craftercat

[craftercat]

How did the kingdom of Dai fall? Was it outright conquest or intrigues in the state that contributed to the states collapse?

The reason that is traditionally given is the assassination of Tuoba Shiyijian by his son Tuoba Shijun. This led to the collapse of Dai resistance and its conquest by Former Qin.

By the point that Fu Jian attacked Dai however, Fu Jian was stronger than Tuoba Shiyijian. He had already conquered Former Yan, Former Liang, and Chouchi by the time he attacked Dai. Fu Jian was probably going to succeed anyway; but Tuoba Shiyijian's assassination allowed Fu Jian to conquer Dai much more quickly.

[craftercat]

How did taoism influence Emperor Taiwu of Northern Wei’s regime?

Emperor Taiwu's main advisor Cui Hao, and another man he greatly trusted, Kou Qianzhi were devout Taoists. The main influence of this is his extermination campaign of Buddhism. Taoism was popular before Emperor Taiwu in Northern Wei however.

Late in Taiwu's reign, there was a Xiongnu rebellion which was crushed. Taiwu believed that Buddhists in the empire aided the rebellion, as there were weapons in Buddhist temples. Under the advice of Cui Hao, Taiwu started the extermination of Buddhism.

In the exterminations, all Buddhist temples were to be destroyed, and all Buddhist monks were to be executed. The order to destroy all temples seems to have been fully executed, but some monks were able to escape thanks to people such as Tuoba Huang.

[craftercat]

I'm doing research into the reigns of Emperor Daowu (Tuoba Gui), Emperor Mingyuan (Tuoba Si) and the early part of Emperor Taiwu (Tuoba Tao)'s reigns, so can asks that help and stimulate the research be sent please?

[craftercat]

How would you rank the regents of Northern Wei?

Yuwen Tai: He was a very capable general who was able to defend against the stronger Eastern Wei, and instituted administrative reforms that lessened corruption.

Empress Dowager Feng. She instituted successful land reforms and was a capable regent for Emperor Xianwen and Emperor Xiaowen.

Gao Huan: He was a capable general and laid the foundation for Northern Qi, but was not as good as Empress Dowager Feng when it came to administration, or Yuwen Tai in both military and administrative ability, in my opinion.

Yu Zhong, Yuan Yong, Empress Dowager Hu, Yifu Hun, Yuan Cha: They were all poor as regents. I couldn't decide who was the least bad of the lot, so I grouped them all together.

[craftercat]

Was Yu Zhong a competent regent during his de-facto regency of Emperor Xiaoming?

Yu Zhong seems to have been rather capable as an official, but his rule as regent was marred by political intrigue.

The way he became so powerful was that he had a key role in removing the Gao clan and their associates from power. This was mainly Gao Zhao and Empress Gao. He also helped to save Empress Dowager Hu from an assassination attempt.

As regent, he faced many threats to his power. He executed two officials who suggested his removal from power on false charges, however this move made him unpopular. He was eventually accused of abusing his power by the imperial censor. Empress Dowager Hu removed him from power, but remained grateful to him for saving her life.

[craftercat]

How did Wu zetian evolve the imperial examinations?

There are two major developments she made: introducing the military examinations and expanding the examinations to the top ranks.

Though the imperial examinations were already in the low and mid rank selection of officials, selecting officials of high rank still depended on recommendations. This of course made it difficult for those of non-aristocratic origins who lacked connections to the right people to advance beyond mid rank.

Wu Zetian fixed this by expanding the imperial examination system to the top ranks. She likely did this because she needed a support base to be powerful, and believed that if she helped people rise to power, they would support her. As well, she needed a support base to get rid of powerful rivals.

During her reign, she started the military examinations, which was like the imperial examinations but for military positions. She did this because the founding heroes had died and she needed more generals to deal with foreign threats. This seems to have been less widespread than the usage of the imperial examinations.

[craftercat]

I hope you don’t mind me asking but could you go into further detail as to how Tuoba Gui’s administration transitioned throughout his reign?

At first, Tuoba Gui is described as having had a competent administration. He encouraged developments in agriculture and the movement of the Xianbei into the Central Plains. He also created a new military aristocracy to replace tribal vassals, though these aristocrats did became overly powerful like the vassals. Due to the hardships of his childhood, he treated the people well.

However, in his later reign he became more despotic and tyrannical. Because of this, officials and the public became afraid of him. The officials therefore did not carry out their jobs properly. They became negligent and corrupt, while laws were poorly enforced, crime was rampant, and punishment excessive and harsh.

Though Tuoba Gui had great achievements in founding the Northern Wei, he did become worse as it got to his late reign.

[craftercat]

What research have you been able to acquire about Yifu Hun? It seems to be that the historical records didn’t record a lot about what he did leaving his actions a bit of a mystery

He was the first regent for the young Emperor Xianwen, who was only 11 when his father died.

As regent, Yifu Hun appears to have ordered the executions of many of Tuoba Jun's ministers. This may be because he saw them as a threat, or because he was trying to create his own base of power and didn't want rivals to his power around.

He was eventually overthrown by Empress Dowager Feng, likely with the assistance of the remaining officials.

[craftercat]

Cui Hao attended on [the ruler] and discussed things ahead, [Tuoba] Si [1] asked him and said:

"Liu Yu [2] is attacking Yao Hong [3], can he really prevail?"

[Cui Hao] answered and said:

"He will prevail."

[Tuoba] Si said:

"For what reason?"

崔浩侍講在前，嗣問之曰：「劉裕伐姚泓，果能克乎？」對曰：「克之。」嗣曰：「何故？」

[Cui Hao] answered and said:

"In the past, Yao Xing [4] was good at achieving a false reputation, yet little of what he did was useful. His son Hong is weak and often ill, and his brothers rebelled and contended [with him]. Yu takes advantage of its danger, for what reason would elite soldiers and a courageous commander not prevail?"

對曰：「昔姚興好事虛名而少實用，子泓懦而多病，兄弟乖爭。裕乘其危，兵精將勇，何故不克！」

[Tuoba Si] said:

"How does Yu's talent compare to Murong Chui [5]?"

[Cui Hao] answered and said:

"It surpasses his, Chui relied on his father and elder brother's wealth, restoring the old enterprise, the country's people returning to him was like insects approaching a flame by night. Even relying on a slight grant [of talent], it would be easy to establish merit. Liu Yu rose vigorously from humble origins, and did not originally even have a small amount of land. He launched an expedition to destroy Huan Xuan and reinstate the Jin, in the north captured Murong Chao [6], and in the south annihilated Lu Xun [7]. Towards him, nobody went forwards, if not for his outstanding talent, how could it be possible as such!"

嗣曰：「裕才何如慕容垂？」對曰：「勝之。垂藉父兄之資，修復舊業，國人歸之，若夜蟲之就火，少加倚仗，易以立功。劉裕奮起寒微，不階尺土，討滅桓玄，興復晉室，北禽慕容超，南梟盧循，所向無前，非其才之過人，安能如是乎！」

[Tuoba] Si said:

"Liu Yu then enters, and cannot advance or retreat, if I were to use elite cavalry to unexpectedly strike Pengcheng and Shoucun, what would he choose?"

[Cui Hao] responded:

"Now, the west has Qugai [8], and the north has Rouran, lying in wait for a crack in our country. Your Majesty cannot personally lead the six multitudes, although we have elite soldiers, we do not yet have wise and capable generals. Zhangsun [9] Song excels in ruling the country, but falls short in doing battle and is not a match for Liu Yu. I do not see benefit, it is not as good as resting and waiting for changes.

When Liu Yu defeats Qin, he will return and certainly usurp his sovereign. In Guanzhong, Hua (Han) and Rong (non-Han) mix together, and the customs are strong and fierce. Liu Yu desires to grasp the thorns, propagating and carrying out civilised customs inside, in Qin, this will be no different than taking off clothing to smother a fire or trying to catch a tiger with a net. Although he has left soldiers to defend this region, they will not be in harmony with the feelings of the people, or face and manage the differences in the population. They will amount to resources for invaders and foes, and that is all.

I hope that Your Majesty will hold back troops and let the people rest so as to observe changes, the land of Qin will in the end be in the possession of our country, so ride and observe."

Si laughed and said:

"Sir, you have assessed it with prudence and understanding."

嗣曰：「裕旣入關，不能進退，我以精騎直擣彭城、壽春，裕將若之何？」對曰：「今西有屈丐，北有柔然，窺伺國隙。陛下旣不可親御六師，雖有精兵，未睹良將。長孫嵩長於治國，短於用兵，非劉裕敵也。興兵遠攻，未見其利；不如且安靜以待之。裕克秦而歸，必篡其主。關中華、戎雜錯，風俗勁悍；裕欲以荊、���之化施之函、秦，此無異解衣包火，張羅捕虎；雖留兵守之，人情未洽，趨尚不同，適足爲寇敵之資耳。願陛下按兵息民以觀其變，秦地終爲國家之有，可坐而守也。」嗣笑曰：「卿料之審矣。」

[Cui] Hao said: "I have already in private commented on generals, ministers and statesmen of the recent period. It seems as if Wang Meng [10] in running a country is Fu Jian [11]'s Guan Zhong [12]; Murong Ke [13] in assisting a young ruler is Murong Wei [14]'s Huo Guang [15], and Liu Yu in pacifying great turmoil is Sima Dezong [16]'s Cao Cao [17]."

浩曰：「臣嘗私論近世將相之臣：若王猛之治國，苻堅之管仲也；慕容恪之輔幼主，慕容暐之霍光也；劉裕之平禍亂，司馬德宗之曹操也。」

[Tuoba] Si said:

"What about Qugai?"

[Cui] Hao said:

"When Qugai's state was destroyed and his family brought to ruin [18], he became an orphaned person. He depended on the nourishment of the Yao clan, accepting their grants and wealth. He did not consider thanking this kindness and repaying it with righteousness, yet acted when the opportunity arose to seek gain [for himself] [19] and stole a region, arousing the hatred of his nearest neighbours. Emerging as a person with little virtue, although he can release his violence for a period of time, in the end he should be devoured by others, and that is all."

嗣曰：「屈丐何如？」浩曰：「屈丐國破家覆，孤孑一身，寄食姚氏，受其封殖。不思醻恩報義，而乘時徼利，盜有一方，結怨四鄰；撅豎小人，雖能縱暴一時，終當爲人所吞食耳。」

[Tuoba] Si was very pleased, and they spoke until midnight. He bestowed [Cui] Hao with ten vessels of light blue imperial [20] wine, and a liang of essence of water [21] salt. He said:

"I taste your words like this salt and wine, therefore I desire to share this with you to offer their good taste [back to you]."

Yet he still ordered Zhangsun Song and Shusun [22] Jian to each be appointed elite soldiers to wait on [Liu] Yu passing west, crossing the [Yellow] River at Chenggao to encroach south upon Pengcheng and Pei commanderies. If [Liu Yu] did not in time pass [west], then they would lead the troops accordingly [23].

嗣大悅，語至夜半，賜浩御縹醪十觚，水精鹽一兩，曰：「朕味卿言，如此鹽、酒，故欲與卿共饗其美。」然猶命長孫嵩、叔孫建各簡精兵伺裕西過，自成皋濟河，南侵彭、沛；若不時過，則引兵隨之。

-- Zizhi Tongjian, vol. 118

1. Also known as Taizong of Northern Wei or Mingyuan of Northern Wei.

2. Also known as emperor Wu of Liu Song, at this point a powerful general and regent for the developmentally disabled Emperor An.

3. The son of Yao Xing and the final emperor of Later Qin.

4. Emperor Wenhuan of Later Qin; the son of the founding emperor who greatly expanded his father's enterprise.

5. Emperor Chengwu of Later Yan; restored the Former Yan. The main rival of Tuoba Si's father Tuoba Gui.

6. The final emperor of Southern Yan, a state conquered by Liu Yu.

7. A warlord in the south who was defeated by Liu Yu.

8. Referring to Helian Bobo. Qugai (屈丐) 'Bent Beggar' was a derogatory nickname given to him by Tuoba Si, meaning 'lowly', referring to his status as a traitor to his benefactors including his liege and his wrongful usurpation of power.

9. Should be Baba, as the Baba clan changed their clan name to Zhangsun under the reforms of Emperor Xiaowen.

10. A chancellor under Emperor Xuanzhao of Former Qin (Fu Jian).

11. Emperor Xuanzhao of Former Qin; notably briefly unified northern China for a brief period, but after being defeated in a southern campaign, his vassals rebelled against him.

12. A famous chancellor of the Spring and Autumn Period. This comparison hints at Wang Meng's talent.

13. A prince of the Former Yan dynasty and the capable regent of his nephew Murong Wei.

14. Emperor You of Former Yan; the last emperor of the Former Yan dynasty.

15. A famed minister of the Han dynasty; was regent for the young Emperor Zhao (Liu Fuling). This comparison suggests that Murong Ke, like Huo Guang, was a capable regent.

16. Emperor An of Jin; the ruling emperor of Jin at this point.

17. A famed general of the Three Kingdoms era who wielded power over Emperor Xian of Han, the last emperor of the Han dynasty. This comparison may hint that Cui Hao believed that the Jin dynasty would soon fall (he would soon confirm this belief).

18. Referring to Tuoba Gui's campaign against the Tiefu Xiongnu in 391, in which Helian Bobo's father Liu Weichen was killed. Helian Bobo was 10 years old at that time.

19. Referring to Helian Bobo's rebellion against Yao Xing and seizure of territory.

20. The word 'imperial' means that this was wine typically reserved for the emperor.

21. The salt is referred to as 'essence of water' salt due to being bright and clear like water.

22. Should be Yizhan, as the Yizhan clan changed their clan name to Shusun under the reforms of Emperor Xiaowen.

23. I speculate that the purpose of this move was to prevent Liu Yu from seeing Northern Wei as an easy target, and to discourage Liu Yu from launching an attack on Northern Wei.

[craftercat]

Sima Guang was not a fan of Liu Yu.

[craftercat]

WS29.2.1, Biography of Shusun Jun

(His clan name was actually Yizhan. The Yizhan clan changed their clan name to Shusun during the Sinicisation reforms of Emperor Xiaowen. Also, providing some context and explanation for the Northern Wei practice of encouraging the suicides of officials' widows which started with him)

Biography

[Yizhan Jian]'s eldest son was Jun, courtesy name Chougui, [he was] intelligent at a young age. At the age of fifteen, attended the imperial palace as a retainer. Had a cautious and calm character, and did not exceed his capabilities. In order to be a horse mount archer, was transferred as a hunting official [1].

長子俊，字醜歸，少聰敏。年十五，內侍左右。性謹密，初無過行。以便弓馬，轉為獵郎.

Emperor Taizu [posthumous name Emperor Daowu, personal name Tuoba Gui] died, the Prince of Qinghe, Shao, shut the palace gates [2], and Taizong [posthumous name Emperor Mingyuan, personal name Tuoba Si] was outside [3]. Shao forced Jun to act to assist him. Although Jun on the outside submitted to Shao, on the inside he had true loyalty, therefore with Yuan [4] Mohan and others criticised Shao, pledging allegiance to Taizong. This affair is in the biography of Mohan.

太祖崩，清河王紹閉宮門，太宗在外。紹逼俊以為己援。俊外雖從紹，內實忠款，仍與元磨渾等說紹，得歸太宗。事在磨渾傳。

At this time of Taizong's retainers, only Che [5] Lutou, Wang Luo'er and others, were able to reach Jun and others' [assistance], [Taizong] was very pleased [with him], [Jun] acted as an attendant.

是時太宗左右，唯車路頭、王洛兒等，及得俊等，大悅，以為爪牙。

When Taizong succeeded to the throne, ordered that Jun, Mohan and others correct the errors of the retainers. Was transferred as a guard general and bestowed as Duke of Ancheng.

太宗即位，命俊與磨渾等拾遺左右。遷衞將軍，賜爵安城公。

The Prince of Zhuti, Yue, carried a knife in his bosom and entered within the imperial residence, to goad a major rebellion. Jun realised Yue's actions were unusual, and easily held his hand and pulled it back, thus within Yue's bosom there were two daggers, [Yue] was thereupon executed.

太宗即位，命俊與磨渾等拾遺左右。遷衞將軍，賜爵安城公。朱提王悅懷刃入禁中，將為大逆。俊覺悅舉動有異，便引手掣之，乃於悅懷中得兩刃匕首，遂殺之。

Taizong grasped Jun's significant merits from beginning to end, the policies of military affairs and civil administration were all according to his appointment, many officials starting their posts were earlier by Jun selected and inspected, and after that were presented and confirmed.

太宗以俊前後功重，軍國大計一以委之，群官上事，先由俊銓校，然後奏聞。

[Jun] had a just, fair and gentle character, and his form was not likely to be easily angered. [He was] loyal, devoted and genuine, and did not flatter his superiors or repress his subordinates. Every time he received an imperial edict and announced it to the outside, he would certainly announce [it] politely, the receivers would all be fulfilled and retreat, and those with confidential matters would turn away and arrive at the torch [6] again. Therefore his superiors and subordinates admired and praised him.

性平正柔和，未嘗有喜怒之色。忠篤愛厚，不諂上抑下。每奉詔宣外，必告示殷勤，受事者皆飽之而退，事密者倍至蒸仍。是以上下嘉歎。

Died in the first year of Taichang [416 CE], was twenty-eight [7] at the time, Taizong was excessively anguished and mournful, went in person and was deeply aggrieved. In all levels of society, there was no lacking in their pursuit of pity. Bestowed as Palace Attendant, Minister of Land and Water and Prince of Ancheng [8], with the posthumous name of Filial and Fundamental [xiaoyuan].

泰常元年卒，時年二十八，太宗甚痛悼之，親臨哀慟。朝野無不追惜。贈侍中、司空、安城王，諡孝元。

Was bestowed warm and bright rare utensils, carried using a sleeping carriage, guarded by soldiers leading their followers, and was buried [with other important people, including the imperial family] in the Jin Mausoleum. His son Pu inherited his rank. After [this], when esteemed ministers with great merit and special favour died, the rites with which they were paid their last respects were all according to the tradition of Jun's [9], but did not surpass that.

子蒲，襲爵。後有大功及寵幸貴臣薨，賻送終禮，皆依俊故事，無得踰之者.

[As a part of this], when Jun died, Taizong advised his wife Lady Huan [10] and said:

"When people in life share glory, in death it is appropriate to share a tomb. The capacity for [you] to be buried with the dead may be an undertaking of [your] desire." [11]

Lady Huan thus hanged herself and died, and was thereupon jointly interred there.

初，俊既卒，太宗命其妻桓氏曰：「夫生既共榮，沒宜同穴，能殉葬者可任意。」桓氏乃縊而死，遂合葬焉。

Northern Wei emperors and princes would often go on hunts with their attendants. I presume that Yizhan Jun would attend the emperor or a prince's hunting trip.

2. Tuoba Shao had assassinated Tuoba Gui.

3. Tuoba Si had earlier fled the capital of Pingcheng to avoid his father's wrath.

4. Should be Tuoba Mohan, as the imperial clan name of Tuoba was changed to Yuan by Emperor Xiaowen.

5. Should be Chekun Lutou, as the Chekun clan shortened their clan name under the reforms of Emperor Xiaowen.

6. I presume that 蒸 refers to a type of torch in this context. Torches would be lit as a signal during this time.

7. By East Asian age reckoning, in which a person is considered 1 year old at birth and becomes a year older at New Year, regardless of individual birthday. By Western age reckoning, he would be 26 or 27 years old.

8. He received the title of Duke of Ancheng in his lifetime; he was posthumously promoted to the rank of prince.

9. This likely refers to the death of the wives of these officials, which is outlined in the section below this statement.

10. Should be Lady Wuwan, as the Wuwan clan changed their clan name to Huan under the reforms of Emperor Xiaowen.

11. The Zizhi Tongjian phrases this differently, stating: "In life you shared honour with him [Yizhan Jun], will you share his sadness in death?" The History of the Northern Dynasties records an identical phrase to the Book of Wei, so Sima Guang likely paraphrased the earlier phrase in his record. The outcome was the same.

The Northern Wei practice

The death of Yizhan Jun started a practice in which the wives of powerful and favoured officials would be encouraged into committing suicide upon the official's death. This was first hinted using the euphemism "buried according to the rites of Shusun Jun".

(Technically, Tuoba Si had earlier poisoned Wang Luo'er's wife, but this was an irregular case. All other women to die to this practice were encouraged to commit suicide, yet she was poisoned, and the Weishu dates this practice to Shusun Jun, not Wang Luo'er. Wang Luo'er's wife may have been poisoned for a different reason)

This practice started with Tuoba Si and Yizhan Jun, but it continued into his son Tuoba Tao's reign. Tuoba Tao later buried his official Lu (Tufulu) Luyuan with the rites of Yizhan Jun, indicating this practice. Tufulu Luyuan's rites were even greater, so from then on, this practice was euphemised as "buried according to the rites of Lu Luyuan", which should indicate this practice, as Lu Luyuan was buried with this practice.

I think that although Tuoba Si claimed burial etiquette as his reasoning, the actual reasoning was probably to prevent other powerful tribes from coming to power the same way the Tuobas themselves did - using their maternal connections.

Tuoba Gui used his connections to the Helan and Murong tribes to claim power for himself. Later, Tuoba Shao's attempted seizure of power likely relied on his maternal tribe, the Helan tribe, making two incidents where this method of gaining power was attempted. Tuoba Gui created 子贵母死, and Tuoba Si this policy, to prevent others from using this method of gaining power.

Though the Tuoba clan did not restrict the greater freedom of common women, they restricted the women in elite classes, who they saw as being a threat to their power. Due to their knowledge that they only came to power with the help of maternal connections, they became fearful of these connections being exploited.

It is for this reason that the practice continued after the death of Tuoba Si, and continued to as far as Empress Dowager Feng's regency over Emperor Xiaowen. The practice was likely abolished during the sinicisation reforms of Emperor Xiaowen.

[craftercat]

What dynasty of your research do you think afforded women with the most freeedom

I'm going to go for the early Tang dynasty.

Xianbei culture did traditionally allow women more freedom than Han culture, but this freedom was seen by the Tuobas as a threat to their power. They introduced policies such as 子贵母死 which restricted the freedoms of women. However, the emperors didn't pass laws to restrict common women, so they likely retained their higher status, and only the elite women were restricted.

The Northern Wei dynasty did end up with Empress Dowager Feng and Empress Dowager Hu, but they succeeded in spite of Northern Wei's misogynistic policies.

The early Tang dynasty however had many influential women, such as Princess Pingyang, Empress Zhangsun, Wu Zetian, Princess Taiping, Empress Wei, Shangguan Wan'er and Princess Anle.

[craftercat]

"Since Jin crossed the Yangtze River, they could not contend for power, and the non-Han peoples wantonly rushed about as tigers devouring the Central Plains. Liu Yu started to use the prince's multitudes to annihilate and pacify Eastern China, yet when he arrived he did not then express his respect to the virtuous and talented, comfort and console the weary people, propagate a happy and easygoing spirit, and cleanse brutality and filth in the government, which would make the crowd of people favour the disturbance and leave many on tiptoes. Yet he preferred to indulge himself in slaughter so as to satisfy the grudge in his heart. Imitating his establishment, previously the Fu and Yao clans were not like this, it is appropriate that he could not assail the Four Seas and satisfy his grand pursuit. Although he had wisdom and bravery, he had no benevolence and righteousness, how could it be anything else that caused it to be as such!"

臣光曰：晉自濟江以來，威靈不競，戎狄橫騖，虎噬中原。劉裕始以王師翦平東夏，不於此際旌禮賢俊，慰撫疲民，宣愷悌之風，滌殘穢之政，使羣士嚮風，遺黎企踵，而更恣行屠戮以快忿心；迹其施設，曾苻、姚之不如，宜其不能蕩壹四海，成美大之業，豈非雖有智勇而無仁義使之然哉！

Zizhi Tongjian, vol. 115

[craftercat]

This isn’t a major question but you mentioned that Tuoba Si treated his mother, sister and wife fairly decently so I was wondering what proof there is off this in the records you have read?

With his mother, Tuoba Si is described as deeply mourning her death at the hands of Tuoba Gui, mourning excessively. After he came to the throne, he sacrificed to her at the imperial temple, which became a tradition with later emperors.

As for his sister Princess Huayin, she somehow contributed to Tuoba Si's rise, perhaps by gathering supporters. As a result, her son was awarded several titles. She presumably died in Tuoba Si's reign, as in his part of the 'rituals' section of the Weishu, he is mentioned as building several temples to pray to her.

He also treated Princess Xiping fairly well. Even though she failed to craft a golden statue, he treated her with the rites of an empress. He had wanted to make her an empress, however she refused the offer. When she died, he posthumously made her an empress. Childless concubines generally don't receive empress titles posthumously, and Later Qin had fallen at the time, so the only explanation for this is that he had genuine affection for her.

[craftercat]

Do you know where The Tuoba Xianbei tradition of having to make the golden statues to become Empress comes from? Also which Empresses of the dynasty didn’t have to complete this tradition if any were able to avoid it?

If an candidate made a golden statue, her creation as empress was seen as auspicious, but if she didn't, it was seen as inauspicious to make her empress.

I don't think any empresses prior to Sinicisation were able to avoid it. Both Daowu and Mingyuan were unable to make their favoured consorts empress due to this tradition, even though Mingyuan's favourite consort was a princess of another state.

The tradition was likely abolished during the Sinicisation reforms. I don't think that Emperor Xiaowen's empresses would have needed to create a golden statue to be created.

[craftercat]

This isn’t really a historical sourced question, but if you were per say an emperor, official or someone in a position of major power during the end of the Northern Wei dynasty what would you do to prevent the collapse of the dynasty from the timepoint you think the dynasty can still be salvaged.

The fall of the Northern Wei dynasty was rooted in the Sinicisation campaign and the contradictions this caused.

The Northern Wei relied on a Xianbei military aristocracy to defend against Rouran attacks, which were stationed in the Six Garrisons. In the Six Garrisons, the Xianbei military culture led to many, such as Gao Huan's ancestors, to Xianbeify.

When the sinicisation reforms rolled out, the Six Garrisons opposed the reforms. This caused a divide in Northern Wei between the imperial court and the main military base. Corruption and infighting under later rulers intensified this divide and weakened the imperial power base.

However, if sinicisation were to be prevented, there would be a large cultural impact, as a lot of the cultural policies of later dynasties were dictated by this reform.

[craftercat]

Just look at the Songshu or Nanqishu. In these records, they are clearly trying to paint an image of the Northern dynasties as barbarian usurpers.

Forgive me if this should be obvious or has been asked before, but did any of the various states following the Eastern Jin claim to rule all under heaven? Or was it the closest that China had ever come to a semi-permanent European style of division?

None of them claimed to control the whole Chinese realm (they obviously did not), but all of them claimed that they *ought* to control it. The political traditions compelled rulers to regard other states as rebels still awaiting pacification, not as legitimate neighbors.