the present church is entirely due to this latter, who spent his last days within its precincts, where he was buried in 1332. The chapel on the right is connected with the inner and outer narthex by a passage. The chapel is adorned with frescoes of angels and saints. The mosaics, already alluded to as illustrative of the life of Christ, are in the nartheces. Those over the main entrance represent Theodoras Metochites presenting the model of the church to Christ seated on a throne. The letters IC, XP, stand for Jesus Christ and the inscription is Xcbpa TCOV ZCOVTCOV (‘ land of the living ). The mosaics on the right and left of the door represent St. Peter and St. Paul. In the body of the church is a mosaic of the Virgin Mary in a garden, with the same inscription, Xcopa TCOV ZCOVTCOV (‘ land of the living ’); and on the south panel another representing Christ holding a gospel with the text, ‘ Come unto Me, all ye that labour and are heavy laden, and I will give you rest.’
Church of the Pantocrator (Almighty), now Zeireck Jamesl; admission 5 piastres;
situated on the heights in the vicinity of the inner bridge, was built in 1120 by John Comnenus and his wife the Empress Irene, both of whom, as well as many other Byzantine emperors, lie buried in the adjoining monastery. This church formerly contained several relics, the most notable being a porphyry slab on which it is supposed Christ was laid out after being taken down from the cross, and an eikon or painting of the Virgin, by St. Luke, brought from Palestine. Only the southern of the three buildings comprising the former church is used as a mosque. The large verde antico sarcophagus to be seen in the vicinity is supposed to have contained the remains of the Empress Irene.
Church of St. John the Baptist and Monastery of Studius, now Mir Akhor Jamesl. Admission not fixed; 5 piastres for two or three persons, and 10 piastres for a party, will be liberal enough guided tours istanbul.
It stands near the Yed! Kuleh (Seven Towers) Railway Station. It was built by Studius, a Roman patrician, who came to Constantinople with Constantine the Great. The monastery attached to the church was occupied by the monks called Acoemetoi (‘ The Wakeful ’), whose days and nights were spent in continual vigils for celebration of divine service. The Akhor, or Master of the Horse to Sultan
Bayazid, converted the church into a mosque, and named it after the office he held.
MOSQUES AND MAUSOLEUMS ERECTED BY THE TURKS
Suleimanieh, or the Mosque of Suleiman ., ‘the Magnificent.’ Admission 5 piastres per head.
This place of worship, built (1550-56) by the famous Turkish architect Sinan, of materials taken from the ancient church of St. Euphemia at Chal- cedon, is one of the finest specimens of Turkish architecture extant. It is 225 feet by 205 feet in area, and its dome is 156 feet high and 86 feet in diameter. The beautiful stained glass in two of the windows near the pulpit was part of the spoil taken during the wars with the Persians; that in the other windows is a clever ancient imitation of the former by Sharhos Ibrahim, a celebrated glass – stainer. The outer court of the mosque is a rectangular arcade with a basin in the centre, and, with its four minarets, is most picturesque.
In a burial-ground adjoining the mosque are the Turbeh, or Mausoleum, of Suleiman the Great, and that of his wife, the famous Roxalana. The tombs of Suleiman the Great, Suleiman II. (died 1691), and the latter’s brother Ahmed II. (died 1695), are of uniform size and shape. Each bears an enormous turban and is surrounded by a wooden railing inlaid with mother-of-pearl. The walls are faced with beautiful tiles of the best period. The building contains also a curious wooden model of the Kaaba at Mecca, and several ancient transcriptions of the Koran. Admission 5 piastres each, a reduction being made for parties of five or more.
0 notes