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Final Thoughts on Religion and Popular Culture

Our first assignments in this course were introductions and reflections on ourselves, and a discussion. The discussion asked one simple, yet large question: “how does popular culture both reflect and shape us?”

The past 16 units, in a sense, have been searches for answers to that question. The problem is that this simple question has so many potential answers that, every time we as a group search for said answers, we present so many differing solutions. This being a humanities course, however, the truth and the answers are inherently subjective, automatically reliant on our own beliefs, experiences, and evidence. This seems like a blessing and a curse, but, in a sense, it proves the principles.

Since we cannot agree, and we don’t even necessarily have common ground, we are not a “we”. Perhaps popular culture can influence “us”, but who are “we”? Does “we” mean everyone on earth? Everyone in the United States? Everyone who consumes a piece of media? Everyone who integrates that piece of media into his or her world view? Everyone who interacts with those people, regardless of whether he or she has consumed this work or not? After a long while going through this process, these fashions and quotations and moral lessons become detached from their source materials, or at least more immediately attached to the popular culture as a whole. In this same manner, everything from Simpsons quotes to political attacks to high literature can become part of the culture. Not everyone buys into all of these aspects; however, it is near impossible to be unaware of them in some way, even indirectly.

With this in mind, can I say, feeling it to be truth, that pop culture does not shape us? I do not feel that I can. There is no such thing, to me, as “us” (us being a clearly defined and nearly universal audience-like public). Additionally, were there not influences of popular culture on human beings, then how would creators integrate previous views and works into their own? How would The Simpsons reenact political debates and Edgar Allen Poe, and in the same breath make its own tremendous impact, without there being a way?

Perhaps, then, popular culture is both a tool and a product not of the masses, but of individuals. These individuals can make up audiences in different configurations; person A and person B read Shakespeare and write for television, person C and person D watch movies, person D and person E are friends. Persons A and B write a film script that draws heavily on Shakespeare’s “Hamlet”, persons C and D watch the film, and person D passes along to person E an amusing quote from the film, all without person E ever having seen the film or read Shakespeare. The mass communication of the film echoes the earlier presentation of the play, one creator influencing another, that amusing quote perhaps impacting person E. There is no singular “we” in this equation; there are only individuals on whom this transmission and this influence rely. Only with their trust in the culture and the cultural canon can the media shape them. Only through their belief can the cycle renew itself.

It is not so much about how popular culture and religion shape “us” as it is “you”. It is not so much about how they reflect “us” as it is about how you can be the creator, the transmitter, the object and its reflection all at once. It is a self perpetuating and inevitable cycle. As long as we have beliefs and influences, we will reflect them. It is how references to our favorite episodes of television escape our lips the same way that references to our religious beliefs do. It is how we understand ourselves and each other, through references to things past and things ubiquitous. It is how we both reign over and submit to culture: one person and one word at a time.

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Personal Finances

The above image comes from a New York Times article analyzing the financial advice in the books of three popular personal finance gurus: Suze Orman, Dave Ramsey, and Robert T. Kiyosaki. As with much quasi-religious niche interests, the significance is largely not in the content, but in the culture surrounding the gurus themselves (although content does have some religious undertones). Ramsey, as examined in the lecture, uses his religious beliefs to inform his financial philosophies. Orman focuses on the personal, advocating for simplicity in life. Kiyosaki emphasizes independence. While there is large disparity among the beliefs of each guru, they share in that they each have undertones of being religious code. Books such as these represent the doctrines of each cult of personal finance, each one, like religious tomes, sharing in standard advice, but diverging on key matters. Cult is further represented by the position of the author/guru. These figures take on the head role in a few areas: they can be empathetic figures in religious stories, as their anecdotal evidence in their books and lectures often stems from their own experiences. They can also be as religious authorities, as they are the keepers of doctrine and leaders of gatherings (religious congregations/services vs. financial lectures). The term "guru", being of religious origin, also implies power or heightened knowledge on the part of the personal finance gurus, who cultivate images as enlightened experts who are qualified to give financial advice that "they" don't want "you" to know about. The appearance of the faces of these three authors also makes apparent that they are the main focuses and draws, the main events of their respective books; the mystique and appeal of these works comes from the perception of these gurus as icons of security and knowledge.

Source: https://www.nytimes.com/2019/10/11/business/suze-orman-robert-kiyosaki-dave-ramsey-books.html

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Video Games

The above image comes from the video game "BioShock Infinite". The series is notable for its philosophical questioning of traditional American institutions; "Infinite" focuses most strongly on American exceptionalism, Christianity, the intersection of the two, and the harmful effects that result from this union. The main plot takes place in a city called Columbia, which, in the alternate history of the game, is a floating city originally founded as a traveling world exposition to display American excellence. However, following disputes with the US proper over Columbia's violent suppression of the Boxer Rebellion, the city seceded, becoming the militant theocracy into which players enter the game. The ruler of the city, a self proclaimed "Father" and "prophet" maintains a cult of personality within the religion of the game, which also treats the Founding Fathers as saints. The player may also only gain access to the mysterious city through a baptism. Followers of the religion comprise the ruling, white upper class, which benefits from the toil of a working, non-white lower class. As the state religion of Columbia is clearly a version of Christianity, the game's depiction of said religion drew some ire from Christian players, who believed that the game espoused an unfair and inaccurate view on Christianity. While I believe these concerns of fair depictions of real world beliefs are completely valid, I do not feel that this game is truly critiquing Christianity--rather, I believe it uses oppressive, dictatorial religion, cults of personality, and bastardization of the American Founding in order to draw attention to issues inherent to a particular era in American history (whose problems extend into today). The theocratic nature of the game's society, after all, directly contrasts with the ideals of the American Founding, which advocated for religious liberty. However, so long as the player understands the positive effects of Christianity, as well as the historical misuse of religion for authoritarian purposes, the game should not have the adverse effect about which some players have worried.

Source: https://www.forbes.com/sites/erikkain/2013/04/17/bioshock-infinite-refunded-on-religious-grounds/#7fddfa2c66ad

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Religious Rhetoric in the Presidential Election

Throughout his political career, Mitt Romney has dealt with a great deal of scrutiny directed towards his religious background. This includes heightened concern on the part of the general public during his presidential campaigns in 2008 and 2012. Prior to the 2008 election primaries, in 2007, Romney gave his "Faith in America" speech, in which he attempted to address these concerns on the disparity between his religious values and those of Protestant America at large. He noted the similarity of his speech to John F. Kennedy's famous piece from 1960; like JFK, Romney dismissed concerns that he would use his office to covertly instill his own religious agenda into US law. Throughout the speech, he strategically distanced himself from negative connotations of his religion, only using the word "Mormon" once, and focusing the piece mainly on the religious values that actively govern America. This resulted in a delicate balance between expressing personal religious belief and appealing to the non-Mormon majority, with Romney choosing to appeal to the audience's sense of commonality. The speech also brought civil religion into the fold as Romney remarked that he would "not separate us from the God who gave us liberty," and concluded that the American founding succeeded by "the grace of God". While this appeal of a fundamental attachment of God and the American founding is popular among many Protestants (especially Evangelicals), Romney's speech did not win over all of the audience; he went on to lose the Republican primaries in 2008, and the election in 2012, when his religion still remained somewhat of an issue. However, Romney's campaigns represented the first time that Republican voters had to grapple with the legitimate possibility of a president who belongs to a religious minority (which, while part of Christianity, has many key theological and cultural differences). The way that the Romney campaigns presented his religion is therefore a curious and unprecedented part of presidential election history, leaving the public still wondering how to reconcile the tradition of civil religion with differing religious beliefs.

Source: https://www.nytimes.com/2007/12/07/us/politics/07romney.html

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Alternate Congregations

The above image comes from the Life Church (also stylized as life.church, its web address), which purports to be the largest church in the United States, self reporting upwards of 250,000 congregants worldwide per week. Founded in 1996, the church does have several physical locations; however, they are most notable for their online presence. The church hosts more than 80 services per week over the internet, which, in spite of their differing format, bear many of the hallmarks of modern non denominational Christian congregations. This includes staples such as worship music, impassioned sermons, and regular teachers. However, the church also spreads its messages with thoroughly modern means as well; this includes their YouTube channel, with videos on topics as wide ranging as divorce and co-parenting to the matter of Christianity and tattoos. This content has a decidedly pseudo liberal tinge, which aligns with Christian values of forgiveness and kindness; however, it starkly contrasts with certain other large churches. This contrast is especially with Evangelical megachurches, from whom the church shares some qualities, notably mass appeal and the use of digital set design and platforms. The Life Church offers another digital interface for worship, having expanded to congregations in Second Life in 2007. Here, the church faced many of the same issues and questions addressed in this class during our previous study of religion in Second Life; however, like most religious authorities in the platform, the Life Church's Pastor Craig Groeschel maintained his optimism and message of spiritual expansion. This church, and others like it, represent an inherent shift in how the general public views its life and sense of community in the information age; whether this shift to internet as basis for community is a good or bad thing is up to the viewer. However, it is an undeniable revolution in all sorts of community, religion included. While the nature of the congregation changes in a shift to internet worship, the theology remains the same, showing an odd juxtaposition between ancient religion and cutting edge technology.

Sources:

https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-2007-apr-08-na-virtual8-story.html

https://www.life.church/online/

https://www.youtube.com/user/LifeChurchtv/videos?view=0&sort=dd&flow=grid

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Religious Weight Loss

The above image comes from pfitblog.com, a website run by Steve and Bonnie Pfiester, a husband and wife fitness guru duo. Per their bio on said website, they advocate for and build healthy lifestyles through "pfitness, pfood, and pfaith [sic]". Their website contains multitudes of inspirational quote images such as this one, both overtly religious and secular, as well as biblical citations in articles. This makes the website, and the Pfiesters' fitness philosophy as a whole, clear specimens of the religious weight loss and fitness movement. As with many other programs of the sort, their methods vouch for the importance of religious support in fitness; however, regardless of how obvious the pairing may seem, this is a curious attachment. Fitness, especially intense, dedicated fitness, is a deeply personal activity, focusing entirely on what an individual can do to improve his or her body and life. However, the religious weight loss movement implicitly invites God into the fitness journey. Practitioners such as the Pfiesters may therefore find that the support of a deity gives them supplementary emotional strength in the experience. However, irreligious fitness practitioners will likely fill this gap with internal self-motivation. Religious and irreligious fitness practitioners may therefore find a slight disparity in motivations, but an overall likeness in goal. Given that Christianity decries gluttony and sloth, however, Christians may have heightened reason and desire to be in good shape as compared to atheists, who may only exercise regularly for aesthetic and earthly health purposes. Regardless, the culture of dedicated fitness gurus and athletes is somewhat religious in and of itself (see: the daily workouts and closely regulated diets of CrossFit devotees).

Source: http://pfitblog.com/meet-steve-bonnie/

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Sports and Religion

The image in the above tweet displays a match between the Egyptian and German women's volleyball teams during the 2016 Olympics in Rio de Janeiro. The player to the left, Doaa Elghobashy, is the first Olympic athlete to have worn a hijab in this sport, while her teammate elected to play without wearing a veil. Elghobashy received the green light to wear the hijab after a special concession from the International Volleyball Federation, which, until the previous Olympic games, had required that women wear bikinis or one piece swimsuits. Immediately prior to the 2012 games, the Federation revised its rules to allow for players to wear more modest athletic clothing, including long sleeves, bodysuits, and shorts. However, in spite of these alterations (for the sake of both weather and modesty), Elghobashy's decision to wear her hijab drew ire from certain audiences, who decried both the common use of the bikini in the sport, and the existence of the hijab in general. Given these comments, it is clear that the key concern at play was differing cultural and religious standpoints on women's clothing; some viewed the bikini requirement of the Federation as an attempt to control women's bodies, while others viewed the use of hijab in Egyptian culture and Islam as an attempt to control women's bodies. However, all things considered, Elghobashy stated that "[The hijab] doesn't keep me away from the things I love to do, and beach volleyball is one of them." For her, religion is an active part of everyday life; her wearing she does not view her hijab as intrusive on any part of her daily tasks, and made the choice for herself to honor her religious beliefs by wearing the hijab during her volleyball matches. The practice of religion is not an active concern in the largely non-devout West, aside from players praying before their games (such as Tim Tebow). However, the Olympic controversy displays what is perhaps the ideal manner of balancing religious garments with sporting events: allow players to make their own decisions, and respect those decisions.

Source: https://www.bbc.com/news/magazine-37009324

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Contemporary Music from Non-Christian Religions

The above is the music video for the song "Electric Pow Wow Drum", by the hip hop/electronic group A Tribe Called Red. Every member of the group comes from the First Nations, the indigenous peoples of modern Canada outside of the Arctic. Like the indigenous peoples of the modern United States, the people of the First Nations have experienced colonization, genocide, oppression, and forced acculturation. A Tribe Called Red, in reaction to this history, uses a blend of modern hip hop and traditional Native cultural practice to create their music. This song in particular evokes the tradition of the pow wow, which was once banned in the United States and severely restricted in much of Canada due to its spiritual connotations (and thus an assumed threat to Christianity). However, in spite of these ordinances, the tradition prevailed, experiencing a particularly strong resurgence in popularity during movements for indigenous rights in the 1960s. This song represents a further evolution in the traditional practice; its creators began their musical collaboration through parties for indigenous students, where they played a combination of pow wow music and conventional hip hop. The result manifests here as both a piece of modern hip hop culture and a continuation of a centuries old cultural practice: the gathering of indigenous peoples in song, dance, socialization, and crafts (all of which are also inherent to modern hip hop and pop music in general). However, in spite of its commonalities with modern popular music, the song (and the group that created it) does not attempt to soften its cultural origins or make its traditional characteristics more palatable for an alien audience; rather, it honors its own heritage and originality in the context of a changing world.

Sources:

https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/history-of-powwows https://www.theguardian.com/music/2015/jul/28/electric-powwow-tribe-called-red

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Cultural Merger of Popular Music and Religion

The above is a performance by Regina Spektor of her song "Samson". While the song is ostensibly a story of a relationship between a speaker and an ailing man, it also contains constant comparisons of the central relationship to that of Samson and Delilah in the Book of Judges. The most apparent of these metaphors is Spektor's reference to hair; in the Book of Judges, Samson possesses significant, superhuman power. However, should his long hair be cut, he would lose his immense strength. Predictably, Samson is then betrayed by Delilah, who orders that a servant cut Samson's hair and give him as a prisoner to his enemies. Spektor's lyrics, however, tell a contrasting tale. She narrates a tale of genuine love between the Samson and Delilah analogues, singing of a possibly ill man without "much hair left on his head" whose "hair was long when [they] first met". Through these lines, Spektor draws a direct comparison between the Samson of the Book of Judges and the Samson of her story, both men for whom long hair (and lack thereof) symbolize power (and lack thereof). In the second verse, Spektor's tale deviates further from the source material, while still adhering to its symbols; her Delilah character cuts Samson's hair, and he accepts this fate. The story concludes with the Samson and Delilah characters remaining happy together, with Samson resigned to his newfound weakness. This song is therefore representative of several hallmarks of contemporary religion and pop culture. Although developed, Western countries are largely shifting away from devout religiosity, their cultures still bear strong religious heritage and influence. As such, while many people in this new world may not consider themselves religious, they still have working knowledge of religious mythology and moral teachings. "Samson" is a prime example of this shift; Spektor utilizes the audience's knowledge of the Samson and Delilah story in order to weave her own that, while familiar, deviates from expectations in order to communicate a new message.

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Non-Christian Religions in Movies

The above is a scene from the 1971 film adaptation of the musical "Fiddler on the Roof". The film focuses on Tevye, a poor Jewish milkman and father of five daughters living in modern day Ukraine, as life for Jews in Russia becomes more oppressive. Throughout the film, Tevye grapples with maintaining his cultural identity in a changing world, as his daughters challenge tradition in their own manners. His eldest daughter, Tzeitel, first breaks from tradition by electing to marry her first love, Motel, rather than the man with whom a matchmaker has matched her, Lazar. The second eldest daughter, Hodel, appears in this scene, dancing with the radical, confrontational Perchik, whom Tevye hires as a tutor for his daughters. Rather than outright eschewing the tradition of dance, Perchik criticizes the conservative forces of society which keep men and women from being together, and argues that men and women dancing together is a natural practice. Hodel is at first unconvinced, adhering to longstanding social custom, but is eventually won over. Later, at Tzeitel's wedding, Perchik asks Hodel to dance with him, and, in spite of the initial hostility of the attendees to this idea, men and women dance openly together. This celebration quickly ends, however, as a pogrom begins, and the wedding is raided; Tevye, speaking to God, wonders why such a thing has happened. Throughout the remainder of the film, Teyve must grapple still with the collapse of various traditions around him, but, for the most part, relents for the sake of his daughters' happiness. He allows Hodel and Perchik to marry, but disowns his third daughter, Chava, after her marriage to a Christian. However, as the pogrom progresses and the Jews of the village prepare to evacuate the country, Tevye begins to forgive Chava, his wife telling Chava where they will be living thereafter. As Tevye and his wife depart, Tevye gestures to the fiddler, an embodiment of tradition and culture, to follow to America. This symbolizes an embrace of Jewish cultural practices and traditions, even in the face of change. Whether through persecution, liberalization of marriage practices, or migration to the new world, Tevye retains his conviction for Jewish custom and familial love.

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Adult Animated Television

The above is a clip from the show "South Park", in its 2003 episode "All About Mormons". In the episode, an LDS (Mormon) family moves to the small town of South Park, earning the ire of suspicious locals (due to their politeness and academic achievement). One of the family's five children, Gary, is a student in the same class as the show's young protagonists; one of said protagonists, Stan, is tasked by his classmates with physically fighting Gary. However, Gary instead invites Stan to attend dinner at his family's home. Later that day, Stan attends the dinner, where the intelligent, polite family is partaking in Family Home Evening, a Monday practice in which families play games, read scripture, and offer lessons to one another. Stan's father, witnessing the closeness of the LDS family, decides to convert to the faith himself. Stan, meanwhile, protests the conversion, citing theological doubts and inconsistencies. Eventually, Gary confronts Stan for his impoliteness, saying that, although there may be inconsistencies and outright falsehoods in LDS theology and history, the importance of the faith is its emphasis on being an upstanding person, loving family, and caring for the less fortunate. This plotline also runs alongside a b-plot which, through musical sequences, gives the origin of the church; these sequences are decidedly less sympathetic towards the church's founders and adherents, as they portray many of the historical incidents whose veracity Stan questions (landing squarely in the skeptic camp). While these sequences make the episode as a whole less sympathetic towards the faith, the creators still take care to espouse the virtues of the faith's adherents, and to praise the integrity, politeness, and intelligence of many members of the LDS church. Ultimately, in this episode, it is the irreligious or apathetic majority which serves to learn from the unfamiliar religious minority.

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Advertising

The above image comes from Christian Aid Ministries' Billboard Evangelism Program, which posts this and other designs across major highways in the United States and Canada. The billboards appear in all fifty states and Puerto Rico, as well of six of the ten provinces of Canada. While this design is one of the most prolific and recognizable of the Ministries' collection, their advertisements also feature messages touting the power and supremacy of Jesus, decrying the theory of evolution, and warning viewers of their inevitable judgement before their creator. According to the Ministries' self reported metrics, the billboards boast 15.2 million estimated viewers per day. While this figure is likely estimated by the number of drivers on major highways bearing the billboards, and does not account for the fact that many viewers tune out their presence, the Ministries also claim to receive an average of 338 phone calls per day. The devout nature of the billboards' messages is not lost on common viewers, many of whom question the origins and purposes of the advertisements. Christian Aid Ministries, by its own description, "strives to be a trustworthy and efficient channel for Amish, Mennonite, and other conservative Anabaptist groups and individuals". With these religious orders, they provide programs such as child and family sponsorship, crisis relief, and the supplying of food, water, Bibles, and medicine to those in need. While their billboards come across to some as hostile and menacing, they are testaments to the devout, serious, and charitable nature of Anabaptist creed and code. The billboards exemplify religious imagery to advertise religion, while also confronting viewers with their pervasiveness across major roads in North America; this makes for a strikingly modern, popular media style advertisement for a religion which many Americans regard as obsolete and antiquated.

Sources:

https://gospelbillboards.org/category/billboards/

https://christianaidministries.org/program/billboard-evangelism/

https://christianaidministries.org/about/

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Good and Evil

This photo is an illustration by Mary GrandPre, for JK Rowling's Harry Potter and the Order of the Phoenix. It depicts a magical duel between the main antagonist of the series, Lord Voldemort, and Professor Dumbledore, a wise mentor to the young protagonists. The series is rife with battles between good and evil, this being no exception; the accompanying text can shed some light onto the nature of this overarching conflict. The narration of the battle, told in third person limited perspective, depicts Dumbledore as a calm, collected, and principled man (as does the series in general). The narrator describes Dumbledore, even in what is clearly shaping up to be conflict, as "speaking [...] as though they were discussing the matter over drinks". He does not participate in battle until outright attacked by his opponent, and even then only does what is absolutely necessary to subdue Voldemort. However, Voldemort is quick to attack Dumbledore, and taunts him for his tendency towards the preservation of all life. This interaction is reflective of the series at large, in which both characters lead groups bound together by community and codes; Dumbledore, as the headmaster of a school, stands for peace, curiosity, protection, and acceptance. Voldemort, meanwhile stands for exclusivity, radical traditionalism, singular power, and absolutism. This contrast between the elders of the good and evil parties in the series perhaps best shines through most in the fictional world's allegory for racism: blood status. Dumbledore accepts into his peaceful, progressive ranks wizards and witches of any ancestry, whether of purely magical origin or of mixed magical and non-magical ancestry. Voldemort, meanwhile, espouses supremacy for those of magical ancestry. This difference in world views is key to understanding Rowling's depiction of the two sides; Dumbledore and his ranks are depicted as doing almost no wrong, being mostly pacifist and focused on other pursuits. However, Voldemort is a character of pure evil, whose sole motivation is to obtain power for himself. This represents a trend in modern heroic media which uses the hero's journey as a template, in which the protagonists are an accepting group whose flaws are handwaved away, while the antagonists often have few higher aspirations or dimension beyond some nondescript type of world domination. This depiction of morality can be tied back to the mystical heroes' journeys of mythology (such as Cuchulainn or Heracles) which pit mystical evil against mystical good. In this sense, these stories are quasi-religious, telling modern stories of morality with community, codes, and stark duality.