#and british tropical medicine establishment in colonial india | Explore Tumblr Posts and Blogs

fatehbaz · 2 months

Text

On May 28, 1914, the Institut für Schiffs-und Tropenkrankheiten (Institute for Maritime and Tropical Diseases, ISTK) in Hamburg began operations in a complex of new brick buildings on the bank of the Elb. The buildings were designed by Fritz Schumacher, who had become the Head of Hamburg’s building department (Leiter des Hochbauamtes) in 1909 after a “flood of architectural projects” accumulated following the industrialization of the harbor in the 1880s and the “new housing and working conditions” that followed. The ISTK was one of these projects, connected to the port by its [...] mission: to research and heal tropical illnesses; [...] to support the Hamburg Port [...]; and to support endeavors of the German Empire overseas.

First established in 1900 by Bernhard Nocht, chief of the Port Medical Service, the ISTK originally operated out of an existing building, but by 1909, when the Hamburg Colonial Institute became its parent organization (and Schumacher was hired by the Hamburg Senate), the operations of the ISTK had outgrown [...]. [I]ts commission by the city was an opportunity for Schumacher to show how he could contribute to guiding the city’s economic and architectural growth in tandem, and for Nocht, an opportunity to establish an unprecedented spatial paradigm for the field of Tropical Medicine that anchored the new frontier of science in the German Empire. [...]

[There was a] shared drive to contribute to the [...] wealth of Hamburg within the context of its expanding global network [...]. [E]ach discipline [...] architecture and medicine were participating in a shared [...] discursive operation. [...]

---

The brick used on the ISTK façades was key to Schumacher’s larger Städtebau plan for Hamburg, which envisioned the city as a vehicle for a “harmonious” synthesis between aesthetics and economy. [...] For Schumacher, brick [was significantly preferable] [...]. Used by [...] Hamburg architects [over the past few decades], who acquired their penchant for neo-gothic brickwork at the Hanover school, brick had both a historical presence and aesthetic pedigree in Hamburg [...]. [T]his material had already been used in Die Speicherstadt, a warehouse district in Hamburg where unequal social conditions had only grown more exacerbated [...]. Die Speicherstadt was constructed in three phases [beginning] in 1883 [...]. By serving the port, the warehouses facilitated the expansion and security of Hamburg’s wealth. [...] Yet the collective profits accrued to the city by these buildings [...] did not increase economic prosperity and social equity for all. [...] [A] residential area for harbor workers was demolished to make way for the warehouses. After the contract for the port expansion was negotiated in 1881, over 20,000 people were pushed out of their homes and into adjacent areas of the city, which soon became overcrowded [...]. In turn, these [...] areas of the city [...] were the worst hit by the Hamburg cholera epidemic of 1892, the most devastating in Europe that year. The 1892 cholera epidemic [...] articulated the growing inability of the Hamburg Senate, comprising the city’s elite, to manage class relationships [...] [in such] a city that was explicitly run by and for the merchant class [...].

In Hamburg, the response to such an ugly disease of the masses was the enforcement of quarantine methods that pushed the working class into the suburbs, isolated immigrants on an island, and separated the sick according to racial identity.

In partnership with the German Empire, Hamburg established new hygiene institutions in the city, including the Port Medical Service (a progenitor of the ISTK). [...] [T]he discourse of [creating the school for tropical medicine] centered around city building and nation building, brick by brick, mark by mark.

---

Just as the exterior condition of the building was, for Schumacher, part of a much larger plan for the city, the program of the building and its interior were part of the German Empire and Tropical Medicine’s much larger interest in controlling the health and wealth of its nation and colonies. [...]

Yet the establishment of the ISTK marked a critical shift in medical thinking [...]. And while the ISTK was not the only institution in Europe to form around the conception and perceived threat of tropical diseases, it was the first to build a facility specifically to support their “exploration and combat” in lockstep, as Nocht described it.

The field of Tropical Medicine had been established in Germany by the very same journal Nocht published his overview of the ISTK. The Archiv für Schiffs- und Tropen-Hygiene unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Pathologie und Therapie was first published in 1897, the same year that the German Empire claimed Kiaochow (northeast China) and about two years after it claimed Southwest Africa (Namibia), Cameroon, Togo, East Africa (Tanzania, Burundi, Rwanda), New Guinea (today the northern part of Papua New Guinea), and the Marshall Islands; two years later, it would also claim the Caroline Islands, Palau, Mariana Islands (today Micronesia), and Samoa (today Western Samoa).

---

The inaugural journal [...] marked a paradigm shift [...]. In his opening letter, the editor stated that the aim of Tropical Medicine is to “provide the white race with a home in the tropics.” [...]

As part of the institute’s agenda to support the expansion of the Empire through teaching and development [...], members of the ISTK contributed to the Deutsches Kolonial Lexikon, a three-volume series completed in 1914 (in the same year as the new ISTK buildings) and published in 1920. The three volumes contained maps of the colonies coded to show the areas that were considered “healthy” for Europeans, along with recommended building guidelines for hospitals in the tropics. [...] "Natives" were given separate facilities [...]. The hospital at the ISTK was similarly divided according to identity. An essentializing belief in “intrinsic factors” determined by skin color, constitutive to Tropical Medicine, materialized in the building’s circulation. Potential patients were assessed in the main building to determine their next destination in the hospital. A room labeled “Farbige” (colored) - visible in both Nocht and Schumacher’s publications - shows that the hospital segregated people of color from whites. [...]

---

Despite belonging to two different disciplines [medicine and architecture], both Nocht and Schumacher’s publications articulate an understanding of health [...] that is linked to concepts of identity separating white upper-class German Europeans from others. [In] Hamburg [...] recent growth of the shipping industry and overt engagement of the German Empire in colonialism brought even more distant global connections to its port. For Schumacher, Hamburg’s presence in a global network meant it needed to strengthen its local identity and economy [by purposefully seeking to showcase "traditional" northern German neo-gothic brickwork while elevating local brick industry] lest it grow too far from its roots. In the case of Tropical Medicine at the ISTK, the “tropics” seemed to act as a foil for the European identity - a constructed category through which the European identity could redescribe itself by exclusion [...].

What it meant to be sick or healthy was taken up by both medicine and architecture - [...] neither in a vacuum.

---

All text above by: Carrie Bly. "Mediums of Medicine: The Institute for Maritime and Tropical Diseases in Hamburg". Sick Architecture series published by e-flux Architecture. November 2020. [Bold emphasis and some paragraph breaks/contractions added by me. Text within brackets added by me for clarity. Presented here for commentary, teaching, criticism purposes.]

#abolition #ecology #sorry i know its long ive been looking at this in my drafts for a long long time trying to condense #but its such a rich comparison that i didnt wanna lessen the impact of blys work here #bly in 2022 did dissertation defense in architecture history and theory on political economy of steel in US in 20s and 30 #add this to our conversations about brazilian eugenics in 1930s explicitly conflating hygiene modernist architecture and white supremacy #and british tropical medicine establishment in colonial india #and US sanitation and antimosquito campaigns in 1910s panama using jim crow laws and segregation and forcibly testing local women #see chakrabartis work on tropical medicine and empire in south asia and fahim amirs cloudy swords #and greg mitmans work on connections between #US tropical medicine schools and fruit plantations in central america and US military occupation of philippines and rubber in west africa

13 notes · View notes

wheretobuycbdinvirginia · 3 years

Text

o poder do chá de sumiço

Since its introduction into the Western world, tea has grown in popularity and is now the second most popular beverage in the world after water. Throughout its history tea demand has dramatically increased as a result of its good taste, health and medicinal properties and increasingly efficient channels of production and distribution.

Perhaps the most important benefit for the consummate tea drinker is the aura of good feeling and stress reduction.

Tea production and distribution became big business throughout the world as enterprising individuals o poder do chá de sumiço and companies invested in tea plantations and distribution assets to meet the growing demand for tea. As the business expanded, national governments began to view tea as a valuable source of revenue. Government regulation and taxation often had a detrimental effect on free commerce and customer satisfaction however.

The popularity growth of tea in a country such as England, a country whose tea culture is well established, provides for a viable case study on the social and fiscal influences on the consumption of tea.

During the sixteenth century in England, tea became a popular beverage mainly for the upper classes. Based on a unique taste and realization of tea health benefits, more efficient channels of distribution opened. Although the imports were initially slow, a growing understanding of the lifestyle benefits of tea accelerated this growth into the 18th century.

During this time, taxation, smuggling and adulteration of tea became significant factors in the English tea culture.

Considering tea a tropical luxury, the English government saw revenue-raising opportunities in tea to fund a military buildup that supported expansion of the British Empire. By the 18th Century, tea was a hugely popular drink in Britain but, to the everyday consumer, it was also prohibitively expensive. Tea smuggling became a growth industry in England as smugglers profited as they met the demand for lower cost tea by ignoring oppressive customs duties.

This created a demand among the British population for cheaper tea; when that demand could not be met by legal means, a great opportunity was presented to those people who were less than concerned about breaking the law. From the beginning of the 18th Century, the trade in smuggled tea flourished.

Smuggled tea was that which was brought into the country illegally - it was not imported by the East India Company and it did not pass through customs. Being light and easy to transport, tea was a very profitable smuggling commodity - even more so than alcohol in which there was also a healthy smuggling trade.

The State Needs Money

Like any state, 18th Century England was no exception to the need to raise revenue. Mercantilism was the English policy and a military presence was required to support the English role in overseas colonies and possessions. Expansion of world interests requires two things: a strong military and funds to support military activities.

The state sought to import duties and excise taxes as a way to raise the necessary funds; these taxes soon became excessive. The Government had to legitimize the tax and did so by treating tea initially as a "luxury" that could support high duties in the eyes of the public. Later, however, tea was correctly classified as a "necessity" that would only support lower levels of taxation. Before the Tax Reform Act of 1784 for example, the price of tea was burdened with taxes and duties of over 100% of the pretax price.

In addition, although the supply of tea continued to increase as tea plantations became more productive, the price remained high as the East India Company (granted a monopoly on tea imports by the English Government) artificially manipulated supplies to maintain prices.

High Taxes and Manipulated Supply Lead to Smuggling as a Growth Industry

A pattern developed in English commerce in tea. As taxes were raised on tea imports, smuggling increased in a successful attempt to meet the underlying growth in demand. But smuggling and high taxes had a direct relationship and produced a negative effect on the English economy and population at large.

Although taxation is important for raising revenue, most economists acknowledged that high taxation encouraged smuggling and also that the quantity of tea being smuggled was directly linked to the level of duty levied on legal tea imports. In England, at the beginning of the 18th Century, the government's need to finance a war in Spain led to an increase in taxation on tea and the price of leaves rose dramatically.

The tax was deemed outrageous and fueled the activities of the tea smugglers. Duty was later slashed by Henry Pelham in 1745, which meant that more tea was legally imported; the quantity passing through customs more than doubled and the increase of tea imports on which duty was paid actually led to the government's revenues from tea being increased.

However, in the 1750s, the need to finance another war led to another increase of the duty on tea. This, in turn, led to a surge in the business of the smugglers, which continued to thrive throughout the third quarter of the 18th Century.

Though illegal, the smugglers had the support of millions of people who could not otherwise afford to buy tea.

A great deal of tea was smuggled in from continental Europe, shipped into Britain via the Channel Islands and the Isle of Man. Although smuggling was widespread, in the first decades of the 18th Century many of the smugglers themselves operated on a very small scale. Scores of smugglers used their own small boats in which the contraband tea was then sold to personal contacts and local shopkeepers. Smuggling became a cottage industry.

It was, by now, widely acknowledged that the only way to tackle the smuggling problem was to make tea cheaper - in effect, to reduce the duty paid on it. Therefore, the East India Company, who had powerful allies in the British Parliament, lobbied for the duty to be lowered. The power of the corporate world was thus added to popular demand for permanent change in the tea tax.

It was when William Pitt the Younger became Prime Minister in 1783 that the work of the anti-tea duty forces finally achieved their goal. As a former Chancellor of the Exchequer, Pitt was familiar with tax policy and the impact of high taxes on tax revenue. He understood that raising the tax rate often resulted in decreased tax revenue.

Pitt slashed the tax on tea and made up for the revenue lost by hugely increasing the window tax, which was a property tax much easier to enforce. The Commutation Act of 1784 reduced the tax on tea from 119% to 12.5%. Tea smuggling ceased to be profitable and the smuggling trade vanished virtually overnight. More importantly, tea was treated as a necessity rather than a luxury with long term implications for lower tea taxes.

The consumption of lower taxed tea greatly intensified, so much so that even with the reduced rate of tax, the amount of revenue collected from tea was soon restored and eventually exceeded pre-reduction revenue. Equally important, tea became the standard beverage for the greater majority of the English population.

#o poder do chá de sumiço

0 notes

newstfionline · 6 years

Text

How a Glass Terrarium Changed the World

By Jen Maylack, The Atlantic, Nov. 12, 2017

If you’ve ever eaten a banana, changed a car tire, or accidentally killed an orchid, then you have the Wardian case to thank. A predecessor of the modern terrarium, it held plants, and was made of glass and closed such that it would self-regulate its internal climate.

The case was invented by Nathaniel Bagshaw Ward, an East London doctor and amateur horticulturist. Ward’s attempts at a home garden had failed, he reported, on account of “volumes of smoke issuing from surrounding manufactories.” In 1829, he accidentally discovered a solution when he sealed a moth chrysalis and some mold in a glass jar. Moisture would rise during the day and condense on the glass, and then return to the ground when the evening cooled, “thus keeping the earth always in the same degree of humidity,” he wrote. After about a week, he could see the growth of a seedling fern and grass.

The technology Ward used was readily available, but the concept of a sealed terrarium was groundbreaking. While glasshouses were relatively common among professionals, the theory hadn’t been applied on a smaller scale. Greenhouses use solar radiation to heat the space, creating a warmer environment that is favorable to tropical plants. Both systems use similar technology and structure, but greenhouses usually require additional watering and human interference.

The Wardian case, by contrast, is an almost completely sealed environment that uses the process of condensation and evaporation to maintain humidity. The system was self-regulating, and it did not often require additional watering. London’s 1851 Great Exhibition included a Wardian case with a plant that allegedly had not been watered in 18 years.

Prevailing thought held that plants needed constant exposure to fresh air to grow during sea voyages. By sealing the box closed and using glazed windows, Ward broke with convention. This was beneficial on a sea voyage where freshwater supplies could be limited, and sailors often didn’t understand how to take care of plants. Ward’s experiment quickly earned the support of George Loddiges, owner of the Loddiges and Sons Nursery in Hackney. The foremost nursery in London, Loddiges traded plants with clients worldwide. He saw the potential in Ward’s case: A sealed means of plant transport would present valuable commercial potential.

By 1833, the pair was ready to send two Wardian cases of plants to Australia. The ship returned a year later with a load of thriving Australian specimens. “These plants were placed upon deck, and were not once watered during the whole voyage, yet on their arrival at the docks they were in the most healthy and vigorous condition,” Ward wrote.

Before the Wardian case, plant transit was principally conducted by shipping seeds. To succeed, packers needed a strong understanding of horticulture to harvest the seeds at the correct time and properly dry them. According to the historian Stuart McCook, two techniques were common for transport: covering seeds in beeswax and storing them in honey, or placing them in sealed, silk-lined tin canisters. These methods yielded low success due to pests, seed rot, and desiccation.

Previous attempts to transport germinated plants were stymied by the insistence that fresh air was necessary. Plants often died on these journeys due to vermin, extreme temperature changes, saltwater spray, and sun exposure. In 1770, the naturalist John Ellis recommended using a small box with wire coverings to prevent rats from climbing inside, and as late as 1819 the botanist John Livingstone recommended sending a gardener with every shipment. The ships attempting to transport these doomed goods were nicknamed “floating gardens”; the high failure rate forced the crews to carry many extra plants as backup.

The Wardian case brought an end to the floating gardens. As Loddiges wrote of the invention in 1842, “whereas we used to lose 19 out of 20 cases during the voyage, 19 out of 20 is now the average that survive.”

After the successful Australian journey, Ward’s writings on the case were published and discussed with excitement within the biological-research community. A Scottish botanist named A.A. Maconochie had created a similar terrarium almost a decade earlier, but his failure to publish meant that Ward received credit as the sole inventor. The use of Wardian cases quickly spread among professional traders and amateur horticulturalists.

The successful ecological transports spurred interest among the general population, too. Although Ward wrote about the case’s potential improvements for the impoverished, it was ultimately middle-class homes that rushed to add a Wardian case to their drawing room as a decorative object that invoked Eden in the face of England’s dawning industrial revolution. Victorians, notoriously intent on controlling nature, were beset by a fern craze. The case also caused a horticultural boom, as ships arrived with new varieties of orchids and planting beds. Knowledge of Ward’s work became so ubiquitous that in 1842 Alfred Tennyson even referenced the “crystal cases” in his poem “Amphion.”

The case also transformed the diets of all social classes by facilitating the transport of fruits that are common today. A Wardian case carried the banana to Chatsworth, England, where the Cavendish banana was developed and shipped abroad in 1838. Today the large, seedless variety is virtually the only kind available in grocery stores. A Wardian case was used to bring mango grafts to Australia, and it facilitated the import of tropical fruit varieties for European greenhouse development and colonial planting. By lowering shipping-mortality rates, the Wardian case helped shape modern expectations for the year-round availability of fruit.

The Wardian case also helped bring about the end of China’s tea monopoly. Great Britain had been growing opium in India since 1757, which it then traded to China in exchange for tea. The tea trade accounted for a 10th of the empire’s gross product, which translated to important taxes for the nation. After the Opium Wars, however, the British feared that China would legalize opium production in retaliation, and quickly moved to balance the equation by introducing tea into the Himalayas.

Robert Fortune, a former curator at Chelsea Physic Garden, secretly set out with the East India Company in 1848 to gather tea plants out of China. This task had previously been viewed as impossible because of the small number of seeds able to survive the journey, but the Wardian case offered a chance for success. Fortune’s first trip failed miserably, but the following year he successfully transported some 13,000 plants from Shanghai to Assam. This spurred the growth of the Indian tea trade and broke China’s monopoly over the product. Once a luxury good, tea became available at cheaper prices for general consumption. In 1858, Fortune would use Wardian cases to smuggle Chinese tea to the United States just before the Civil War.

The vulcanization of rubber in the mid-19th century helped facilitate the spread of bicycles, and later automobiles. However, Brazil held a monopoly over rubber production in South America. The Wardian case allowed the English to secure their own rubber crop in the 1870s when Henry Wickham purchased hevea seeds at the bargain price of £10 per 10,000 seeds. Seventy thousand rubber-tree seeds were shipped from Brazil to London, germinated in Kew Gardens, and then shipped via Wardian case to Ceylon. Rubber plantations in Asia were soon more efficient and cost-effective than tapping trees in the Amazon. This diversified global production and helped create access to materials vital for the development of modern travel, but in the process destroyed the Brazilian rubber industry.

Shipping cash crops and breaking agricultural monopolies had enormous influence, but arguably the Wardian case’s most significant contribution to European colonialism came with the spread of malaria-fighting cinchona. Cinchona bark contains quinine, an alkaloid that kills malaria parasites. Quinine was originally dissolved in tonic water for preventative consumption (reportedly, British colonials began adding gin to hide the bitter, medicinal taste). At the time, malaria served to limit Europeans’ ability to physically colonize within tropical zones.

In 1860 Clements Markham used Wardian cases to smuggle the cinchona plant out of South America. By 1861, cinchona crops were planted in India for distillation into quinine on a large scale, and spread to the Dutch across Southeast Asia. Cinchona production was essential to imperial growth. “Without it,” the historian Daniel R. Headrick insists, “European colonialism would have been almost impossible in Africa, and much costlier elsewhere in the tropics.” The Wardian case emboldened European powers to continue global expansion. And once those colonies were established, the Wardian case was also deployed to carry goods like spices and coffee to support the new territories.

Today, the Wardian case is most commonly seen in its decorative successor, the modern terrarium. That simple ornament betrays the massive impact of Ward’s invention. Most contemporary diets can trace their roots back to the Wardian case. The case helped make tea affordable, created rubber plantations that would support Henry Ford’s Model T, and globalized botany.

#terrarium #Wardian case #Nathaniel Bagshaw Ward

8 notes · View notes

cafeplr · 6 years

Text

Free PLR Articles: History Of Tea – Taxes And Smuggling In 18th Century England

Since its introduction to the western world, tea has grown in popularity and is now the second most popular beverage in the world after water. Throughout its history tea demand has grown as a result of its good taste, health and medicinal properties and increasingly efficient channels of production and distribution.

Perhaps the most important benefit of tea for tea drinker is that aura of good feeling and stress reduction for those who regularly consume the beverage.

Tea growing and distribution became big business throughout the world as enterprising individuals and companies invested in tea plantations and distribution assets to meet the growing demand for tea. As the business grew, national governments saw tea as a valuable source of revenue. Government regulation and taxation often had a detrimental effect on free commerce and customer satisfaction however.

The growth in popularity of tea in a country like England, a country whose tea culture is well established, is a good case study on the social and fiscal influences on the consumption of tea.

During the sixteenth century in England, tea became a popular beverage mainly for the upper classes. Based upon a unique taste and realization of tea health benefits, more efficient channels of distribution and a growing understanding of the life style benefits of tea, imports grew slowly at first. Nevertheless, this growth accelerated into the 18th century.

During this time taxation, smuggling and adulteration of tea became significant factors in the English tea culture.

Considering tea a tropical luxury, the English government saw revenue raising opportunities in tea to fund a military buildup that supported expansion of the British Empire.

By the eighteenth century, tea was a hugely popular drink in Britain, but, to the ordinary consumer, it was also prohibitively expensive. Smuggling of tea became a growth industry in England as smugglers profited as they met the demand for lower cost tea by ignoring oppressive customs duties.

This created a demand among the British population for cheaper tea, and when that demand could not be met by legal means, a great opportunity was presented to those people who were less than concerned about breaking the law. From the beginning of the eighteenth century, the trade in smuggled tea began to flourish.

This was tea that was brought in illegally – it was not imported by the East India Company, and it did not pass through customs. Being light and easy to transport, tea was a very profitable smuggling commodity – even more so than alcohol in which there was also a healthy smuggling trade.

The State Needs Money

The state looked to import duties and excise taxes as a way to raise the necessary funds and these taxes soon became excessive. The Government had to legitimize the tax and did so by treating tea initially as a “luxury” that could support high duties in the eyes of the public. Later, tea was correctly classified as a “necessity” that would only support lower levels of taxation.

Before the Tax Reform Act of 1784 for example, the price of tea was burdened with taxes and duties of over 100% of the pretax price.

High Taxes and Manipulated Supply Lead to Smuggling as a Growth Industry

A pattern developed in English commerce in tea. As taxes were raised on tea imports, smuggling increased in a successful attempt to meet the underlying growth in demand for tea. But smuggling and high taxes had a direct relationship and smuggling produced a negative effect on the English economy and population at large.

Although taxation is important for raising revenue, most economists know that high taxation encouraged smuggling, and the quantity of tea being smuggled was directly linked to the level of duty levied on legal tea imports. In England, at the beginning of the eighteenth century, the government’s need to finance a war in Spain led to an increase in taxation on tea, and the price of leaves rose dramatically.

The tax was outrageous and fueled the activities of the tea smugglers. Duty was later slashed by Henry Pelham in 1745. This meant that more tea was brought in legally – the quantity passing through customs more than doubled – and the increase of tea imports on which duty was paid actually led to the government’s revenues from tea being increased.

But in the 1750s the need to finance another war led to the duty on tea being raised again. This in turn led to a surge in the business of the smugglers, which continued to flourish throughout the third quarter of the eighteenth century.

Though illegal, the smugglers had the support of millions of people who could not otherwise afford to buy tea.

Much tea was smuggled in from continental Europe, shipped into Britain via the Channel Islands and the Isle of Man. Although smuggling was widespread, in the first decades of the eighteenth century many of the smugglers themselves operated on a very small scale. Many smugglers used their own small boats and the contraband tea was then sold on to personal contacts and local shopkeepers.

It was by now widely acknowledged that the only way to tackle the smuggling problem was to make tea cheaper – in effect, to reduce the duty paid on it. So the East India Company, who had powerful allies in the British Parliament, lobbied for the duty to be lowered. The power of the corporate world was thus added to popular demand for permanent change in the tea tax.

Pitt slashed the tax on tea, and made up for the revenue lost by hugely increasing the window tax. This was a property tax which was much easier to enforce. The Commutation Act of 1784 reduced the tax on tea from 119 per cent to 12.5 per cent. The smuggling of tea ceased to be profitable, and the smuggling trade vanished virtually overnight. More importantly tea was treated as a necessity rather than a luxury with long term implications for lower tea taxes.

The consumption of lower taxed tea rocketed, so much so that even with the reduced rate of tax, the amount of revenue collected from tea was soon restored and eventually exceeded pre-reduction revenue. Equally important, tea became the standard beverage for most of the entire English population.

Tea drinkers had the window tax to thank in part for the boost in popularity of their favorite beverage!

See Full PLR Article Here: History Of Tea – Taxes And Smuggling In 18th Century England

#PLR Articles

0 notes