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#for sale in Mountain view North Coast
conceptproperties · 2 years
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nwbeerguide · 1 year
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Hosted by Buoy Beer Company, LAGER FEST returns May 12th and 13th in Astoria, Oregon.
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image courtesy Buoy Beer Company
Press Release
LAGER FEST is back at Buoy Beer Co.! Join us on the riverfront Friday and Saturday, May 12th and 13th as we celebrate the wonderful world of lagers with live music, great company, and unbeatable river views. 
This year Buoy has partnered with more than a dozen West Coast breweries including Astoria Brewing, Block 15 Brewing, Fort George Brewery, Figueroa Mountain Brew Co., North Jetty Brewing, Sunriver Brewing, Obelisk Beer Co., pFriem Family Brewers, Reach Break Brewing, Steeplejack Brewing, Sisu Brewing, Mirage Beer Co., and more. 
The festivities will begin Friday, May 12th at our original riverwalk location and will feature live music by Holiday Friends from 3-8pm. Lager Fest event mugs and tokens will be for sale on-site, giving lager lovers and beer lovers a chance to taste variations of the style’s color, fermentation processes, hop profiles, and malt flavors. 
On Saturday, May 13th, we encourage you to start your day with Astoria’s 10th annual Run on the River Half Marathon, 10k, and 5k. Sponsored by Buoy Beer, Run on the River is a fundraiser for Astoria Parks Recreation and Community Foundation which helps individuals and families access health and wellness opportunities through scholarships. Sign up today to participate or volunteer. Volunteers will receive a Lager Fest mug for dedicating their time to this awesome cause! 
The fest continues on Saturday 11am-8pm. Join us for a springtime day full of delicious lagers from our partner breweries, specialty lagers from Buoy, and live music all day from The Hackles and more.
During the festival you can also sign up for our Buoy Beer Club. The annual membership features perks like discounts on draft and packaged beer, discounts on merchandise (both at the brewery and online), invites to brewer social events, and more! Sign up during Lager Fest and your festival mug will be included in the membership price. 
Come on down to Buoy May 12th and 13th and drink some tasty lagers with us. Pre-order your tokens to get your mug FREE here. We look forward to seeing you. RSVP to the Facebook Event for updates! 
from Northwest Beer Guide - News - The Northwest Beer Guide https://bit.ly/3kFFJTG
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cyprus-resort · 1 month
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Where in Northern Cyprus may I Buy Real Estate?
Here's a quick rundown of some of the Northern Cyprus locales you might want to look into purchasing real estate:
1)Kyrenia (Girne):
Known as the jewel of Northern Cyprus, Kyrenia is a picturesque harbor town nestled between the Mediterranean Sea and the Kyrenia Mountains.
It offers a wide range of properties, including seafront villas, luxury apartments, and traditional houses.
Kyrenia's historic charm, vibrant atmosphere, and stunning views make it a popular choice for both holiday homes and permanent residences for real estate in Northern Cyprus.
2)Famagusta (Gazimağusa):
Famagusta is a historic city with beautiful sandy beaches and a rich cultural heritage.
It boasts a mix of modern developments and traditional architecture, offering a diverse range of property options.
The city's proximity to Eastern Mediterranean University (EMU) makes it an attractive location for student accommodation and investment properties.
3)Nicosia (Lefkoşa):
As the capital city of Northern Cyprus, Nicosia is a bustling urban center with a blend of modern amenities and historical landmarks.
Property options in Nicosia range from apartments in the city center to spacious villas in suburban neighborhoods.
The city's central location provides easy access to shopping, dining, and cultural attractions with buy property in Northern Cyprus.
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4)Alsancak:
Situated near Kyrenia, Alsancak offers a peaceful coastal lifestyle with breathtaking views of the Mediterranean Sea.
Property buyers can find a variety of options, including luxury villas, bungalows, and apartments.
The area is popular among expatriates and retirees seeking a tranquil retreat close to amenities and natural beauty.
5)Çatalköy (Catalkoy):
Catalkoy is a charming suburb of Kyrenia known for its olive groves, citrus orchards, and stunning views of the coast.
Property options include villas with private gardens, townhouses, and apartments in residential complexes.
The area offers a relaxed lifestyle with easy access to beaches, restaurants, and local amenities.
6)Esentepe:
Esentepe is a coastal village located on the northeastern coast of Northern Cyprus, known for its golf resorts and natural beauty for property for sale in North Cyprus by owners.
Property buyers can choose from golf course villas, seaside apartments, and countryside retreats.
The area appeals to nature lovers and outdoor enthusiasts seeking a peaceful retreat surrounded by pristine beaches and mountains.
7)Bogaz (Boğaz):
Bogaz is a charming fishing village situated on the east coast of Northern Cyprus, known for its scenic harbor and traditional atmosphere.
Property options in Bogaz include seafront apartments, villas, and holiday homes.
The village offers a relaxed lifestyle with opportunities for fishing, swimming, and exploring nearby historical sites.
8)Guzelyurt (Morphou):
Guzelyurt is a tranquil town located in the northwest of Northern Cyprus, surrounded by citrus orchards and fertile agricultural land.
Property buyers can find affordable options such as apartments, townhouses, and countryside villas by property for sale in North Cyprus.
The area is known for its mild climate, rural charm, and proximity to stunning beaches and nature reserves.
9)Tatlisu (Tatlısu):
Tatlisu is a scenic village situated on the northern coast of Northern Cyprus, known for its unspoiled beaches and rugged coastline.
Property options in Tatlisu include seaside villas, cottages, and apartments with panoramic sea views.
The area offers a peaceful lifestyle with opportunities for outdoor activities such as hiking, fishing, and watersports.
10)Bahçeli (Bahçeli):
Bahçeli is a coastal village located near Esentepe, known for its luxury developments and stunning views of the Mediterranean Sea.
Property buyers can choose from modern villas, penthouses, and apartments in gated communities.
The area appeals to those seeking upscale living with access to golf courses, beaches, and resort-style amenities for apartments for sale in North Cyprus.
It is imperative that you visit the areas of interest, do extensive research, and consult with local real estate brokers and attorneys if you are thinking about buying real estate in Northern Cyprus. Finding the ideal fit depending on your interests, financial situation, and investment objectives is crucial because every place has special benefits and lifestyle options of its own.
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talleymohamed98 · 2 months
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Canadian Dream Home: Your Guide to Finding the Perfect House for Sale in Canada
Welcome to your guide on finding your dream home in Canada! In the vast and diverse real estate market of the Great White North, searching for the perfect house for sale can be an exciting yet daunting task. Whether you're looking for a cozy urban oasis or a sprawling rural estate, Canada offers a wide range of options to suit every lifestyle and preference.
One of the most coveted types of properties in Canada is a house with acreage. The allure of spacious land surrounding your home provides endless opportunities for outdoor activities, privacy, and a serene escape from the hustle and bustle of city life. With picturesque landscapes and varying climates throughout the country, finding a house with acreage in Canada can turn your dream of countryside living into a reality.
Factors to Consider
When searching for a house for sale in Canada, one important factor to consider is the location. Do you prefer a bustling urban neighborhood or a serene rural setting? Canada offers a diverse range of landscapes and communities to choose from, so it's essential to determine what type of surroundings best suit your lifestyle.
Another critical factor to consider is the size and layout of the house. Are you looking for a cozy cottage or a spacious family home? Consider the number of bedrooms and bathrooms you need, as well as any additional features like a backyard, garage, or outdoor space. Finding realtor in surrey with the right layout can make a significant difference in your overall satisfaction with your new home.
If you have a preference for wide-open spaces and outdoor activities, you may want to explore houses with acreage in Canada. eleanorwrigley.com with acreage offer plenty of room for gardening, hiking, or simply enjoying nature. However, keep in mind that maintaining a large property can require more time and effort, so be sure to weigh the benefits against the responsibilities before making a decision.
The Best Locations
When looking for a house for sale in Canada, consider the vibrant city life of Toronto. As one of the most populous cities in the country, Toronto offers a diverse range of properties to choose from. Whether you prefer a modern condo in the heart of downtown or a charming heritage home in the suburbs, Toronto has something for every homebuyer.
For those seeking a more serene setting, the countryside of British Columbia boasts picturesque landscapes and houses with acreage. Imagine waking up to breathtaking mountain views or enjoying peaceful walks through lush forests right outside your doorstep. Properties with acreage in British Columbia provide the perfect escape from the hustle and bustle of city life.
If you're drawn to the east coast charm, consider exploring the house for sale offerings in the maritime provinces of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Prince Edward Island. These maritime provinces not only offer stunning coastal properties but also a rich cultural heritage and a welcoming community atmosphere.
Buying Process
Firstly, when looking for houses for sale in Canada, it's important to determine your budget and financing options. This will help you narrow down your search and focus on properties that are within your financial means. Consider getting pre-approved for a mortgage to speed up the buying process.
Next, make a list of your must-have features in a house, such as the number of bedrooms, bathrooms, and any specific amenities you desire. Use online listings and real estate websites to search for properties that match your criteria. Don't forget to consider the location, surrounding neighborhood, and accessibility to amenities like schools and shopping centers.
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Lastly, once you've found a potential house with acreage in Canada that meets your requirements, don't hesitate to schedule a viewing. Take the time to visit the property in person, inspecting both the interior and exterior. If you're satisfied with what you see, work with a real estate agent to make an offer, negotiate the price, and finalize the purchase with all necessary paperwork.
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bondeortiz43 · 2 months
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Buying Property Or Land For Sale In Uvita, Costa Rica
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View More: topkhanhhoaaz.com - Top Khanh Hoa AZ Reviewed by Team Leader in Top Khanh Hoa AZ: Bùi Quốc Bảo - Bui Quoc Bao Big Sur is amazing area on California's central coast and covers in regards to a 90 mile length of coastline between Ragged Examine Carmel in the north. About 20 miles to the east the area is bordered by the Santa Lucia Mountain Range, which rises sharply above the Gulf of mexico. Enjoy beautiful ocean views, beaches, inland forests, and a great quantity of interesting wildlife. Big Sur is a popular spot for whale looking out. Gray Whales, Blue Whales, and Humpback Whales can be seen migrating up and to the coast many months via the year. California Condors flying overhead and blubbery Elephant Seals sprawled from the beach, soaking in the sun, are also fun to see. Golden Wattle has been the national flower of Australia since 1988. Moreover, in 1992, September 1st was declared as the nation's Wattle Day in Projects. The flower is yellow in color and quite fluffy. The flower represents patriotism within australia and are also offered in many parts of this country including western Victoria and Nsw.
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compasslandgroup · 3 months
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Exploring Private Tracts of Land for Sale in North Carolina
In the sprawling landscapes of North Carolina, hidden gems await those seeking a retreat from the hustle and bustle of city life. Private tracts of land offer a unique opportunity for individuals looking to invest in rural real estate. From picturesque mountain hideaways to serene countryside parcels, North Carolina boasts a diverse range of properties for sale, each with its own charm and potential. In this comprehensive guide, we'll delve into the allure of private tracts of land in North Carolina and provide valuable insights for prospective buyers.
The Appeal of Private Tracts of Land
North Carolina's natural beauty is unparalleled, with its lush forests, rolling hills, and breathtaking vistas attracting outdoor enthusiasts and nature lovers alike. Private tracts of land for sale in North Carolina offer an opportunity to immerse oneself in this pristine environment, providing a sense of seclusion and tranquility that is hard to find elsewhere. Whether you're interested in building a dream home, establishing a recreational retreat, or simply investing in land for future use, North Carolina's private tracts offer endless possibilities.
Factors to Consider When Purchasing Land
Before diving into the world of rural real estate, it's essential to consider several factors to ensure you make a sound investment decision. Location plays a crucial role, with proximity to amenities, access to utilities, and zoning regulations all impacting the desirability and value of a property. Additionally, factors such as topography, soil quality, and natural features should be carefully evaluated to determine the land's suitability for your intended use.
Exploring North Carolina's Regions
North Carolina is home to a diverse array of landscapes, each offering its own unique charm and opportunities for outdoor recreation. From the majestic peaks of the Blue Ridge Mountains to the tranquil shores of the Outer Banks, there's something for everyone in the Tar Heel State. Let's take a closer look at some of the regions where private tracts of land are available for sale:
Mountains
The mountainous region of western North Carolina is renowned for its stunning scenery, vibrant communities, and abundant recreational opportunities. Whether you're interested in hiking, fishing, or simply taking in the views, this region offers an unparalleled lifestyle amidst the beauty of the Appalachian Mountains.
Piedmont
The Piedmont region, located between the mountains and the coast, boasts a blend of rolling hills, fertile farmland, and vibrant urban centers. With easy access to major cities such as Charlotte, Raleigh, and Greensboro, this area is ideal for those seeking a balance between rural tranquility and urban convenience.
Coastal Plain
Stretching from the sandy beaches of the Outer Banks to the lush swamplands of the Inner Coastal Plain, this region offers a diverse range of landscapes and ecosystems. Whether you're interested in waterfront property, farmland, or timberland, the Coastal Plain has plenty to offer discerning buyers.
Tips for Finding the Perfect Property
Finding the perfect tract of land requires careful research, patience, and a clear understanding of your goals and budget. Consider working with a reputable real estate agent or land broker who specializes in rural properties, as they can provide valuable insights and guidance throughout the buying process. Additionally, be sure to thoroughly inspect any property you're considering, paying close attention to factors such as accessibility, water sources, and potential environmental concerns.
Investing in Your Future
Private tracts of land for sale in North Carolina is not just a financial investment – it's an investment in your lifestyle, well-being, and future. Whether you're looking to build a vacation home, start a hobby farm, or simply escape the stresses of modern life, owning land in North Carolina offers endless possibilities for personal fulfillment and enjoyment.
Conclusion
With its stunning natural beauty, diverse landscapes, and abundant recreational opportunities, North Carolina is an ideal destination for those seeking to invest in rural real estate. Private tracts of land offer a unique opportunity to create your own slice of paradise amidst the Tar Heel State's picturesque scenery. By considering factors such as location, topography, and intended use, you can find the perfect property to suit your lifestyle and goals. So why wait? Start exploring North Carolina's private tracts of land today and embark on a journey to rural bliss.
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remaxelitejm · 9 months
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Top 10 Amazing Places To Live In Jamaica
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The Caribbean paradise of Jamaica, often referred to as the "Land of Wood and Water," is known for its breathtaking natural beauty, vibrant culture, and gracious people. Why so many people want to live on this beautiful island makes sense. The Jamaican real estate market is a captivating blend of natural beauty, cultural diversity, and investment potential. This guide is here to provide insights and information about beautiful places where you will get homes for sale in Jamaica, the process of house selling in Jamaica, and amazing places to Live in Jamaica, whether you're looking for your dream home, considering selling a property, or simply interested in buying a house in Jamaica. Suppose you are considering moving to Jamaica because there are so many properties for sale in Jamaica. You're in for a treat. In this article, we'll look at the top 10 amazing places to live in Jamaica, each with unique attractions and charms.
10 Amazing Places To Live In Jamaica
1. Kingston
Kingston, the capital of Jamaica, offers a dynamic urban lifestyle along with a deep heritage of culture. It has flourishing music and cultural communities and is home to historic locations, including Devon House and the Bob Marley Museum. From the busy streets of downtown Kingston to the peaceful residential regions like Barbican and Jack's Hill, the city's numerous neighborhoods cater to various tastes.
2. Montego Bay
The top tourist attraction in Jamaica is Montego Bay, or "MoBay." It's the ideal spot to live for those who value luxury, with its stunning beaches, outstanding resorts, and exciting nightlife. While downtown MoBay is bustling with local flair, the wealthy neighborhoods of Ironshore and Spring Farm offer lavish living.
3. Negril
Negril is the perfect spot if you want to live near the beach in an atmosphere of comfort. Negril is famous for its seven miles of pristine sand and amazing sunsets, and it offers a laid-back atmosphere perfect for beach lovers. Consider relocating to the West End Cliffs area for breathtaking seaside views and a hippie atmosphere.
4. Ocho Rios
On the northern coast of Jamaica, Ocho Rios is well-known for its lush surroundings and exciting activities. Living here puts you close to famous sights like Mystic Mountain and Dunn's River Falls. The gated communities in nearby Mammee Bay offer a balance of peace and convenience.
5. Port Antonio
Port Antonio on the island's eastern side is a hidden gem for a more off-the-beaten-path adventure. It's a haven for nature lovers, surrounded by rivers, rainforests, and the Blue Mountains. A look into Jamaica's colonial past can be had by visiting the famed Titchfield Hill neighborhood.
6. Mandeville 
Mandeville is a picturesque and peaceful town situated in the interior of Jamaica, which is mountainous and cool. It's a fantastic option for individuals who want a more temperate atmosphere due to its cooler climate and lush flora. The town is well-known for its medical facilities and educational institutions.
7. Treasure Beach
Treasure Beach on the south coast of Jamaica is a peaceful fishing village with a strong sense of community. You may enjoy the relaxed atmosphere while tasting natural Jamaican living here. For people who want a slower pace of life, it is perfect.
8. Falmouth
Another old town on the north coast is Falmouth, which has a lot of nautical history and beautifully maintained Georgian architecture. It's a peaceful, historically significant, and culturally significant place to live.
9. Spanish Town
Spanish Town, one of the oldest cities in Jamaica, offers a unique combination of culture and history. Explore historic sites like the Old Courthouse and Spanish Town Cathedral to understand the island's heritage.
10. Saint Ann's Bay
In addition to being the hometown of national hero Marcus Garvey, Saint Ann's Bay is a lovely beachfront community. It's an excellent place for individuals who wish to be near nature as it's close to places like Dolphin Cove and Dunn's River Falls.
Wrap Up-
From Kingston's vibrant urban life to Negril's peaceful beaches, Jamaica provides various living experiences. Whatever your preferences, Jamaica has a place that will make you feel at home. The comfort of these attractive places is the reason to relocate there. Plenty of property for sale in Kingston, Jamaica, will undoubtedly make you want to settle permanently by buying a house in Jamaica or visiting as a holiday rental. If you embrace the island's beauty, culture, and friendliness, you'll quickly realize why it's a popular choice for people looking to live in the Caribbean.
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vsdkguc · 10 months
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kammartinez · 11 months
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In 1956 Juan Goytisolo, one of Spain’s most influential contemporary writers, took a bus to the eastern part of Almería, a province in Andalusia. Under Franco, this was one of the country’s most impoverished regions, exploited by mining companies and neglected by the government. Goytisolo had come to tell the stories of the people who lived in its slums. “I remember clearly the impression of poverty and violence provoked so dramatically by Almería when I first took route 340 into the province a few years ago,” he wrote in Níjar Country, which was published in 1960 and subsequently banned, like many of his books. At the time he was living in Paris; three decades later he moved to Marrakech. He never again lived in his place of birth.
I read his book on a terrace with a view of the Alcazaba Moorish fortress one warm Saturday morning this April. I too had arrived in Almería by bus. I had come from Málaga and traveled along the southern coast, passing through lush fields and stunning scenery overlooking the Mediterranean Sea. As green valleys gave way to rocky land, especially dry this year, I could see why locals so often call Almería the “door to the desert.” Spaghetti Westerns were shot here.
As you get closer to Almería, you leave behind the olive and almond trees and enter an expanse of plastic greenhouses. According to governmental data, Almería yields about 54 percent of Andalusia’s fruit and vegetable exports—chiefly tomatoes, cucumbers, and peppers—amounting to €3.7 billion in sales last year. They boost the country’s economy and allow Europeans to eat fresh salads year-round. Satellite images show a sea of plastic that extends from the foot of the mountains to the shores of the sea.
Níjar is a small, sleepy town perched on a green hill by the Huebro Valley, overlooking the farm country. On a breezy weekend, tourists walked along the quiet streets, visiting the Memory of Water Museum—a showcase of the centuries-long struggle to find and preserve water in this region—and eating ice cream at a helateria on the town’s main square. When Goytisolo wrote Níjar Country, Almería had yet to be known for its national parks and beaches, some of the most beautiful in Spain. (Tourism has grown in recent decades, although the region sees many fewer visitors than the Costa del Sol to the west.) Instead the book evokes “settlements of a dozen isolated hovels” where Goytisolo saw families living in extreme poverty, hoping to leave this dry, overexploited land for places of greater opportunity.
In the 1950s and 1960s the state implemented the Plan General de Colonización—plan of settlement—to attract people from neighboring areas.1 It gave families land and, with the promise of industrial agriculture, the prospect of profit. Many farms in the region are still owned by the descendants of these settlers. The first landowners worked the fields themselves, but by the 1980s and 1990s farms were seeking foreign laborers to produce on a larger scale.
Migration to the region has been increasing ever since. African workers first arrived in El Ejido, a town on the other side of Almería. As intensive farming grew exponentially, the region transformed. Today shantytowns adjacent to the fields house thousands of migrants from North and West Africa, most of them undocumented. They provide cheap labor for the companies, small and large, that sustain the region’s economy and generate a huge portion of the country’s economic growth. Agriculture’s share of Spain’s GDP is one of the highest in Western Europe.
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According to a recent report by the Jesuit Migrant Service, which provides Spanish lessons and legal support to undocumented migrants, greenhouses cover 32,827 hectares of the land in the province of Almería. They produce more than 3.5 million tons of fruit and vegetables, about 75 to 80 percent of which are exported. While it’s hard to find reliable data, the report estimates that 69 percent of agricultural workers are foreigners, half of them Moroccan.
Most of the laborers I spoke to told me they earn four or five euros an hour, considerably less than the legal minimum wage. They work in the sweltering heat under the greenhouses’ plastic coverings. Sometimes they put in full days, but often they are only needed for a couple of hours, if at all. Workers advertise their services by painting notes on the white plastic that covers the greenhouses—blanqueo (painting the plastic white to maximize light exposure and retain heat) or montaje (assembling the structure)—along with a phone number. Farm owners have absolute power and control over hiring and firing: several labor unions and rights groups allege that they can pay workers for fewer hours than they worked, simply let them go without compensation, and avoid responsibility if they get injured. (The company Grupo Godoy, one of Níjar’s large agricultural producers, did not respond to questions about the allegations that their treatment of foreign workers violates labor laws.)
Over the last two decades, the migrant population has increased but the availability of housing has not. Workers told me that renting in the city and villages surrounding the field is nearly impossible, either because housing is too expensive or because landlords refuse to rent to them. At night they sleep in chabolas, simple dwellings made of wood, plastic, or whatever else they can find. Some use small solar panels or plug illegally into the grid and tap local water sources, but most lack electricity and running water. Blue pesticide containers are recycled into water tanks. In some of the camps I visited, people charge their phones at shops in the nearest village and walk or bike the many kilometers home carrying big bottles of water. The chabolas are unbearably hot in the summer and cold during winter. The slums can barely be seen from the main roads; it is common, however, to see workers on bikes or scooters emerging from them early in the morning or disappearing into them at the end of a workday.
Pablo Pumares directs the Center of Migration Studies at the University of Almería, where he has lived for more than thirty-five years. He estimates that the majority of workers in the region are documented but that for the most part those who live in the shantytowns aren’t. Spain, he says, cannot offer them an easier path to residency within the terms of the European Union’s restrictive migration policy. “It’s quite complicated,” he said. Most services, such as public transportation and healthcare, don’t reach Níjar’s undocumented workers, but they prefer to stay close to the greenhouses because it increases their odds of finding work each day. Even documented workers, Pumares adds, have to contend with a nationwide housing shortage: “They could afford the rent, but there is no housing available. It’s an immense problem.”
These low-paid workers dynamize the region’s economy, but many Spaniards resent their presence. In late January the Níjar City Council oversaw the destruction of a camp called El Walili, which housed hundreds of agricultural migrants. The council said they were doing so for humanitarian reasons. The former mayor of Níjar, Esperanza Pérez, defended the decision by claiming that it was the first time there was any proactive effort to address the unsanitary conditions under which so many migrants lived. Labor rights groups have speculated that the socialists then in power wanted to appeal to populist sentiment by showing that they were taking a tough line on illegal settlements. In place of the chabolas, the city provided temporary housing: 140 bunk beds inside an industrial warehouse, with outdoor showers and bathrooms. Only about fifty migrants from El Walili accepted the invitation to move in.
In April Pérez announced that the government planned to demolish all the region’s shantytowns. She insisted that the eviction would be “professional, firm,” and that they would offer new apartments to those displaced. Yet hundreds of people in the remaining shantytowns have not been approached with housing alternatives. In last month’s regional elections the socialists won ten of the city council’s twenty-one seats; ten more went to the center-right Popular Party and one to the far-right Vox. Last week Vox and the Popular Party formed an alliance to gain a majority on the council. Spain’s general elections are approaching in late July, and Vox has been gaining ground both in the region and in the country. Whoever is in power, the migrant workers in Níjar’s remaining shantytowns live in fear that their camps will be demolished next.
*
In Almería I found people who were tired of the media, politicians, and nongovernmental workers. They were fed up with repeating the same stories about their wretched conditions without seeing anything change. But I was there during Ramadan, and many migrants still opened their homes to me and shared their stories. The few women I met were Moroccan. They had first come to the Huelva province, in the western part of Andalusia, to work on strawberry farms.2 I met Laila, a forty-one-year-old from Beni Mellal, in the hour before she broke her fast one day in April. (Some names in this article have been changed, and many of the workers I spoke to didn’t share a last name out of fear of the Spanish authorities.) We were in Don Domingo de Arriba, a camp built on an abandoned farm near Atochares, just south of Níjar. Several people told me it was likely to be the next demolished.
Laila moved to Spain five years ago for a temporary job, but after ten days of arduous work on a farm in Almonte, she couldn’t do it anymore. More experienced women were working faster, the jefe—the boss, one of the first words workers learn in Spanish—was unkind to her, and she felt ill and couldn’t stand the heat, so she ran away with six other women. She lived for a time in the El Walili camp but left before its demolition. A fire in the unsafe dwellings destroyed everything she owned. Houseguests woke her up at 4 AM; they evacuated in their pajamas, barefoot.
Now she lives with her cousin, who had arrived eight months earlier after surviving the treacherous crossing through the waters of the Canary Islands. They share what looked like a living room and a bedroom under a large plastic tent. That day, Laila was preparing fresh juice for Iftar, the meal to break the fast after sunset during Ramadan. She told me about her three children, who live in Morocco: “Even when I make €50, I send it to my daughters,” she said. She can’t afford a trip home to visit them. “I just hope I see them again,” she said. “I could beg just to have them next to me.”
*
Some days earlier I had gone to see the El Walili camp, or what remained of it: a clay oven and some trash in a bare field. The camp had been around for a couple of decades. It lay on property that belongs to a few small landowners, who were not involved in the establishment of the settlement. Many told me that it had been by far the most visible migrant camp, since it was right on the road that tourists take from Níjar to San José, the main sea resort in the Cabo de Gata National Park. (Its prominence might have been one reason the authorities were so keen to get rid of it.) Witnesses reported that hours of chaos followed the legal decision to demolish the camp. People carrying their microwaves, tables, and clothes watched their homes razed to the ground. The Interior Ministry runs the police force that oversaw the dismantlement of the camp, but a spokesperson told me to talk to the Ministry of Migration, which declined to comment.
I tried to enter the warehouse where some migrants were being sheltered by the government, but I wasn’t allowed in. Two Romanian guards stood in front—Eastern Europeans often get better treatment and better jobs here—waiting for a food delivery that comes a few times a day. The migrants from El Walili were only supposed to stay fifteen days, then only two months. Some blocks away, the permanent apartments the government promised them aren’t ready yet.
In the months leading up to the destruction of the camp, the city council delivered several eviction notices; eventually a judge issued orders of expulsion. Local union activists protested, demanding that the authorities respect due process by notifying people individually or providing alternative housing before the demolition. A worker with the Union of Agricultural and Rural Workers of Andalusia (SOC-SAT), who didn’t want me to use his name or initials to avoid jeopardizing his current job search, has worked tirelessly to stop the evictions. “There are serious problems of human rights and noncompliance with labor laws and rights,” he said. “For example, when a migrant worker says he doesn’t want to work on a holiday, he loses his job.”
In February the European Coordination Via Campesina, a confederation of peasant farmers and agricultural workers, joined with eight other rights groups to issue a press release drawing attention to the destruction of El Walili and the living conditions of migrant workers in Níjar.  They also highlighted the environmental impact of intensive farming, including “plastic contamination on a large scale.” The dispossession of the region’s migrant workers, they write, “is a shame for Spain, a shame for Andalucia, a shame for an agricultural system based on the exploitation of migrants.”
*
About a year and a half ago Father Daniel Izuzquiza, a Jesuit priest, moved to Almería to help the nationwide Jesuit Migrant Service expand its operations there. He considers it morally impossible to reconcile Spain’s lack of concern for the wellbeing of African workers with its economic reliance on their cheap labor. “They only want workers, not persons or families,” he told me. Locals seem to understand little about the ordeals workers undergo in the valley. “People do not know, do not want to know, do not really care.”
Father Daniel took me on a tour to meet with some of the people his organization helps. At a camp just outside a town called El Barranquete we met people who had moved from El Walili. Three young Moroccan men hadn’t found work that day. One of them told us that it was incredibly hard to do so without the right connections, often facilitated by shared nationality. Most arrived here on their own, and so they often find work through someone who knows a farm owner or manager well.
n Don Domingo de Arriba, on the abandoned farm, residents live in crumbling buildings or homes made out of plastic sheeting. There is a makeshift mosque, and on some days women sell clothes by one of its entrances. After fires destroyed some of the neighborhood a couple years ago, people rebuilt their chabolas with concrete, cement, and bricks. Father Daniel teaches a Spanish lesson here under a plastic tarp, writing basic words on a whiteboard: poco, mas, mucho, tan simpatico. At tan guapo (“so handsome”) the classroom fell into laughter.
Down a dirt road I met two brothers, Omar, twenty-six, and Yassine, twenty-eight. They shared one of the nicest chabolas in the camp, a one-bedroom cement home their father had bought for €1,200. It has a bathroom and a shower, a fully equipped kitchen, a new fridge and appliances, and a small couch and chairs. Back in Morocco, Omar had worked in retail. Yassine was in the army. Their father had come to Spain in 2005, and for five years sent money home to the family. He learned some Spanish but didn’t fully integrate; now he likes to split his time between Morocco and Spain.
Yassine joined the army mainly because he had few other prospects. After spending five years enlisted in the desert, he couldn’t take it anymore and longed for retirement. Two and a half years ago he asked a psychiatrist for a note saying that the state of his mental health would be in jeopardy if he kept working for the army, and so he was excused from the force. “I felt that I was wasting my life,” he told me. He loved his country but decided he had to pursue better opportunities. “You look for a life with dignity.”
Yassine had initially tried to enter Spain legally, but his visa application was denied. Omar’s savings were depleted by scammers who had promised a crossing by boat. It was Yassine’s plan that eventually got them to the EU by way of Turkey and Hungary, traveling by plane, train, car, and foot. Once in Spain, Yassine told me, he felt suffocated inside the greenhouses and quickly stopped working. He jokes about his hipster look—he wears glasses and a beard—and tells me not to be fooled by appearances. His army life taught him how to survive anywhere.
The brothers insisted that I have Iftar with them that day. Omar made spiced chicken and onions and soup with shrimp. Their father was watching a soccer game on TV and proudly served me his version of Moroccan green mint tea. I can appreciate how hard it is to get it right—I never do. Yassine is learning Spanish and trying to get a certificate that would allow him to work in restaurants. He and his brother hope to move to Germany. They dislike living in Spain. “They hate us,” Omar tells me while cutting fruit, which he covers with yogurt and sugar for dessert.
*
Adama Sangare Diarra, fifty, is from Daloa, in the Ivory Coast. In 1995 he became one of the first West African migrants to make it to Andalusia to work in the fields, and he watched as more arrived after him. In many cases, he told me in his living room in Almería one Sunday afternoon, the Guardia Civil, one of Spain’s national police forces, sent migrants to Spain after intercepting them in Ceuta and Melilla, Spanish enclaves in North Africa. To Sangare Diarra and several people I interviewed, there is little doubt that the authorities were keen on using undocumented migrants to fill the need for cheap agricultural labor. “It was catastrophic,” he said. “It is not Europe as we imagined it. There are no rights.” A picture of him protesting Spanish labor conditions hangs on the wall in the home he shares with his wife, whom he met in the Ivory Coast twenty-five years ago, and four children.
Sangare Diarra is a rare success story. He studied Islamic Law in Rabat, Morocco’s capital, but felt that his work prospects were limited; back home he could become either an imam or a teacher in a madrassa. His father, an imam who had worked in agriculture back in the Ivory Coast, had spent €300 a month for his son’s education, but Diarra left without completing his schooling. After arriving in Almería by boat he settled in El Ejido and started working in tomato, pepper, and eggplant fields during the day and taking Spanish lessons at night.
He learned Spanish quickly and speaks many other languages, including Arabic, French, and a few West African dialects. Soon he was serving as a translator for organizations that worked with migrants. He became a legal resident in 1997, and eventually a citizen. In the last two decades he’s worked for Almería Acoge, an association partly funded by the Spanish state that helps migrants obtain residency and provides them with food, shelter, and other support.
Sangare Diarra says he tries to soothe the lives of others who, like him, only came to the country to give themselves a chance at a better life. It is challenging work. There is, he tells me, a strong political will to harass and intimidate migrants, and the destruction of El Walili confirmed for him that their community is constantly vulnerable. “Migrants are not integrated…. Many as a result have huge psychological issues,” he said. “Sometimes worse conditions than in Africa. It is not easy to see people live like this.”
*
Back in Don Domingo de Arriba I met Ahmed, twenty-two, from Kelaat Sraghna, near Marrakech, my hometown. He left two and a half years ago and traveled by sea; he had to sell his car to fund the $2,000 trip. Finally he made it to the Canary Islands. It wasn’t his first attempt. On a previous crossing he had almost drowned and was rescued by the Moroccan Royal Marines.
“When I left I had prepared myself for everything…. I lived better in Morocco but also I had no health care. Some aspects of life were just too hard,” he told me after cooking me my second Iftar of the day. We were in his current home, which belonged to a friend who had left to pick strawberries in Huelva. “When you decide to go into the water, you know there is a 90 percent chance you will drown,” he said. “I was ready for it.”
Ahmed learned to speak Spanish well. He sends money home whenever he can and hopes one day to move back and marry a Moroccan woman. Meanwhile, he is about to get his Spanish residency. In a notebook he keeps under his pillow, he writes his thoughts in Spanish, a way to practice the language but also to write down unfiltered meditations. “Mom, I left home and I didn’t tell you I was going to cross the sea,” he wrote on one page. “I didn’t tell you because I didn’t know where I was going.” The note ends with an emotional wish. “I will be back one day if God wants,” it reads. “I know it’s not possible now but there is nothing I long for more than hugging you.”
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kamreadsandrecs · 11 months
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In 1956 Juan Goytisolo, one of Spain’s most influential contemporary writers, took a bus to the eastern part of Almería, a province in Andalusia. Under Franco, this was one of the country’s most impoverished regions, exploited by mining companies and neglected by the government. Goytisolo had come to tell the stories of the people who lived in its slums. “I remember clearly the impression of poverty and violence provoked so dramatically by Almería when I first took route 340 into the province a few years ago,” he wrote in Níjar Country, which was published in 1960 and subsequently banned, like many of his books. At the time he was living in Paris; three decades later he moved to Marrakech. He never again lived in his place of birth.
I read his book on a terrace with a view of the Alcazaba Moorish fortress one warm Saturday morning this April. I too had arrived in Almería by bus. I had come from Málaga and traveled along the southern coast, passing through lush fields and stunning scenery overlooking the Mediterranean Sea. As green valleys gave way to rocky land, especially dry this year, I could see why locals so often call Almería the “door to the desert.” Spaghetti Westerns were shot here.
As you get closer to Almería, you leave behind the olive and almond trees and enter an expanse of plastic greenhouses. According to governmental data, Almería yields about 54 percent of Andalusia’s fruit and vegetable exports—chiefly tomatoes, cucumbers, and peppers—amounting to €3.7 billion in sales last year. They boost the country’s economy and allow Europeans to eat fresh salads year-round. Satellite images show a sea of plastic that extends from the foot of the mountains to the shores of the sea.
Níjar is a small, sleepy town perched on a green hill by the Huebro Valley, overlooking the farm country. On a breezy weekend, tourists walked along the quiet streets, visiting the Memory of Water Museum—a showcase of the centuries-long struggle to find and preserve water in this region—and eating ice cream at a helateria on the town’s main square. When Goytisolo wrote Níjar Country, Almería had yet to be known for its national parks and beaches, some of the most beautiful in Spain. (Tourism has grown in recent decades, although the region sees many fewer visitors than the Costa del Sol to the west.) Instead the book evokes “settlements of a dozen isolated hovels” where Goytisolo saw families living in extreme poverty, hoping to leave this dry, overexploited land for places of greater opportunity.
In the 1950s and 1960s the state implemented the Plan General de Colonización—plan of settlement—to attract people from neighboring areas.1 It gave families land and, with the promise of industrial agriculture, the prospect of profit. Many farms in the region are still owned by the descendants of these settlers. The first landowners worked the fields themselves, but by the 1980s and 1990s farms were seeking foreign laborers to produce on a larger scale.
Migration to the region has been increasing ever since. African workers first arrived in El Ejido, a town on the other side of Almería. As intensive farming grew exponentially, the region transformed. Today shantytowns adjacent to the fields house thousands of migrants from North and West Africa, most of them undocumented. They provide cheap labor for the companies, small and large, that sustain the region’s economy and generate a huge portion of the country’s economic growth. Agriculture’s share of Spain’s GDP is one of the highest in Western Europe.
*
According to a recent report by the Jesuit Migrant Service, which provides Spanish lessons and legal support to undocumented migrants, greenhouses cover 32,827 hectares of the land in the province of Almería. They produce more than 3.5 million tons of fruit and vegetables, about 75 to 80 percent of which are exported. While it’s hard to find reliable data, the report estimates that 69 percent of agricultural workers are foreigners, half of them Moroccan.
Most of the laborers I spoke to told me they earn four or five euros an hour, considerably less than the legal minimum wage. They work in the sweltering heat under the greenhouses’ plastic coverings. Sometimes they put in full days, but often they are only needed for a couple of hours, if at all. Workers advertise their services by painting notes on the white plastic that covers the greenhouses—blanqueo (painting the plastic white to maximize light exposure and retain heat) or montaje (assembling the structure)—along with a phone number. Farm owners have absolute power and control over hiring and firing: several labor unions and rights groups allege that they can pay workers for fewer hours than they worked, simply let them go without compensation, and avoid responsibility if they get injured. (The company Grupo Godoy, one of Níjar’s large agricultural producers, did not respond to questions about the allegations that their treatment of foreign workers violates labor laws.)
Over the last two decades, the migrant population has increased but the availability of housing has not. Workers told me that renting in the city and villages surrounding the field is nearly impossible, either because housing is too expensive or because landlords refuse to rent to them. At night they sleep in chabolas, simple dwellings made of wood, plastic, or whatever else they can find. Some use small solar panels or plug illegally into the grid and tap local water sources, but most lack electricity and running water. Blue pesticide containers are recycled into water tanks. In some of the camps I visited, people charge their phones at shops in the nearest village and walk or bike the many kilometers home carrying big bottles of water. The chabolas are unbearably hot in the summer and cold during winter. The slums can barely be seen from the main roads; it is common, however, to see workers on bikes or scooters emerging from them early in the morning or disappearing into them at the end of a workday.
Pablo Pumares directs the Center of Migration Studies at the University of Almería, where he has lived for more than thirty-five years. He estimates that the majority of workers in the region are documented but that for the most part those who live in the shantytowns aren’t. Spain, he says, cannot offer them an easier path to residency within the terms of the European Union’s restrictive migration policy. “It’s quite complicated,” he said. Most services, such as public transportation and healthcare, don’t reach Níjar’s undocumented workers, but they prefer to stay close to the greenhouses because it increases their odds of finding work each day. Even documented workers, Pumares adds, have to contend with a nationwide housing shortage: “They could afford the rent, but there is no housing available. It’s an immense problem.”
These low-paid workers dynamize the region’s economy, but many Spaniards resent their presence. In late January the Níjar City Council oversaw the destruction of a camp called El Walili, which housed hundreds of agricultural migrants. The council said they were doing so for humanitarian reasons. The former mayor of Níjar, Esperanza Pérez, defended the decision by claiming that it was the first time there was any proactive effort to address the unsanitary conditions under which so many migrants lived. Labor rights groups have speculated that the socialists then in power wanted to appeal to populist sentiment by showing that they were taking a tough line on illegal settlements. In place of the chabolas, the city provided temporary housing: 140 bunk beds inside an industrial warehouse, with outdoor showers and bathrooms. Only about fifty migrants from El Walili accepted the invitation to move in.
In April Pérez announced that the government planned to demolish all the region’s shantytowns. She insisted that the eviction would be “professional, firm,” and that they would offer new apartments to those displaced. Yet hundreds of people in the remaining shantytowns have not been approached with housing alternatives. In last month’s regional elections the socialists won ten of the city council’s twenty-one seats; ten more went to the center-right Popular Party and one to the far-right Vox. Last week Vox and the Popular Party formed an alliance to gain a majority on the council. Spain’s general elections are approaching in late July, and Vox has been gaining ground both in the region and in the country. Whoever is in power, the migrant workers in Níjar’s remaining shantytowns live in fear that their camps will be demolished next.
*
In Almería I found people who were tired of the media, politicians, and nongovernmental workers. They were fed up with repeating the same stories about their wretched conditions without seeing anything change. But I was there during Ramadan, and many migrants still opened their homes to me and shared their stories. The few women I met were Moroccan. They had first come to the Huelva province, in the western part of Andalusia, to work on strawberry farms.2 I met Laila, a forty-one-year-old from Beni Mellal, in the hour before she broke her fast one day in April. (Some names in this article have been changed, and many of the workers I spoke to didn’t share a last name out of fear of the Spanish authorities.) We were in Don Domingo de Arriba, a camp built on an abandoned farm near Atochares, just south of Níjar. Several people told me it was likely to be the next demolished.
Laila moved to Spain five years ago for a temporary job, but after ten days of arduous work on a farm in Almonte, she couldn’t do it anymore. More experienced women were working faster, the jefe—the boss, one of the first words workers learn in Spanish—was unkind to her, and she felt ill and couldn’t stand the heat, so she ran away with six other women. She lived for a time in the El Walili camp but left before its demolition. A fire in the unsafe dwellings destroyed everything she owned. Houseguests woke her up at 4 AM; they evacuated in their pajamas, barefoot.
Now she lives with her cousin, who had arrived eight months earlier after surviving the treacherous crossing through the waters of the Canary Islands. They share what looked like a living room and a bedroom under a large plastic tent. That day, Laila was preparing fresh juice for Iftar, the meal to break the fast after sunset during Ramadan. She told me about her three children, who live in Morocco: “Even when I make €50, I send it to my daughters,” she said. She can’t afford a trip home to visit them. “I just hope I see them again,” she said. “I could beg just to have them next to me.”
*
Some days earlier I had gone to see the El Walili camp, or what remained of it: a clay oven and some trash in a bare field. The camp had been around for a couple of decades. It lay on property that belongs to a few small landowners, who were not involved in the establishment of the settlement. Many told me that it had been by far the most visible migrant camp, since it was right on the road that tourists take from Níjar to San José, the main sea resort in the Cabo de Gata National Park. (Its prominence might have been one reason the authorities were so keen to get rid of it.) Witnesses reported that hours of chaos followed the legal decision to demolish the camp. People carrying their microwaves, tables, and clothes watched their homes razed to the ground. The Interior Ministry runs the police force that oversaw the dismantlement of the camp, but a spokesperson told me to talk to the Ministry of Migration, which declined to comment.
I tried to enter the warehouse where some migrants were being sheltered by the government, but I wasn’t allowed in. Two Romanian guards stood in front—Eastern Europeans often get better treatment and better jobs here—waiting for a food delivery that comes a few times a day. The migrants from El Walili were only supposed to stay fifteen days, then only two months. Some blocks away, the permanent apartments the government promised them aren’t ready yet.
In the months leading up to the destruction of the camp, the city council delivered several eviction notices; eventually a judge issued orders of expulsion. Local union activists protested, demanding that the authorities respect due process by notifying people individually or providing alternative housing before the demolition. A worker with the Union of Agricultural and Rural Workers of Andalusia (SOC-SAT), who didn’t want me to use his name or initials to avoid jeopardizing his current job search, has worked tirelessly to stop the evictions. “There are serious problems of human rights and noncompliance with labor laws and rights,” he said. “For example, when a migrant worker says he doesn’t want to work on a holiday, he loses his job.”
In February the European Coordination Via Campesina, a confederation of peasant farmers and agricultural workers, joined with eight other rights groups to issue a press release drawing attention to the destruction of El Walili and the living conditions of migrant workers in Níjar.  They also highlighted the environmental impact of intensive farming, including “plastic contamination on a large scale.” The dispossession of the region’s migrant workers, they write, “is a shame for Spain, a shame for Andalucia, a shame for an agricultural system based on the exploitation of migrants.”
*
About a year and a half ago Father Daniel Izuzquiza, a Jesuit priest, moved to Almería to help the nationwide Jesuit Migrant Service expand its operations there. He considers it morally impossible to reconcile Spain’s lack of concern for the wellbeing of African workers with its economic reliance on their cheap labor. “They only want workers, not persons or families,” he told me. Locals seem to understand little about the ordeals workers undergo in the valley. “People do not know, do not want to know, do not really care.”
Father Daniel took me on a tour to meet with some of the people his organization helps. At a camp just outside a town called El Barranquete we met people who had moved from El Walili. Three young Moroccan men hadn’t found work that day. One of them told us that it was incredibly hard to do so without the right connections, often facilitated by shared nationality. Most arrived here on their own, and so they often find work through someone who knows a farm owner or manager well.
n Don Domingo de Arriba, on the abandoned farm, residents live in crumbling buildings or homes made out of plastic sheeting. There is a makeshift mosque, and on some days women sell clothes by one of its entrances. After fires destroyed some of the neighborhood a couple years ago, people rebuilt their chabolas with concrete, cement, and bricks. Father Daniel teaches a Spanish lesson here under a plastic tarp, writing basic words on a whiteboard: poco, mas, mucho, tan simpatico. At tan guapo (“so handsome”) the classroom fell into laughter.
Down a dirt road I met two brothers, Omar, twenty-six, and Yassine, twenty-eight. They shared one of the nicest chabolas in the camp, a one-bedroom cement home their father had bought for €1,200. It has a bathroom and a shower, a fully equipped kitchen, a new fridge and appliances, and a small couch and chairs. Back in Morocco, Omar had worked in retail. Yassine was in the army. Their father had come to Spain in 2005, and for five years sent money home to the family. He learned some Spanish but didn’t fully integrate; now he likes to split his time between Morocco and Spain.
Yassine joined the army mainly because he had few other prospects. After spending five years enlisted in the desert, he couldn’t take it anymore and longed for retirement. Two and a half years ago he asked a psychiatrist for a note saying that the state of his mental health would be in jeopardy if he kept working for the army, and so he was excused from the force. “I felt that I was wasting my life,” he told me. He loved his country but decided he had to pursue better opportunities. “You look for a life with dignity.”
Yassine had initially tried to enter Spain legally, but his visa application was denied. Omar’s savings were depleted by scammers who had promised a crossing by boat. It was Yassine’s plan that eventually got them to the EU by way of Turkey and Hungary, traveling by plane, train, car, and foot. Once in Spain, Yassine told me, he felt suffocated inside the greenhouses and quickly stopped working. He jokes about his hipster look—he wears glasses and a beard—and tells me not to be fooled by appearances. His army life taught him how to survive anywhere.
The brothers insisted that I have Iftar with them that day. Omar made spiced chicken and onions and soup with shrimp. Their father was watching a soccer game on TV and proudly served me his version of Moroccan green mint tea. I can appreciate how hard it is to get it right—I never do. Yassine is learning Spanish and trying to get a certificate that would allow him to work in restaurants. He and his brother hope to move to Germany. They dislike living in Spain. “They hate us,” Omar tells me while cutting fruit, which he covers with yogurt and sugar for dessert.
*
Adama Sangare Diarra, fifty, is from Daloa, in the Ivory Coast. In 1995 he became one of the first West African migrants to make it to Andalusia to work in the fields, and he watched as more arrived after him. In many cases, he told me in his living room in Almería one Sunday afternoon, the Guardia Civil, one of Spain’s national police forces, sent migrants to Spain after intercepting them in Ceuta and Melilla, Spanish enclaves in North Africa. To Sangare Diarra and several people I interviewed, there is little doubt that the authorities were keen on using undocumented migrants to fill the need for cheap agricultural labor. “It was catastrophic,” he said. “It is not Europe as we imagined it. There are no rights.” A picture of him protesting Spanish labor conditions hangs on the wall in the home he shares with his wife, whom he met in the Ivory Coast twenty-five years ago, and four children.
Sangare Diarra is a rare success story. He studied Islamic Law in Rabat, Morocco’s capital, but felt that his work prospects were limited; back home he could become either an imam or a teacher in a madrassa. His father, an imam who had worked in agriculture back in the Ivory Coast, had spent €300 a month for his son’s education, but Diarra left without completing his schooling. After arriving in Almería by boat he settled in El Ejido and started working in tomato, pepper, and eggplant fields during the day and taking Spanish lessons at night.
He learned Spanish quickly and speaks many other languages, including Arabic, French, and a few West African dialects. Soon he was serving as a translator for organizations that worked with migrants. He became a legal resident in 1997, and eventually a citizen. In the last two decades he’s worked for Almería Acoge, an association partly funded by the Spanish state that helps migrants obtain residency and provides them with food, shelter, and other support.
Sangare Diarra says he tries to soothe the lives of others who, like him, only came to the country to give themselves a chance at a better life. It is challenging work. There is, he tells me, a strong political will to harass and intimidate migrants, and the destruction of El Walili confirmed for him that their community is constantly vulnerable. “Migrants are not integrated…. Many as a result have huge psychological issues,” he said. “Sometimes worse conditions than in Africa. It is not easy to see people live like this.”
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Back in Don Domingo de Arriba I met Ahmed, twenty-two, from Kelaat Sraghna, near Marrakech, my hometown. He left two and a half years ago and traveled by sea; he had to sell his car to fund the $2,000 trip. Finally he made it to the Canary Islands. It wasn’t his first attempt. On a previous crossing he had almost drowned and was rescued by the Moroccan Royal Marines.
“When I left I had prepared myself for everything…. I lived better in Morocco but also I had no health care. Some aspects of life were just too hard,” he told me after cooking me my second Iftar of the day. We were in his current home, which belonged to a friend who had left to pick strawberries in Huelva. “When you decide to go into the water, you know there is a 90 percent chance you will drown,” he said. “I was ready for it.”
Ahmed learned to speak Spanish well. He sends money home whenever he can and hopes one day to move back and marry a Moroccan woman. Meanwhile, he is about to get his Spanish residency. In a notebook he keeps under his pillow, he writes his thoughts in Spanish, a way to practice the language but also to write down unfiltered meditations. “Mom, I left home and I didn’t tell you I was going to cross the sea,” he wrote on one page. “I didn’t tell you because I didn’t know where I was going.” The note ends with an emotional wish. “I will be back one day if God wants,” it reads. “I know it’s not possible now but there is nothing I long for more than hugging you.”

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conceptproperties · 8 months
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Calendar 2023 Vector Artwork, Icons, And Graphics For Free Obtain
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tweedheadsaustralia · 2 years
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Rainbow Bay's Most Exclusive Location in 'Dbah'
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bojsenlogan · 2 years
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7 Evans Close, Intaba Estate, Kyalami Heights, Midrand
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fernreads · 2 years
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Since the Mountain Valley pipeline was announced eight years ago, the proposal to transport fracked natural gas from West Virginia to export terminals in southern Virginia has faced regulatory hurdles and local opposition. The main concern is that the project runs through environmentally sensitive waterways and farmlands, putting them at risk of spills — while further promoting the development of fracking throughout West Virginia.
Now, after nearly a decade of lobbying, the energy crisis sparked by Russia’s war in Ukraine appears to have turned the tide, with federal regulators supporting a construction route that could bring the pipeline into service as early as next year.
Filings show that the pipeline’s boosters were quick to capitalize on the Ukraine crisis to sway policymakers. In federal appellate courts last month, attorneys for the pipeline project argued that with the U.S. ban on imports of Russian natural gas, “domestic supplies will become all the more important to the nation’s energy needs.” Completing the pipeline, the attorneys wrote, “indisputably would provide a meaningful step toward building out U.S. oil and gas infrastructure, freeing up additional natural gas for domestic consumption and export to Europe.” Other pipeline supporters, including Sen. Joe Manchin, D-W.Va., heavily cited the war in Ukraine to press administration officials to swiftly approve the project as a matter of national security.
Soon after, on April 8, the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission unanimously approved the plans to build the pipeline across 180 bodies of water and wetlands, a decision that analysts view as the final step in overcoming the hurdles that had placed the project in jeopardy for years.
The progression of the West Virginia pipeline project is one of many fossil fuel priorities now reshaped by the devastation wrought by the war in Ukraine. In the first days of the war, the American Petroleum Institute, which represents industry giants such as Exxon Mobil and Chevron, argued that it heightened the need for greater development of U.S. oil and gas reserves and for expedited approval of pipelines and other infrastructure.
“As crisis looms in Ukraine, U.S. energy leadership is more important than ever,” API tweeted at the outset of Russia’s incursion into Ukraine. Soon after, other oil and gas companies joined the fray. In early March, the chief executives of TC Energy, Enbridge, the Williams Companies, and Kinder Morgan cited the war to call for the rapid approval of natural gas pipelines that have faced opposition from activists and regulators.
Critics of the industry immediately countered that more fossil fuel development would take too long to provide any short-term relief. Gas and oil are global commodities, and small increases in U.S. production won’t have any immediate impact on domestic energy prices.
But rising utility and gas prices have rattled policymakers. Last month, following pressure from industry sources, including natural gas exporters, the Biden administration rolled back plans to evaluate natural gas pipelines on climate and environmental justice grounds. The Interior Department also announced a plan on April 15 to resume the sale of leases to drill on federal lands for oil and gas.
In recent weeks, more and more fossil fuel interests have piled on. This month, lawyers for Sempra Energy filed a letter to FERC urging approval of the North Baja pipeline, a project to transport liquified natural gas to export terminals on Mexico’s western coast. The project, the attorneys said, carried additional urgency “in light of the recent Russian invasion of Ukraine” and “concerns about energy security for Europe and Central Asia.”
TC Energy, formerly known as TransCanada, filed an amended request for approval of its Alberta XPress project, which would expand an existing natural gas pipeline system. The “beneficial domestic and international end uses” of the project, the company said, have “recently grown exponentially” with Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and the need for oil and gas exports to the global market.
K&L Gates, a law firm that represents Rio Grande LNG, a project to construct a site with five liquified natural gas trains in Texas, similarly petitioned FERC, calling for quick approval action given “Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and the stranglehold Russia has on Europe’s energy supply.”
Fossil fuel-backed interests are also attempting to use the Ukraine war to shape the Biden administration’s proposed rules around carbon capture and sequestration. Harry MacDougald, an attorney who has led industry-backed lawsuits to overturn the Environmental Protection Agency’s endangerment finding on greenhouse gas emissions, filed comments to the White House Council on Environmental Quality arguing that any carbon capture rules should not limit the potential for greater oil and gas development. “With Russia’s criminal invasion of Ukraine, the national imperative of increasing U.S. petroleum production is readily apparent,” MacDougald wrote.
Lobbyists for a range of other industries — including power plants, refrigerator manufacturers, software developers, and telecommunications providers — have also wasted no time in using Russia’s invasion of Ukraine as a talking point to influence decisions on a wide array of policies, from tariffs to environmental rules. The comments range from urgent calls to action on vital economic issues to precarious arguments that stretch the imagination to fit the Ukraine crisis into a domestic U.S. context.
The Competitive Enterprise Institute, a libertarian think tank backed by business interests including Google, filed a document with the Federal Trade Commission opposing new guidelines for enforcement against business mergers that pose monopolization risks. The think tank argued that a transparent process for such a potentially costly new enforcement regime was important to consider, particularly given the “geopolitical uncertainty surrounding Vladimir Putin’s invasion of Ukraine.”
The American Public Power Association, the lobby group that represents electric utilities around the country, including a large number of coal-burning power plants, in March submitted comments to the EPA opposing new limits on wastewater pollution, in part by pointing to the “immense pressure on fuel and energy prices” caused by “the recent war in Ukraine.”
Microsoft and the U.S. Telecom Association have filed letters with the Commerce Department urging greater government investments in semiconductor development by pointing to the supply chain problems worsened by the war in Ukraine. “The shortage has been further exacerbated by Russia’s war with Ukraine, which has strained the supply chain for critical minerals and other raw materials and exposed further vulnerabilities in the semiconductor supply chain,” wrote Sarah O’Neal, an attorney with Microsoft.
Ukraine provided about half of the global supply of semiconductor-grade neon, a colorless and odorless gas used to control lasers for the production of specialized computer chips. The shortage from the war, with plants in eastern Ukraine under occupation, has alarmed automotive manufacturers. The Motor & Equipment Manufacturers Association, the automotive parts trade group, called attention to the potential global shortage in a letter urging the Biden administration to take rapid action to bolster the domestic semiconductor supply.
And the Air-Conditioning, Heating, and Refrigeration Institute and the North American Association of Food Equipment Manufacturers are among the lobby groups pushing for a relaxation of U.S. tariffs on steel by citing the crisis in Ukraine.
Other petitioners urging relaxed U.S. government interference in the market are less persuasive. Mike Schafer, the head of a fish processing plant, petitioned the Biden administration for “laws changed to bring fish products to humanitarian use and K through 12 school lunch programs.” Schafer asked for a range of government support for the fishing industry, including grants for international marketing to feed “all the refugees from Ukraine” who “could really use fish protein.”
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