#Ceilings on Landholdings

[scorebetter]

India Agriculture

Indian agriculture is the primary source of livelihood for India’s population. As of 2018, agriculture employed more than 50% of the Indian work force and contributed 17–18% to country's GDP.

Indian agriculture is the primary source of livelihood for India’s population. As of 2018, agriculture employed more than 50% of the Indian work force and contributed 17–18% to country’s GDP. The history of agriculture in India dates back to the Indus Valley Civilization. India ranks second worldwide in farm outputs. There are hymns in Vedic literature dedicated to – Agriculture. Consumer…

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#Abolition Of Zamindari #agriculture in India #Agriculture Reform in India #Bhoodan Yojana #Ceilings on Landholdings #Components Of Land Reforms #Consolidation of Landholdings #India Agriculture #indian agriculture #Land Reforms #Objective of Land Reform #Post-Independence Agriculture in India #Pre-Independence Agriculture in India #Tenancy Reforms #Zamindari system

[adomasmiklys26]

Are there any agricultural restrictions or zoning regulations that apply to farmland for sale in Chennai?

It's important to consult with local authorities, such as the Chennai Metropolitan Development Authority (CMDA) or the Agricultural Department, for the most accurate and up-to-date information regarding specific farmland for sale in Chennai. Here are some common considerations:

Zoning: Different zones may have specific regulations governing land use, including agricultural activities. It's essential to check the zoning classification of the farmland to understand the permissible land uses and potential restrictions.

Agricultural Land Conversion: Some regions have regulations regarding the conversion of agricultural land for non-agricultural purposes. There may be restrictions on converting farmland into residential, commercial, or industrial use. Obtaining necessary approvals or permits may be required for such conversions.

Agricultural Practices: Certain regions have regulations or guidelines related to agricultural practices, such as the use of pesticides, water conservation, crop rotations, and organic farming. It's important to understand any specific requirements or restrictions that may apply to the farmland you are considering.

Environmental Regulations: Depending on the location and ecological significance of the farmland, there may be environmental regulations in place to protect natural resources like wetlands, forests, or water bodies. These regulations could impact the type of farming activities allowed and the use of fertilisers, irrigation methods, or drainage systems.

Land Ceiling Laws: Some regions have laws that impose restrictions on the maximum landholding size for individuals or entities. These laws aim to prevent concentration of land ownership and promote equitable distribution of agricultural land.

Remember, the specific regulations and zoning requirements can vary depending on the location within Chennai and the local governing authorities. It's advisable to consult with professionals, such as real estate agents, lawyers, or government officials, who can provide accurate and detailed information regarding the agricultural restrictions and zoning regulations that apply to the farmland you are interested in purchasing.

#farmforsale #mangofarms #farming #organicfarminginchennai #organicfarming #farmland #farms #farmlands #mangofarm #farmlandforsaleinchennai

[villageandcottage]

Cottage Vs. Manor – What’s The Difference?

In feudal England, a cottager held a modest dwelling with a large garden to support a family in exchange for duty to the landholding lord. With time, however, “cottage” came to mean any modest dwelling. 

When most people think of a “cottage,” they envision a small, cozy residence in the countryside. On the other hand, a manor is an opulent setting with almost castle-like provisions on a smaller scale.

The royals utilized the house to remain with their family and troop before moving on to the next location and delegating maintenance to their staff.

But let’s dive into some of the the differences between cottage vs manor.

What Is The Difference Between A Cottage And A Manor

Today generally refers to tiny, traditionally constructed housing in British English. However, it can also be used to describe newly built homes that are meant to seem like older ones. Cottages can be freestanding homes or rowhouses, like those found in mining towns. 

Cottages were widely used as farm laborers’ essential housing. Today, the term “holiday cottage” refers to a specific type of residential rental property in England that provides its owner with beneficial tax treatment. Sometimes called a chalet.

A royal authorization was required to crenelate a manor house, even though manor houses were not typically built with strong defenses like castles. Walls or ditches frequently surrounded these settlements, featuring farm outbuildings. In the pre-police era, these fortifications were built with moats and drawbridges to protect against gangs of roving robbers and thieves. 

They also had gatehouses and watchtowers but lacked the keep, massive towers, and high curtain walls typical of castles. The great hall was the centerpiece of the manor home, with ancillary rooms constructed as the decline in feudal warfare made it possible.

Cottages are typically considered pre-modern structures, despite their widespread use in contemporary popular culture in a more generic and romantic sense. Older, pre-Victorian cottages typically feature low ceilings and exposed timber from the building’s frame, which can be an eyesore and even physically disrupt daily life.

During renovations, it is common to practice revealing once again the original timber purlins, rafters, supports, etc., of such buildings to give the impression of greater age and authenticity.

A lord and his big family might not be able to survive on the harvest from a single manor for an entire year, so he would likely only stay a few months there before moving on to the next estate where supplies had been stashed. As a bonus, the now-empty manor house could be thoroughly cleaned and repaired without disturbing the previous residents.

As a result, these non-resident lords had to name a steward or seneschal to serve as their representative in these affairs and to preside over the manorial courts of his many manorial domains. Each manor had a resident official, termed a bailiff or reeve in England, responsible for day-to-day administration.

Traditional cottages are small, usually semi-detached or terraced, and have only four rooms, i.e., two up and two down, while modern additions and renovations have made them much larger. One sort of cottage is called a “penty,” It is typically a small, one-room dwelling adjacent to a bigger property and used by workers or fishermen. Large, functional, and unpretentious homes have also been referred to by the name “cottage.”

Almost every great manor house in the Middle Ages had its deer park in the vicinity, enclosed with royal permission so that venison might be stored there. Royalty and their massive traveling entourage, which needed to be fed and entertained, were prohibited from hunting deer within these designated parks, as were nearby landowners and anybody else.

During the 1600s, many lords of manors moved out of their old manor houses, often near or in the village and next to the parish church. Instead, they built a new manor house inside the walls of their old deer parks. The situation became more private and relaxed.

What Makes A House A Manor?

The main residence on an estate is a manor house. Typically, they were between 750 and 1,500 acres in size. A large manor might have several villages connected, whereas a small manor might be so small that only a portion of a village’s residents was employed there.

The manor house’s original structure was a loose conglomeration of wooden or stone structures comprising a chapel, a kitchen, farm buildings, and a hall. The village’s business meetings were held in the hall, which also served as the location for the manorial court.

Before the advent of more modern mansions, the lord of the manor usually lived in a manor house. In the European feudal system, the house served as the administrative hub of the manor; in its grand hall, the lord’s manorial courts, community meals with the manor’s tenants, and large feasts were held. 

source https://villageandcottage.com/cottages/cottage-vs-manor/

[gosfordaustralia]

#realty realestate propertyforsale

[isabot1234-blog]

Gallery Project

For the photo critique assignment, I viewed Betwixt and Between at the Laurence Miller Gallery. The gallery feels tucked away, on an upper floor of a building full of galleries next to the High Line. You have to take an elevator to get in (unless you like stairs a lot), and it opens into the gallery space. The space is modest and the exhibition begins immediately on the walls outside the elevator. There is no clearly marked starting point, the images are hung on all the walls in the ‘lobby’ and display room. There was no receptionist on duty, and both gallery staff members were discussing work together in their glass-walled offices, leaving me to browse in peace. The atmosphere did not feel particularly reverent, as some gallery spaces might through their lofty spaces and lighting. The ceilings were relatively low and the whole photo room was brightly lit and quiet, no spotlights were needed on the photos. The works were not framed with any kind of consistent approach, some had white frames, others black, and images of different sizes were mixed throughout. I first walked around the whole space and looked at everything without reading the information. In this first approach, no theme was apparent to me, and had I not known better I wouldn’t have even assumed it was a cohesive exhibition. No narrative seemed to emerge as I walked through, although many of the images were compelling, they seemed to differ quite widely, and had different photographers. Then, I read the pamphlet with exhibit information, which revealed the context behind some images. While their backgrounds are wildly different, many images (at least those with information provided) challenge our ideas of reality, show people caught in the middle of contradictions or political moments, and question our perception of the images themselves in a present day context. They all intend to emulate the ‘Betwixt and Between’, dictionary definition “not fully or properly either of two things”. I would have liked more backstory for the images and analysis, but that’s always my feeling in art spaces. The exhibit showed images with a compelling presence and curious backstory, capturing the in-between, I mostly wish I found out more about each photo and artist from the exhibition. 

My favorite works on display were by John Dowell. His “African Union Church”, 2018, shows a church located behind a field of cotton in Seneca Village, the integrated community of free African Americans located from 1825-1857 in what is Central Park today. Seneca Village was the largest community of African American landholders in NYC in the 19th century. http://www.centralparknyc.org/things-to-see-and-do/attractions/seneca-village-site.html

Seneca Village ceased to exist in 1857 when it was leveled by right of eminent domain to make Central Park. This image by Dowell is not just a photo like many of the others on display, it is a collage or visualization of an alternative universe, one that symbolizes freedom. ‘African Union Church’ shows a field of cotton before the church, and an abstract fire/explosion of cotton bursting forth from what would be the steeple of the church. The image is relatively symmetrical in composition, and your eyes are drawn upward from the field to the church to the outpouring. The image has a pleasing texture from the collaging and the sketching done on top of the more photographic elements. The fire feels intense, like the mourning of what was lost in Seneca Village combined with the all-encompassing legacy of what it’s destruction represents. The metaphors and hypotheticals brought up by this image are powerful. 

John Dowell’s other work on display, “Williams and Neighbors of Seneca Village”, shows more traces of the former community, with the home of the first settler Andrew Williams outlined by pieces of cotton and sketched lines. This image is more grounded in contemporary reality, with the modern road and lights of Central Park curving through the background, and a biker and woman picking up her dog’s poop pictured on the trails, positioned as if the woman is casually aware of the fictional home, too. This image is less symmetrical and intuitive than the other by Dowell, but contains an interesting juxtaposition, and question, through the interplay of modern and historical, hypothetical. 

Hillary Swift, Racoons, Central Park, NYC, 2018

I really love this image. It’s almost unreal, something you’d be astonished if you saw. A family or pack of raccoons peering out from the greenery onto the road in Central Park, with buildings towering over them in the background. It looks like they’re trying to cross the road, checking the coast is clear. The composition and moment captured is incredible, the image is divided into thirds in a subtle way, each telling a different story: the city in the back bustling on, the mysterious greenery holding who knows how many other creatures, and the family of raccoons on the road, navigating the modern city obstacles that have encroached on their habitat. The image is very literal in its perspective of reality but the content is rich with room for interpretation.

Denniz Darzacq, Hyper No 3:

Note: I didn’t remember to take photos of all the pictures I wanted to discuss in the gallery so this is a screenshot from the gallery’s website. 

This image quite literally depicts the magical, and the in-between/suspended state of ‘Betwixt and Between’. No background context is provided, but the moment of suspension captures the imagination. It actually even reminds me of a still from a Tik Tok video. The banality of the surroundings, the grocery store meat cabinet, enhance the surreality and alternative reality-like quality of the image. The lighting and colors are dull with the dreary cast of fluorescent lighting, giving a realistic look, in turn making the mystery of the picture even greater. The body is positioned in a sort of perpendicular or slanted manner to the ordered lines of the background grocery ceiling, cabinet, and floor, the body standing in opposition to the ordered and meticulous background of consumption. Based on online searches about Denis Darzacq, his work frequently uses the body to explore precisely these contradictions between humans and our modern environment/system. 

All in all the exhibition was interesting, seeming a bit random at first, but upon digging into the history of all the artists work ties to the theme of ‘Betwixt and Between’ were obvious. 

[dracomai]

answer this LATER cause ur having fun but: what kind of luxuries the malfoy manor have ? like specifically extravagant things they own or even rooms designed for one activity? and what kind of rich muggle things are in them (like jacuzzis or like tvs idk)? the PEOPLE wanna know

MALFOY MANOR.     first,     i wanna say thank you for giving me a reason to ramble on about the malfoy manor.     i’m gonna take this time to just talk about everything i possibly could.     okay so to talk about the history,     i need to introduce you to the first malfoy,     the founder of the malfoy manor.    

ARMAND MALFOY.     armand was a french born wizard who arrived in great britain with the norman invasion     (     he gained the friendship of william the conqueror     ).     he was also the first malfoy in britain.     sometime after william I was made king of england in 1066,     armand provided various services to the king.     while the exact details of the services are unknown,     they were known to be shady and magical in nature.     (     probably:     threatening with hexes,     hexing enemies of the king,     using various dark spells.     )     in exchange for these services,     king william granted armand a piece of land in wiltshire,     seizing the property from it’s former landholders.     the malfoy manor would over the next ten centuries,     be the home of the malfoy family.     the family would expand the estate even further by annexing more property from surrounding muggles but also gain more riches by coming into contact with muggles and making money off of their ways.     properly doing business with them.     (     this was before the international statute of wizarding secrecy.     of which the malfoys initially opposed the imposition of the statute.     upon the realization that further opposition would distance them from the new heart of power being the newly formed ministry of magic,     they cut all ties with muggle families and became supportive of the statute.     holding all denial that they had ever fraternized with non magic families.     )             (     malfoys had historically been associated with high-born muggle circles,     such as royalty and aristocracy,     which,     in part,     resulted in their vast collection of muggle treasures and works of art.     all of which are stored within the manor.     )

I.     DRIVEWAY.     "     they turned right,     into a wide driveway that led off the lane.     the high hedge curved with them,     running off into the distance beyond the pair of impressive wrought-iron gates barring the men’s way…      the source of the noise proved to be nothing more than a pure-white peacock,     sturring majestically along the top of the hedge.     “     —    description of severus snape and yaxley walking along the driveway.

the gravel driveway to the manor house is wide and has a large hedge curving alongside it.     the driveway and hedge go past a pair of wrought-iron gates.     these gates permit select individuals     (     those who make some sort of salute    )     to pass through them as if they are smoke,     and with others the iron contorts into a face,     which demands the purpose of the person trying to enter the manor.     the yew hedge is known to have albino peacocks roving along the top of it.     the outside of the manor is grand and the land surrounding it is vast,     filling many acres.     those acres contain numerous types of trees and various plant and perhaps other animal life. 

II.     THE MANOR.     "     a handsome manor house grew out of the darkness at the end of the straight drive,     lights glinting in the diamond-paned downstairs windows.     somewhere in the dark garden beyond the hedge a fountain was playing…    the hallway was large,     dimly lit,     and sumptuously decorated, with a magnificent carpet covering most of the stone floor.     the eyes of the pale-faced portraits on the walls followed snape and yaxley as they strode past.     “     —    description of the manor and the entrance hall.

malfoy manor is a     "    handsome manor house    "     surrounded by elaborate gardens,     including a fountain.     the front door swings inward at the approach of a person     (    or perhaps just a select group of people    )     without anyone visibly opening it.     the hallway is large,     dimly lit,     carpet covering the stone floor.     the walls of the entrance hall display pale-faced portraits lining the walls      (     presumably former malfoy family portraits     ),     and at the end of the hall is the bronze-handled door to the drawing room.      

III.     THE DRAWING ROOM.     "     the drawing room was full of silent people,     sitting at a long and ornate table…     illumination came from a roasting fire beneath a handsome marble mantelpiece surmounted by a gilded mirror.     "     —     description of the drawing room.

the drawing room was a widely proportioned room.     probably the grandest room of the house,     it had ceilings 30 feet high,     two chandeliers,     and a pipe organ at one end.     it had a long ornate table,     where the death eaters and voldemort sat during their meeting.     also,     during the death eater meeting,     the usual furniture was pushed carelessly up against the walls.     the drawing room has a ‘handsome’,     ornate marble mantelpiece with a gilded mirror which has an intricately scrolled frame on top.     many of the known activities of the death eaters took place in the drawing room,     which had dark purple walls with more portraits,     and a large crystal chandelier,     which was eventually destroyed by dobby     (     their house elf     )     during the escape of several prisoners.     It was probably restored     (     by magic     )     to where it was previously hung.

IV.     CELLAR.     during voldemorts stay in the manor,     this room functioned as a holding cell for prisoners.     this room is one hundred percent escape proof with only house elves able to bypass the room’s securities.     it is below ground level,     no light,     damp floored,     and made of stone with stone beams     .     the family’s collection of dark artefacts are hidden below within the cellar to prevent any being seized during ministry raids.     one such raid having been conducted in december 1992.     considering that a vast amount of dark artefacts reside in the cellar,     this makes it an immensely dangerous room to step foot in if you’re not fully aware of what is held in the room.     touch the wrong thing and you could possibly die.

V.     ITEMS WITHIN THE MANOR.      because of their association with muggle royalty,     they gained a vast collection of muggle treasures and works of art.     they also have an abundance of dark artefacts.      some items can be bewitched by dark magic for various purposes,     which is where the name dark artefacts originates from.     it is unsure what these items specifically are,     but draco keeps a small amount of them in his bedroom along shelves and around the house displayed.    he keeps a lot of his own dark artefacts,     cursed items,     taxidermized dark magical beings.     there are also journals from every malfoy stored,     detailing their lives during that period and about muggle societies during that time.     including the journal of his own father,     and dracos own.     

#trisoul #* ◞ 🐍 send an owl: answered. #* ◞ 🐍 convicted by his convictions: notes. #a lot of this was half headcanon and half canon / taken from the wiki information

[manlyaustralia]

Grand Family Home With In-Ground Pool

#manly manlyaustralia manlyrealty manlyproperty propertyforsale

[homeimprovementsau]

Which Things Should you Consider to Get Desired Result in Cleaning Services?

Whenever you change your rental property, then it is the most stressful and hectic work because you’re responsible for everything from shifting all the pieces of furniture and alternative things, to cleansing the complete flat. If you want to get your bond money back, then you should return the rental property as you get it. So, you should take professional End Of Lease Cleaning Melbourne services to get a bond back. Most renters apprehend the strain related to moving or out of rental property due to a protracted list of things that require to be done at the top of a lease. On high of all the preparation you would like to try to before vacating a property, you've got to fret regarding cleansing the property to evolve to the quality of your agent or property owner as a result of if you permit the place during a dangerous form, you risk forfeiting your deposit.

To avoid this from happening, you should consider some important things at the end of lease cleaning services. Here we discuss that thing which you should know as a renter. Fix All Necessary Equipment During a Vacate Cleaning, tiny fixtures and fittings like lightweight switches, ceiling fans, and lightweight bulbs are ordinarily incomprehensible. Pay shut attention to those and fixes them, making certain all are in smart operating order. In addition, removing stubborn stains will assist you to watch out of some "smaller" problems on your own. Give Back Entire Keys & Item Which You Have After you've got vacated the flat, you'll be expected to supply all of the keys you were at first given and the other things like garage remote controls and button functionalities by an approved time. If you're unable to come all the keys, then you will incur the value of not solely exchange those keys or things however may additionally incur prices towards replacing the locks. Know the Terms of Lease Make sure you absolutely perceive the terms of your lease. By learning the terms of the lease, you may grasp what to avoid doing whereas you're living within the property. Some terms compel pets within the house and don't permit smoking within the premises.

Upholstery Cleaning is Important When you are at the tip of your lease, house cleansing may be a priority! Take away all the loose dirt, hair dangles, muddy footprints and different dry mud from your floors, carpets, and article of furniture. Confirm you vacuum all corners of your surface as a result of most of the dirt lies in these areas. Take Help from Expert Before moving out of your rental property, it's vital that you simply get a bond cleansing done by a putative company World Health Organization has skilled and knowledgeable about cleaners. They’ll recognize specifically what the landholder or manager is searching for in an exceedingly bond clean. It's going to sound simple initially; however, a bond cleaning needs tons of toil to be done and may not be underestimated since your rental home is judged by your assets property manager. Summation If you want to get the desired result in End of Lease Cleaning services, then you should consider the above things in your process so you can achieve your desired target. Read the full article

#EndofLeaseCleaningMelbourne #VacateCleaningMelbourne

[love-bookrelease]

“CEILING ON LAND HOLDINGS (Past Perspective)” – by Prafulla Kumar Chaulia

In the 1950s there was the first wave of agrarian reforms attempted by all the States of new India by enacting laws relating to abolitions of Estates and Zamindaries which were intended to remove all intermediaries between the cultivator of the land and the State. The second wave of reforms during the 1960s was the enactment of laws in the States of India in which the right and title of the tenants and raiyats are to be made permanent and secure. During the 1970s besides unprecedented political turmoil in India, the third wave of agrarian reforms came in the form of the ceiling on landholdings and distribution of surplus land to the landless. This book deals with the above third wave of land reforms giving the performance data of Governments of States and Centre with the author’s observation by field visits and from the findings of research institutes. The book is a part of the author’s doctoral research thesis on the implementation of the ceiling on landholdings in the country. The findings of the inquiry discover a scenario in the political economy of India which is startling and the country’s socio-economic picture remains so even today. Among the most valuable aspects of the thesis is the fact that Mr. Chaulia, as a Government Officer, can make sense of much of the ceiling legislation, as well as the bureaucratic processes set to implement them. He is able to draw out their significance in ways that dissertations and accounts that I have read by sophisticated but inexperienced academics do not do. The discussion, for example, of the family definitions in the Orissa and Andhra legislation, is very lucid and enlightening.” Susanne Hoeber Rudolph Professor, Political Science University of Chicago Director, South Asia Centre

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Website prafullachaulia.in

[swedna]

Lok Sabha for the first time in the winter session saw no protests by Opposition parties in the Well during the Question Hour on Tuesday, the last day of the session in the Lower House.

The government on Tuesday introduced a Constitution amendment Bill in the Lok Sabha that seeks to provide 10 per cent reservation for economically backward sections in the general category in government jobs and higher educational institutions.

The introduction of the Constitution (124th Amendment) Bill, 2019 by Social Justice and Empowerment Minister Thawar Chand Gehlot was a smooth affair in the House with no member raising any objection.

The Lok Sabha on Tuesday passed the Citizenship Amendment Bill, 2019, that seeks to remove hurdles in eligible migrants from six minority groups from Bangladesh, Pakistan and Afghanistan getting Indian citizenship despite opposition by various political parties including Congress and Trinamool Congress. As the Congress and the TMC's demand for sending the Bill again to a parliamentary panel was rejected by the government, they staged a walkout.

The Winter session of Lok Sabha, which began on December 11, is slated to conclude on Tuesday.

Meanwhile, the Rajya Sabha on Tuesday witnessed frequent adjournments, washing out proceeding before adjourning for the day even as the House extended its sitting by a day till Wednesday. Catch LIVE updates on Lok Sabha, Rajya Sabha sessions. Read our full coverage on Parliament winter session CATCH ALL THE LIVE UPDATES 09:26 PM Prime Minister Narendra Modi arrives in Parliament

View image on Twitter View image on Twitter

ANI ✔ @ANI Delhi: Prime Minister Narendra Modi arrives in Parliament

91 9:24 PM - Jan 8, 2019 31 people are talking about this Twitter Ads info and privacy 08:49 PM Cong questions timing of Modi govt's move on quota for poor Raising questions about the timing on the Centre's move to provide 10 per cent quota in government jobs and education for "economically weaker" sections, Congress General Secretary K C Venugopal on Tuesday termed it as a "lollipop" to the people of the country. (Read more here) 08:46 PM "The BJP had promised two crore (20 million) jobs every year and by now 10 crore (100 million) jobs should have been created," Thomas said, adding that the unemployment rate was high and the Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy had pointed to job losses.

08:46 PM Thomas said the government can get the Bill passed due to its majority but it has not been sincere in its approach. The Bill, he said, provides for reservation in employment and educational institutions and asked "where are the jobs".

08:46 PM Thomas said the Narasimha Rao government had tried giving reservation based on economic criteria but it was set aside by the apex court.

08:46 PM "People who are affluent have been brought in. The purpose of the government is the coming election. The government has lost in three states but solution is not this," said Congress leader K V Thomas.

08:46 PM Congress' K V Thomas said the UPA government had made strict eligibility conditions for its welfare measures, including the food security Act.

08:46 PM The former union minister said other eligibility conditions, including of size of a flat, were liberal and some MPs may also fall in that criterion.

08:46 PM Congress' K V Thomas said families with a monthly salary of Rs 63,000 will be eligible for reservation benefits and it was "not a small amount".

08:45 PM You are butchering Indian democracy: Congress to govt

Congress leader K V Thomas said the quota Bill had been brought without proper homework and the opposition members were not even given time to go through the entire provisions of the Bill. "You are butchering Indian democracy," he said.

08:40 PM Quota Bill brought in haste after poll losses: Congress The Congress on Tuesday said in the Lok Sabha that the government had brought the Bill for 10 per cent quota to upper castes "in haste" after its loss in three Hindi heartland states and demanded it should be sent to a joint parliamentary committee for scrutiny. (Read more here) 07:19 PM

Yogendra Yadav ✔ @_YogendraYadav So, virtually everyone from Gen category would qualify to be "poor" under this provision.

Fine. Now how does anyone gain from this quota, unless Gen category is getting less than 10% jobs today? Can anyone please clarify? How does Gen category gain anything from this?

Rajdeep Sardesai ✔ @sardesairajdeep Landholding below 5 acre: 86 % of landholding qualify for this as per Agri Census 2015-16; Rs 8 lakh or less income: 99 % of rural households qualify for this as per NABARD financial inclusion survey 2016-17 #ReservationDebate

709 6:46 PM - Jan 8, 2019 Twitter Ads info and privacy 372 people are talking about this Twitter Ads info and privacy 07:14 PM Mayawati questions timing of quota Bill, calls it an 'election stunt' Terming the latest upper caste proposal an "election stunt", Mayawati said that it had come too late. "The decision coming just before the general elections appears to me an election stunt and a political trick and one which has not the right intentions behind it." 07:13 PM Quota format quite old, time has come to review it: Mayawati "The quota format is quite old now and time has come to review it and the people coming under its ambit should also be given reservation benefits where they are not getting it," Mayawati said. 07:13 PM The former Uttar Pradesh chief minister said that while she welcomed the move, she would also like the 50 per cent reservation quota in jobs for the SC/ST and OBCs to be reviewed.

07:13 PM Mayawati supports job quota for weaker upper castes Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) supremo Mayawati on Tuesday extended her support to the Centre's proposal to give 10 per cent reservation in jobs for the economically weaker sections among upper castes. 07:09 PM 10% quota only to divert attention from Rafale deal: AP CM Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu on Tuesday said the announcement of the Centre providing for 10 per cent reservation for the economically backward people was made in view of the Lok Sabha polls and also to divert the attention from the alleged Rafale scam. 07:07 PM Upper caste quota will not breach 50 per cent SC cap: Jaitley Finance Minister Arun Jaitley on Tuesday rejected criticism that the 10 per cent reservation for the poor among the upper castes in jobs and education will breach the 50 per cent cap set by the Supreme Court, saying that the limit was specific to quota for the SCs/STs and socially and educationally backward classes. (Read more here) 07:04 PM "While we support reservations, this cannot be brought in abruptly without any consultations. Consultations are required because the criteria for beneficiaries, with an annual family income of Rs 8 lakh, will be depriving sections which require them the most," Yechury said.

07:04 PM The Left leader said the ceiling of an annual income below Rs 8 lakh for beneficiaries was too high considering the main demand of the protesters participating in the nationwide labour strike on Tuesday was a guaranteed monthly income of Rs 18,000, which is Rs 2.16 lakh per annum.

07:04 PM "This is an effort by Modi government to try and now combine caste passions along with communal polarisation in order to derive electoral benefits," Yechury said.

07:04 PM The Modi government kept quiet for five years on this issue and suddenly brought (it) in now on the eve of elections and particularly after losing in the five states where elections were held recently, Yechury said.

07:04 PM Speaking at a press conference, CPI(M) General Secretary Sitaram Yechury said a constitutional amendment Bill requires half of the members to be present in both the Houses and of that at least two-third must support it. Then it must go to the state Assemblies before it can be notified or implemented. "It is an electoral ploy," he alleged.

07:03 PM Quota Bill an attempt by govt to gain electoral benefit: CPI(M) The move to give 10 per cent reservation to the economically backward among the general category is an attempt by the government to gain electoral benefit by combining caste passions with communal polarisation, the CPI(M) alleged on Tuesday. 07:01 PM Ram Vilas Paswan defends quota Bill Defending the quota Bill in the Lok Sabha, LJP leader Ram Vilas Paswan said that the government has been working for the upliftment of Dalits and tribal, and now, the poor section of the upper class will also benefit from this new step. 06:45 PM Quota Bill doesn't need to be ratified by state Assemblies: Jaitley Jaitley also added the Bill, once passed by Parliament, will come into effect and would not be required to be ratified by state Assemblies. 06:44 PM Taking a jibe at Opposition parties for their protests, Jaitley said if they are supporting the Bill, they should be whole-hearted and not grudgingly doing it.

06:44 PM The BJP in its manifesto also supported the measure and is now working to implement it, Jaitley said, adding Constitution makers also spoke about equality of status and opportunity.

06:43 PM With Opposition members using 'jumla' jibe, Jaitley hit back saying if the mention of a similar quota for the general category in their manifestos was a jumla as well.

06:43 PM Jaitley asks Congress to walk the talk Quoting from the Congress manifesto, which called for such a quota, Jaitley asked it to "walk its talk" by supporting the bill, describing it as a test for the Opposition party.

#Lok Sabha

[brickstory]

Philipse Manor Hall in Yonkers, 1912. The Lenape natives had a village here called Nappeckamack, “trap fishing place.” It was situated on the banks of the Nepperhan River (“rapid waters”), which emptied into the #HudsonRiver. In 1639 the natives sold a 24,000 acre tract to the Dutch West India Company. In 1645 New Netherland Director Willem Kieft gave a large bouwerij (farm) to lawyer Adriaen van der Donck as thanks for helping to negotiate a peace treaty. He named the estate Colen Donck and built a saw mill along the banks of the #Nepperhan, which the Dutch called De Zaag Kill, later Anglicized to the #SawMillRiver. Locals referred to van der Donck as De Jonkheer, “young squire,” which is what gave the nearby burgeoning settlement its distinctive name. In 1672 Frederick Philipse purchased much of Colen Donck, to which he added considerable landholdings. He was granted a royal charter for Philipsborough in 1693. In 1682 he had a stately manor house built overlooking the banks of the Saw Mill. He later gave a 50-acre parcel, known as “little Yonkers,” to his son-in-law Jacobus Van Cortlandt, whose son Frederick built the #VanCortlandtMansion in 1748, which still stands in #VanCortlandtPark. Philipse Manor was periodically expanded and altered, including a stunning papier-mache Rococo ceiling added around 1750. In 1868 the City of #Yonkers took over the house as City Hall, converting part of the second floor into a Gothic Revival Chamber. This storied space is the backdrop for a fabulous #soloexhibit by @NoelHennelly. Come by to visit the great #historichouse and see some groovy #art. The #PhilipseManor National Historic Site is located at 29 Warburton Avenue. Shared from @discovering_nyc #Westchester #HudsonValley #17thcentury #architecture #BrickStory, #storystylesoul, #architecture #historicpreservation, #househistory, #preservation, #historichome, #oldhouselove, #americanhome, #vintagelife, #architect, #americanhistory, #thisoldhouse, #ancestry, #storyteller, #ourhouse, #dreamhome, #travelamerica, #myhouse, Tell us your story... (at New York, New York) https://www.instagram.com/p/BsQZC9Kg1yw/?utm_source=ig_tumblr_share&igshid=l3vn59ixbn4w

#hudsonriver #nepperhan #sawmillriver #vancortlandtmansion #vancortlandtpark #yonkers #soloexhibit #historichouse #art #philipsemanor #westchester #hudsonvalley #17thcentury #architecture #brickstory #storystylesoul #historicpreservation #househistory #preservation #historichome #oldhouselove #americanhome #vintagelife #architect #americanhistory #thisoldhouse #ancestry #storyteller #ourhouse #dreamhome

[nightmare-afton-cosplay]

$55M ‘Timeless Masterpiece’ on Long Island Is This Week’s Priciest Property

realtor.com

A sprawling waterfront property sheltered by its own private cove in Lloyd Neck, NY, is this week’s most expensive new listing on realtor.com®.

Dubbed “Sassafras,” the $55 million Tudor-style home was built in 1987. The massive 20,000-square-foot estate sits on a 47-acre spread on Long Island’s tony North Shore.

The estate includes eight bedrooms, 12 baths, two 5,500-square-foot guesthouses, a teahouse, dock, private beach, tennis courts, cabana with full kitchen and deck, and extensive gardens. Additional outdoor offerings include a pool, plus a gazebo with bar, bathroom, outdoor shower, and hot tub.

The owner designed the home in homage to the British architect Sir Edwin Lutyens by “incorporating traditional Tudor architecture and the vernacular styles of south-east England style into a timeless masterpiece,” according to the listing. The property is “one of the Gold Coast’s largest private landholdings.”

Tudor-style home on 47 acres on the North Shore of Long Island

realtor.com

Living room with coffered ceiling

realtor.com

Private beach

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Pool

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The main residence has 25 rooms, and architectural flourishes include exposed beams, a 48-foot-high ceiling in the grand entrance, and a coffered ceiling in the living room. The formal dining room is wrapped by an outdoor terrace and features water views. The master suite includes views of the Long Island Sound.

The property is set amid nature preserves as well as trails for horseback riding and mountain biking. Yet, it is located just 50 miles from Manhattan, or 15 minutes by helicopter. And yes, there are two helipads on the grounds of the estate.

The place was last sold in 2002 for $765,500, according to property records. The listing agent for the estate is Philip Laffey.

The current owner is known only as Laval Properties Corp N.V., which has a New York City address. The property was listed on the market about a decade ago for $60 million with no takers. But Sassafras did have a brush with celebrity: It was rumored to have been leased by Angelina Jolie  and Brad Pitt in 2009, according to Variety.

Another summer renter decades before, Kutayba Alghanim, raised the ire of neighbors in this exclusive enclave by commuting to Manhattan by helicopter back in 1979, according to the New York Times.

The wealthy industrialist from Kuwait had apparently wanted to buy the place and install a landing pad (which eventually happened), but was temporarily restrained by a group of local residents. It is unclear if Alghanim or a later resident succeeded in installing the helipads.

Either way, the property is helicopter-friendly now, for those whose lifestyle includes travel by chopper.

The post $55M ‘Timeless Masterpiece’ on Long Island Is This Week’s Priciest Property appeared first on Real Estate News & Insights | realtor.com®.

from https://www.realtor.com/news/trends/waterfront-masterpiece-long-island-priciest-property/

[marymosley]

PRE & POST INDEPENDENCE LAND REFORMS IN INDIA: A COMPARATIVE STUDY

Abstract –

Land reform alludes to an improvement in agro-monetary establishments. It incorporates measures and arrangements identifying with the redistribution of land, guideline of lease, improving the states of tenure, helpful association, agrarian training, etc. Land reform is a piece of legacy of the nation’s opportunity development since the agrarian structure that we acquired from the British at the hour of freedom was of the feudalistic exploitative character. Land reform is a wide term. It alludes to an institutional measure coordinated towards adjusting the current model of possession, tenure and the executives of land. It involves a redistribution of the privileges of proprietorship and additionally utilization of land away from huge landowners and for cultivators with constrained or no landholdings.

Keywords:  Land reforms, tenant, landlord, legislation, zamindar, intermediaries, ceiling

________________________________________________________________________

INTRODUCTION

CLASSICAL ANALYSIS OF INDIAN LAND REFORMS

Land program in post-Independence India has developed through various stages. During the Mughal time frame, before the appearance of the British there were various changes in the arrangement of land revenue collection or income. Workers kept on enjoying customary rights over the land they involved and for the most part couldn’t be removed except if they neglected to pay the necessary land revenue to the state. The errand of gathering land income was allotted to a class of specialists called zamindars (Bhaumik, 1993).

At the point when the East India Company (EIC) built up in the Seventeenth Century, the agrarian structure experienced essential change. The EIC initially bought the right to get the gathered land revenue and later, under the Permanent Settlement presented in 1793, pronounced the Zamindars to be owners of land in return for the instalment of land income fixed in perpetuity. Zamindars, or those to whom they sold their proprietary rights, ordinarily designated income collection to a series of middlemen. The expanding layers of intermediaries implied that there was impressive increment in rent taken from the tillers and inability to pay this expanded sum brought about huge scope expulsions, across the board aggravation, and declining agrarian production (Bhaumik, 1993). The British looked to balance out the circumstance through administered tenancy reform.

The Bengal Rent Act of 1859 set limitations on the intensity of landlords’ to build lease or expel occupants. Nonetheless, the Act just ensured fixed-rent occupants and didn’t secure bargadars or agrarian workers. Be that as it may, it just ensured those fixed-rent tenants who could demonstrate they had developed the land for 12 back to back years. Consistent development was hard to demonstrate because of poor records and the Act brought about an expansion in removals by Zamindars to keep inhabitants from having land for the necessary timespan (Bhaumik, 1993). The 1885 Bengal Tenancy Act likewise looked to ensure long-standing inhabitants, and was comparably inadequate. During this period, another type of landholder developed in Bengal. The Jotedars were a rich class of labourers who recovered and oversaw enormous amounts of uncultivated woods and wetlands outside the domain administered by the Permanent Settlement (Bhaumik, 1993). The Jotedars refined a portion of this land through the immediate oversight of employed work or hirelings. By and by, the heft of the Jotedars’ property, similar to a significant part of the land in Bengal, was developed by Bargadars.

Rural strains over the difficulty of Bargadars were regular in the decades preceding and after Independence. During the 1940s, the Tebhaga development required a little crop share action and furthermore made the motto, “He who till the land, own the land.” The development is given acknowledgment for forming post-Independence land change enactment in West Bengal (Datta, 1988). At the hour of Independence, this issue was of incredible noteworthiness. In the decades following freedom India passed a huge collection of land reform legislation.

The 1949 Constitution left the reception and usage of land and occupancy changes to state governments. This prompted a great deal of difference in the usage of these changes across states and after some time. After India Independence, the legislature made significant move to destroy the frameworks of Jamindaris and Jagirdari, to expel intermediaries among state and labourer. This was the primary governing body taken by practically all the states called as Abolition of Jamindari/Jagirdari systems Act.

PRE-INDEPENDENCE LAND REFORMS

The permanent Settlement of 1793 made a class of high-end owners who assumed the unwritten yet age-old privileges of tenants in their properties. By leaving a wide edge between the landowner’s lease and the revenue demand of the State, it empowered this class to live and succeed on the excess by adequately utilizing the intensity of eviction.

As well as could be expected be sought after was a trade-off here and an alteration there to keep up the generally disintegrating structure of their land framework. In this manner came the tenancy enactment. The settlement of 1793 had left the ryots helpless before the Zamindars who rack leased, ruined and abused them. The best cure of the difficult lay in fixing the screw up and in restoring the relations which existed between the revenue farmers and tenants before 1793. It was not that the government was uninformed of the prejudice done or the predicament of the tenants. As far back as 1819, the Court or Directors of the East India Company saw that results generally harmful to the rights and interests have emerged from portraying those with whom Permanent Settlement was finished up as the genuine owners of the land.

In any case, landowners were the government’s own creation and her ground-breaking partners. Naturally, the government couldn’t have obliterated them or subverted their position. But 40 years passed before the government approached to secure the interests of the ryots. The Bengal Rent (Act X) of 1859 was the main authoritative endeavour at characterizing the privileges of tenants and securing them against regular improvement of rent and discretionary eviction. The Law applied to all regions remembered for the Bengal Presidency. On account of the North Western Provinces and Oudh, it was supplanted by the Rent Act of 1873 while in the Punjab, certain shields were embodied for the particulars of the Settlement itself.

The Rent Acts had Two Fundamental Targets:

(i) To make a class of secured or special tenants with occupancy rights in land and

(ii) To confine the forces of the proprietor to raise rents of the secured tenants. Each one of those tenants who held the land for a twelve years’ time were given the privilege of occupancy and their rents couldn’t be raised aside from on certain predefined grounds.

Notwithstanding, as verified by the Famine Commission of 1880, the Rent Acts neglected to achieve and significant improvement in the financial state of inhabitants for the straightforward explanation that they presented occupancy rights just on few occupants. With respect to tenant’s will, the law gave them no security against ejectment or en­hancement of lease.

The developing grinding and antagonistic vibe between the landlords and tenants was, hence, not expelled. The proprietors turned to constant shuffling of tenants, power and provocation to some way or another keep tenants from securing occupancy rights. Subsequently, Bengal saw enormous scope agrarian clashes and hostile to Zamindar riots during the years 1872-1876.

In Bihar, the conditions were much more dreadful and the relations of tenants with Zamindars similarly unpropitious. The circumstance turned out to be particularly terrible in 1873 when inhabitants in specific territories consolidated to oppose proprietors’ exactions and vanquished them by joined resistance.

It turned out to be, along these lines, important to intercede so the disintegrating structure of the Zamindari framework could be kept up. Therefore were passed the Tenancy and Rent Acts in Bengal in 1885, in the Central Provinces in 1883, in the Punjab in 1887, and in the North Western Provinces and Oudh in 1886.

The object of every one of these measures was to manage agrarian relations with the end goal of forestalling unpredictable ejectments, controlling rents and guaranteeing reasonable remuneration for any improvement the inhabitant may have done over the span of his occupancy.

There was another yield of tenancy enactment in the 1920’s. Under the C.P. Tenancy Act (1920), each tenant turned into an occupancy tenant, independent of the length of occupation. The Agra Tenancy Act 1926 allowed a legal life occupancy to everybody once in the past named tenant-at-will. It confined the intensity of subjective upgrade of lease by giving that lease could be improved just a single time in 20 years.

In Bengal, the 1928 Act made tenant property transferable yet subject to specific conditions. It additionally provided for the landowner the privilege of pre-emption to buy the holding within 2 months of the deal at 10% over the deal cost. It merits nothing that the privilege of pre-emption, which ought to have been vested with the occupancy ryot, was given to the landlord. In this manner, albeit occupancy enactment was attempted, the old arrangement of permitting “each point about which there could be any uncertainty to settle itself for the proprietor and against the tiller” proceeded.

With the end goal of recovering the vow given by the All India Congress Committee in its Election Manifesto, Congress government, in certain areas passed or corrected tenancy acts to give help to the cultivators. In Bengal, improvement of lease was suspended for ten years’ time while interest on overdue debts of lease was fixed at 6½% Bihar Tenancy Act went above and beyond by dropping all upgrades of lease made between 1911—1936 and by lessening them with respect to fall in costs.

Tenants in control of land for a twelve years’ time were presented inherited rights and enthusiasm on unpaid debts of lease was fixed at 6¼%. The U.P. Tenancy Act of 1939 was an unmistakably increasing far reaching measure. Legal inhabitants and occupants cultivating ‘Sir’ land were made innate tenants and rents were downsized. The C.P. Act abrogated ‘Begar’ while the Bombay Act of 1938 indicated the grounds on which occupants could be shot out. It likewise permitted pay for enhancements made.

  The Tenancy Legislation, briefly outlined above, had the Accompanying Expansive Goals:

(i) To set a cap for the upgrade of rents;

(ii) To forestall self-assertive ejectments;

(iii) To give occupancy rights on occupants in order to make land hereditable and alienable;

(iv) To confine the privilege of distrait for unpaid debts of lease and excluded connection of devices, cows and seed;

(v) To accommodate decrease or suspension of rent at whatever point there was a decrease or suspension of income;

(vi) To accommodate remuneration to the tenant for any improvement made by him ashore;

(vii) To keep the inhabitant from illicit exactions like Salami, abwabs and Begar.

The legislature was fulfilled that not exclusively was the strategy underlying tenancy laws right, yet their authorization had colossally profited the inhabitant class. Her, disposition was summarized in the Land Revenue Resolution of 1902 which expressed that it was not “in the Permanent Settlement that the ryot of Bengal discovered his salvation; it has been in the laws which have been passed by the Supreme govt. to checks its permit and to direct its maltreatment.”

The genuine position is, nonetheless, resualed by the Floud Commission which found that “… a huge and expanding extent of the real cultivators have no piece of the components of proprietorship, no insurance against exorbitant rents and no security of residency.” And it was not that the occupant endured in the Zamindari territories alone. The ryotwari zones fared no better. The way that defensive occupancy enactment became at all fundamental under the ryotwari residencies is itself an unpleasant analysis on the framework which should give ownership of land on the labourers. It is similarly noteworthy that, in spite of these defensive measures, a class of proprietors became under the ryotwari residencies while the incredible greater part of the tillers were unprotected inhabitants, occupants voluntarily, and crop-sharers.

The disappointment of the tenancy legislation can be followed to a few variables. In the expressions of the Floud Commission, “the indispensable screw up was to append occupancy rights not to the land yet to a specific class of occupants who may be non-agriculturists or who may stop to develop.” Further, the privilege of free trans­ferability likewise demonstrated a blended gift to the extent that it would in general encourage the exchange of ryots’ properties under the control of mahajans and non-agriculturists.

The tenant himself was frequently oblivious of the arrangements of the Acts passed for his assurance and in any event, when he knew, he got himself financially too frail to even think about resisting the requests made upon him by the landowner. The government didn’t locate the authorization of these laws extremely simple while general assessment indicated little worry for this part of the issue. The fundamental trouble lay in the development of populace which pressed land. The position was exacerbated by the decay of cottage industries which constrained an ever increasing number of individuals to go to land.

Simultaneously, the presentation of cash economy, the notoriety appending to the responsibility for, and the wide contrast between land leases and land income, drove cash moneylenders and dealers to put resources into land and become non-attendant landlords. The outcome was an incredible increment in the quantity of tenants. In 1852, comp bell noticed the total nonappearance of recruited work in farming, yet, in 1931, agrarian workers comprised 38% of the all-out horticultural populace of India. These inhabitants, without some other occupation, were ever-ready to offer increasingly elevated leases so as to increase a decent footing in agribusiness.

It was, in this way, scarcely conceivable to forestall an ascent in rents or ejectments inasmuch as the exceptional rivalry for land among the tillers was not controlled. This, be that as it may, implied the exchange of work from farming to industry by attempted industrialisation of the nation. Also, the government was not willing to effectively support. We may summarise that first object of tenancy legislation was to reinforce the Permanent Settlement, to shield it from self-destructing under its own monetary lop-sidedness and remotely, to regulate equity. Furthermore, in spite of the fact that these enactments were intended to shield the cultivator from rack-leasing and ejectment, their genuine impact, by and by, brought about protecting just the rustic white collar class and jotedar at the expense of not the landlord but rather the tiller.

Another change attempted before Independence related the Consolidation of partitioned and divided property. In spite of the fact that the need was felt as right on time as 1880 by Sir Charles Cilliot and Sir Edward Buck, genuine endeavour at combination started to be made simply after the I World War. The historical backdrop of enactment for Consolidation went through two phases. In the primary stage, the enactment was tolerant as in the Baroda Act of 1920. In the subsequent stage, a merciful of impulse was presented. The C.P. Union of Holdings Act 1928, the Punjab Consolidation of Holdings Act 1936, and the U.P. Union of Holdings Act 1939—all contained a specific level of impulse. Under these Acts, combination opera­tions could be taken up if a specific level of landholders holding a specific measure of land consented to the proposition. Areas which made some progress in this field were Punjab, C.P., U.P. and the State of Baroda.

LAND REFORMS POST INDEPENDENCE

The eccentricities of Indian agribusiness, joined with the announced thirst to achieve monetary improvement just as social equity drove the government, in the post-Independence period, to under-take an extensive program of land changes. These changes, be it noted, had a well-known base in as much as they were gone before by labourer, unsettling influences and vicious conflicts in a few pieces of the nation.

These changes involved:

(a) Abolition of Intermediaries

(b) Ceiling on Land Holdings

(c) Tenancy Legislation

(d) Cooperative Farming

(e) Abolition of Forced Labour and

(f) Consolidation of Holdings

(a) Abolition of Intermediaries:                 

One of the main points of the agrarian changes was to dispose of the mediators, for example, the Zamindars and Jagirdars in order to carry the cultivator into direct relationship with the govt. Craft of Zamindari abolition was nearly simple in the incidentally settled regions, for example, U.P. also, M.P. where satisfactory records and regulatory existed.

In the all-time settled regions of Bihar, Orissa, and West Bengal and in regions under Jagirdari settlements, for example, Rajasthan and Saurashtra land records and income organization must be worked from the earliest starting point. Nevertheless, laws annulling delegate residencies were offered impact to in the vast majority of the states.

The general model was comprised of the accompanying highlights:

(1) All land including common grounds, woods, mines, mineral, waterways, channels, and fisheries were vested in the government for motivations behind administration and advancement.

(2) Home-farm terrains and grounds under the individual cultivation, of intermediaries were left with them.

(3) In many states, the tenants’ in-head holding lands, legitimately from inter­mediaries, were gotten immediate contact with the State with some ex­ceptions, for example, in Bombay, Hyderabad and Mysore. In these states, mediators were, at times, designated lands held by tenants.

 In certain States, inhabitants had lasting and transferable rights and it was not important to present further rights upon them. These included Assam, West Bengal, Bihar, Orissa, Bhopal and Vindhya Pradesh.

 There were different states, for example, Bombay, U.P, M.P, Hyderabad, Mysore and Delhi where occupants were required to cause instalments so as to get privileges of possession. In a couple of states, for example, Andhra, Madras, Rajasthan, either bigger rights were presented upon inhabitants or their rents were decreased with no immediate instalment being expected of them.

A particular component of the Zamindari Abolition Acts was the instalment of com­pensation to the proprietors in spite of the fact that the rate and the mode varied from state to state. Notwithstanding Kashmir where no remuneration was paid, in others it was fixed either as a different of land income evaluation or of lease or total compensation. Altogether, pay, including restoration awards, payable to the middle people added up to Rs. 670 crores. Just a piece of this pay or recovery award and that also to little land proprietors was paid in real money, the remaining being paid in long haul securities.

The evacuation of intermediaries had broad impacts. As Daniel Thorner calls attention to, the new laws detracted from middle people their privileges to gather leases on lands which they themselves didn’t develop. They additionally alleviated them of the duty regarding paying area income on such grounds.

On the opposite side, one hundred and seventy three million sections of land were gained and 20 million inhabitants carried into direct relationship with the state. Now and again, occupants gained full proprietorship rights, including the privilege of transfer with no instalment. In others, they were required to make some instalment for securing of full occupancy rights. It likewise achieved improvement in the managerial system and social administrations. Be that as it may, progressively significant was the descending update in the paces of land income which were gotten line with rates winning in the ryotwari territories. An impact of incredible criticalness was to offer the more extravagant labourers a chance to become landed owners.

The non-attendant landowner, having impressively enormous assets at his dis­posal, started to put huge sums in the lands under his influence and with the utilization of present day procedures, figured out how to show a more elevated level of efficiency. The way was cleared for the development of rustic free enterprise. Or maybe, they were allowed to hold enormous territories gave it was under their own development and not let out to tenants. The facts demonstrate that in certain states a roof was fixed regarding the measure of land a former intermediary could claim however the roof was high to such an extent that not many of the delegates were influenced.

Regardless, it was feasible for them to avoid the law by ignoring some portion of their property to different individuals from the family. In this manner is the means by which bequests of even 100 sections of land continued in Post Reform Bihar. In addition, individual development was not plainly characterized. In Kashmir, the law smothering huge landowners moved the land to genuine cultivators characterized as the individuals who “till and work the land with their own hands.” This was rather than different states which considered cultivator as one who only financed creation.

In the expressions of Daniel Thorner, the cultivator was not required “to take an interest in the genuine work of development; he didn’t need to go to the fields and work. Actually, he didn’t need to go out or to get off his divan. More regrettable still, he was not required to be in the town by any stretch of the imagination. This made it workable for land proprietors even remotely associated with agribusiness to go as tillers of the dirt. The Act should wipe out non-attendant landowners however it permitted a lot of space for them to remain. No big surprise that the National Sample Survey (eighth round) found around 31 million sections of land of land speaking to half of all land rented still under non-attendant proprietors. At the end of the day, Feudalism was checked however not dispensed with.

The technique of permitting the Zamindars to hold land under close to home development had expansive outcomes. To have the option to pronounce an enormous extent of their properties as ‘Khud Kasht’ or under close to home development, it got important for the proprietors to show these grounds as liberated from any tenure. All methods, legitimate and unlawful, were utilized to remove inhabitants or power them to disavow their residencies deliberately under dangers of physical viciousness or monetary authorizations. This came about, as Dantwala has watched, in progressively occupants being ousted during the decade following Independence than during the most recent 100 years of the British guideline. At the opposite end, the Zamindars of U.P. alone wound up with about 6,000,000 sections of land of ‘Sir’ and ‘Khud Kasht’ Land. Dantwala, subsequent to hailing the Zamindari annulment measure as progressive, concedes that the genuine outcomes were a long way from palatable.

To finish up, the Zamindari Abolition was an endeavour at a pitiful read­justment of agrarian relations. The arrangement examined was not one of radical change but rather of bargain, not one of making conditions for the entrepreneur advancement of labourer cultivates when all is said in done however of changing over medieval landowners and rich workers into industrialist agriculturists. In this way, despite the fact that their position was somewhat debilitated, the zamindars still figured out how to hold their situation as the biggest land proprietors in the states. Be that as it may, close by them, the more extravagant area of the occupants additionally started to assume a more prominent job in the monetary and political existence of the town. The state of the greater part of the working class, the genuine tillers of the dirt, anyway remained for all intents and purposes unaltered.

  (b) Land Ceilings:

As indicated by the Report of the Panel on Land Reforms, the point of land roofs was to:

(i) meet across the board thirst to acquire land;

(ii) lessen glaring imbalances in proprietorship and utilization of land;

(iii) lessen imbalances in rural revenue and expand the circle of independent work;

(iv) give another status to the land-less.

With the end goal of accomplishing these targets, enactment was passed in all states forcing ceiling on existing area property just as on future procurement of land. Be that as it may, arrangements identifying with level, shift, and exclusions varied con­siderably from state to state. In Assam, Jammu and Kashmir, West Bengal and Manipur, there was one uniform roof limit regardless of the class of land, roof being fixed at 50 sections of land, 22 ¾ sections of land and 25 sections of land separately.

In every other state, the degree of roof was fixed to assess various classes of land. For instance, the roof ran right from 27-134 sections of land in Andhra, 20-80 sections of land in Orissa, 19-132 sections of land in Gujarat, 18-126 sections of land in Maharashtra. In others, it was fixed regarding standard sections of land, a standard section of land being equivalent to a specific number of conventional sections of land a set down in the Act went in each state. These various degrees of ceilings, as M.L. Dantwala brings up, didn’t bear any connection either to atmosphere or soil conditions winning in various areas or to the thickness of populace. It shows up these roofs were fixed principally based on the normal size of huge property in a specific state or by the impact applied by various political powers in the governing body.

In certain states, moves made after the distribution of the bill or its presentation in the council were ignored as in Assam, Kerala, Madras, Maharashtra, Uttar Pradesh and Tripura. A few states authorized and measure with review impact from a specific date e.g., Gujarat, Punjab, West Bengal, Delhi and Manipur.

In others, there was no arrangement for dismissing moves made before the com­mencement of the roof law. In Mysore, relocation of land could occur considerably after the establishment of the law while Madhya Pradesh and Orissa Acts allowed landlords to move their overflow grounds to determined classes of people inside indicated periods.

As respects exceptions, the roof laws passed by the Bihar, Andhra and Madras governing bodies gave exclusions to lands under sugarcane having a place with sugar manufacturing plants; in Maharashtra, the roof was stretched out to cover sugar estates also. In all states, with the exception of Jammu and Kashmir, arrangement was made for the instalment of pay for the obtaining of surplus land. In any case, the measure of remuneration determined in roof enactment was not the equivalent in various states, nor was the guideline hidden equivalent.

Five Distinct Models were followed:

(1) Compensation was fixed as numerous of land income evaluation in Assam, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra.

(2) In Andhra, Mysore, Madras, West Bengal, Delhi, Manipur and Tripura, it was fixed as numerous revenue

(3) In the Pepsu zone of the Punjab, it was fixed as a different of lease.

(4) In Kerala and Orissa, it was identified with the market estimation of land.

(5) In Bihar, determined sums were accommodated various classes of land.

In spite of these distinctions, there was one thing regular in all expresses: wherever the pay paid was higher than what was paid to the zamindars and it approached the market cost of land. The Orissa Bill explicitly gave that the excess land was to be sold by the proprietors at showcase cost. The requirement was left to the regulatory and income specialists who connived with the land proprietors and deciphered the law in such a way as to vanquish its motivation. Set in opposition to the ground-breaking organization was the obliviousness of the ignorant workers about the laws.

The entire contention might be summarized in the adept expressions of Dr. Joshi. “The wide scope given to state governments (in characterizing a family holding, in deciding the degree of roofs, in choosing whether ceilings ought to apply to individual or family property, and in fixing exclusions or strategies for conveyance of surplus grounds) made the way for unlimited controls and manoeuvrings, pulls and weights in a way that the very object of ceiling was placed in danger and even vanquished.”

To roll out an improvement in the current example of land proprietorship, these escape clauses must be stopped. In any case, this included an assault on settled in interests in the wide open on an a lot bigger scope than was really endeavoured. The outcome was that 90% of the handiness of land roofs was lost.

This is affirmed by the way that the ceiling laws didn’t have any significant bearing to manors, Sugar-stick ranches claimed by sugar industrial facilities, plantations, cows—rearing and Dairy ranches, cultivates in smaller square ; effective homesteads ; motorized homesteads and ranches with overwhelming venture. While this favourably affected farming creation, land roofs didn’t take care of the issue of land-less workers or those with too little land.

  (c) Tenancy Legislation:

An acceptable arrangement of land residency had for quite some time been perceived as the fundamental premise of a solid and productive association. The Congress Agrarian Reforms Com­mittee emphatically felt that the government assistance of the Indian working class and the advancement of horticulture in India depend to an enormous degree on whether the lower class has a sense of safety about the wellspring of vocation and whether the residency framework gives motivating forces and chance to nearby turn of events.

As respects of rents, the vast majority of the records following the order set down in the First Plan and fixed rents at ¼ of the gross produce or less. Be that as it may, in certain states like the Punjab, Jammu and Kasmir, Madras, West Bengal and Andhra, reasonable lease, as fixed by law, kept on being 1/3 to 1/2 of the gross produce.

Security of residency was expanded by briefly barring expulsion or by giving new rights to tenants or, in all likelihood by fixing a most extreme breaking point to the zone a landowner could continue for ‘individual development’ in the vastest sense or by fixing a base measure of land that could be held by the occupant and couldn’t be continued by the owner for individual development. In Bombay and the Punjab, the occupant could hold half of his holding and in Himachal Pradesh 3/4 of his holding.

The most extreme region that a landowner could hold for personal cultivation likewise changed impressively. In the absolute biggest states, no greatest was fixed. In others, for example, Bombay, Assam, Hyderabad, the greatest was for the most part between 12-50 sections of land; In a couple of states, the most extreme was lower than this ; in J and K, it was around 2—6 sections of land and in Orissa 7—19 sections of land.

(d) Cooperative Farming:

Cooperative cultivating didn’t get any consideration before the arranging time frame in spite of the fact that the congress agrarian Reforms Committee had suggested coopera­tive cultivating for property underneath the ‘fundamental’ holding. It was the Second Plan which conceived that the primary assignment is to lake such basic strides as will give sound establishments to the improvement of helpful cultivating, so that over a time of 10 years or somewhere in the vicinity, a generous extent of agrarian land is developed on the agreeable lines. The Progress was somewhat pitiful. Up to 1965-66, a sum of 7294 helpful cultivating social orders having a participation of 1.88 lakhs had been framed and these secured a territory of 3.93 lakh hectares. Notwithstanding, huge numbers of these social orders were dead and some existed distinctly on paper for acquiring state gives however their property was developed in the old way.

There was neither the pooling of assets nor joint opera­tion of land. Some of these were shaped with a longing to sidestep land changes gauges in different states. Gunnar Myrdal opines that agreeable cultivating was found by urban landowners as an advantageous gadget for changing over tenant farmers into wage workers and thus a method whereby non-attendant proprietors could harvest gains from agro modernisation. This clarifies why non-attendant landowners were among the supporters of the agreeable cultivating thought. One of the fundamental prerequisites of the experimental run Program propelled during the Third Plan was that the majority of the individuals ought to be landless people. This was to guarantee that truant landowners were kept out.

(e) Abolition of Forced Labour:

Another critical improvement since 1947 was the virtual vanishing of constrained work. When the new century rolled over, by far most of agrarian workers were without un men who were either in the red subjugation or some other type of bondage. In any case, since autonomy the power of employed workers in Indian horticulture, overall, was comprised of free men. This was a difference in extraordinary noteworthiness which was probably going to have expansive repercussions later on.

(f) Consolidation of Holdings:

The solidification of divided property was viewed as a necessary piece of the rural creation program. Legislation for mandatory con­solidation of possessions was authorized in Bombay in 1947, in the Punjab in 1948, in pepsu and Saurashtra in 1951 and in U.P. in 1953. Comparable arrangements were made in different areas aside from Kerala and Madras. By 1964-65, an absolute region of 55 million sections of land was united. The advancement was particularly set apart in Gujarat, Maharashtra, Mysore, Punjab, Rajasthan, and U.P. while in West Bengal, Assam, Orissa and J and K, the plan had not been taken up for execution. The individuals who picked up the most were the upper layers of the working class for whom the end of strip—cultivating encouraged the move to industrialist cultivating.

CONCLUSION

Land reforms in India had visualized that past a specific indicated limit, all terrains having a place with the landowners would be taken over by the State and dispensed to small owners to make their possessions financial or to landless workers to satisfy their need for land. Ceiling on landholdings is, along these lines, a successful measure for redistribution of land and accomplishing the objective of social equity. Land reforms target repositioning ownership holding from the perspective of social equity, and rearranging operational property from the view purpose of ideal use of land. These targets are giving security of occupation, obsession of rents, conferment of proprietorship, and so forth.

Due to Zamindari Abolition, around 30 lakh occupants, share croppers and tenant farmers procured possession rights over an absolute developed region of 25 lakh hectares all through the nation. Furthermore, it prompted the annulment of around 260,000 Zamindars and middle people and securing of enormous measure of forested, desolate and squander land by the Government. The whole idea of land changes focuses on the annulment of mediators and getting the real cultivator direct contact with the state. The extent of land changes, accordingly, incorporates: (i) abolition of intermediaries, (ii) tenancy reforms, i.e., guideline of lease, security of residency for inhabitants and conferment of proprietorship on them; (iii) ceiling on land holdings and appropriation of surplus land to landless workers and little ranchers; (iv) agrarian redesign including solidification of possessions and counteraction of sub-division and discontinuity; (v) organisation of co-operative farms; and (vi) improvement in the arrangement of record keeping.

For legitimate execution of land reforms, it is a must to innovate the arrangement of keeping income records. In the seventh Five Year Plan the accentuation has been given on logical study of undocumented land, register the name of inhabitant and tenant farmer in land records, fortify the income framework at the least level, and give preparing office to income authorities to improve their effectiveness. Truth be told, record number of enactments have been authorized in the nation for land changes after freedom. Nevertheless, due to financial complexities, escape clauses in the land changes laws, laxity in execution, and political and lawful impedances these land changes have not had the option to meet the ideal achievement.

Disclaimer: This article has been published in Legal Desire International Journal on Law, ISSN 2347-3525, Issue 22 ,Vol. 7

ANOUSHKA SINGH

Student of Law, Amity Law School, Noida, Amity University Uttar Pradesh

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[zillowcondo]

Daily Dream Home: Sassafras

Sassafras is one of Long Island’s most special estates. The 47-acre waterfront property is one of the Gold Coast’s largest private landholdings.

The present owner designed the home paying homage to the British architect Sir Edwin Lutyens, incorporating traditional Tudor architecture and the vernacular styles of south-east England style into a timeless masterpiece.

A rare find in Lloyd Neck, sheltered within its own private cove, sits the 20,000 square foot estate consisting of a main residence with 25 principal rooms.

Greeting visitors, the lavish grand entrance with 48’ Cathedral Ceiling leads to the great hall, study and formal dining room complemented by a wrap around outdoor terrace with commanding water views.

A baronial living toom has an substantial.fireplace.

The main house has eight bedrooms and eight full and four half baths, enclosed dining veranda and a master suite offering 120 degree views of Long Island Sound and Connecticut.

Also on the grounds are two guest houses, each approximately 5,500 sq ft, a Log Cabin “Tea House” with stunning sea views, tennis court, Beach Cabana with full Kitchen and deck.

The grounds encompass extensive specimen gardens, exercise path, private beach with its own pier which can accommodate 3 jet skis, an 80-foot motor yacht, 24-foot sailboat, 30-foot speedboat and two maintenance/chase boats with three additional moorings.

Complementing the al fresco entertaining lifestyle is the 30’ by 60’ pool, Gazebo with Bar, Bathroom and outdoor shower and hot tub.

Lush gardens and manicured landscapes accentuate the gently sloping and level grounds surrounded by old growth conifers.

Perfectly secluded, Sassafras takes advantage of everything the North Shore has to offer; pristine beaches, Target Rock National Wildlife Refuge, Huntington Harbor Nature Conservancy and the 2,000 acre Caumsett State Park boasting horseback and mountain bike trails.

Approximately 50 miles, one hour drive to/from Manhattan by automobile or a 15-minute journey by helicopter accessible by two helipads conveniently located on the grounds of the estate, Sassafras of Lloyd Neck is a gem in the Gold Coast’s crown.

This property is listed for $55 million with Laffey Real Estate and is showcased by Luxury Portfolio.

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[loyallogic]

Articles 31A to 31C of Indian Constitution

This article is written by Shubhangi Upmanya, a student of Vivekanand Institute of professional studies, Indraprastha university. In this article, she discusses the Articles 31A to 31C of the constitution.

Introduction

From no person, the property belonging to him will be stripped off until there is an authority of law and if it has been taken into possession, then compensation will be provided, says Article 31 which went through a lot of amendments before it was annulled along with Article 19(1)(g). Article 19(1)(g) gave the right to property, however, restrictions can be imposed in the matter of public interest.

The annulment was made by the 44th Amendment Act in the year 1978 after which the Right to property elapsed and was left vulnerable.

Constitution 44th Amendment Act, 1978

One of the most vexed rights is the right to poverty. This right was given by the constitution in order to let the people enjoy their property in a smooth manner. But Article 31 enabled the government to take away the property when there lies a legal authority. Also, the term compensation provided in Article 31(2) was very arbitrary as there was no adjective given to it and it gave authority to the government to decide the amount.

To end up all kinds of debate regarding this right, the 44th amendment knocked on the door. By this amendment article 19(1)(g) and Article 31 was repealed and Article 31(1) was moved to Article 300A in the IX Schedule. 

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The Doctrine of Eminent Domain and Right to Property

The Doctrine of Eminent Domain, a concept taken from America, allows the sovereign to capture any private land and make it a public land that may benefit the public at large. The need is to just give compensation for it and this was done without taking into account the owner’s opinion.

Let’s put it this way, Manish owns private land in Madras and the government of Madras takes away his land without his consent and in return gives him a monetary compensation which is less than the market value which he would have got, if he had sold it.  

Maharao Sahib Sri Bhim Singhji V. Union of India

The land which was vacant in urban agglomerations was taken by the government to be used for public purposes.

The court ruled out that the land in urban agglomeration can’t be used for giving any kind of benefit to the public and it has nowhere been mentioned in that Act.

Now this article will be dealing will the following three provisions in-depth.

         ⇓                                                ⇓                                             ⇓

  Article 31A                               Article 31B                            Article 31C

Saving of Laws providing for the acquisition of estates, etc: Art. 31A

Let us talk about the emergence of article 31(1) which contains 5 sub-clauses. During pre-independence time, the zamindari system was prevalent. This system made the zamindars very wealthy with a large number of landholdings whereas, the peasants were left in financially deteriorating conditions. Congress in power, decided to abolish it by taking the property from the zamindars and giving it to poor people but the dilemma before them was to provide compensation because of the arbitrariness of the term “compensation” given in Article 31(2)( as mentioned before in this article).

Thereafter, this motion was taken back by the government and Article 31A walked in the Indian constitution by the First Amendment, in the year 1951.

This law in its 5 clauses states that any law,

made regarding the acquisition of any estate or right by the government or management of any property, or

creates a merger of any two or more companies 

receives the benefit of any agreement or lease or license;

 will not be void or null until it has received the assent of the President.

Ambika Mishra v. the State of U.P.

Uttar Pradesh government put a ceiling on a large number of permissible landholdings under the Land Holdings Act, 1960. 

Also under Section 3(17) of the land acquisition act, only the ‘male’ was considered as the landholder and owner whereas ‘unmarried female’ or ‘woman whose husband is the landowner’, wasn’t considered as the owner of the land. Apart from the acquisition part, many people have also looked at this discriminatory side of the Act.

The court upheld the constitutional validity of Article 31(1)(a).

Validation of certain Acts and Regulations: Art. 31B

After the introduction of Article 31A in the Constitution, many problems arising out of the violation of fundamental rights contained in Part III of the Constitution were eradicated.

Article 31B states that the acts which are present in the ninth schedule and are inconsistent with the provisions laid down by the constitution or resist any decree or order will be left on the competent legislature to amend, revoke or to let it be in force. Anything contained in this Article does not undermine any provision contained in Article 31A.

Article 31B did not allow the government to make provisions blatantly against the provisions of the constitution but only which were fair with the provision of the constitution and which are inconsistent should be made void. This article stood as a shield for the laws contained in the Ninth Schedule as it makes certain that no question arises on any law contained in that schedule.

Suppose there is an Act, call it XYZ, which is not included in the ninth schedule and as a result, it can be made void but gradually it gets included in the ninth schedule, then, it will come under the blanket protection of Article 31B. This is what the retrospective effect is all about, which this Article carries with itself. 

Waman Rao v. Union of India, AIR 1981 SC 71

On 24th April 1973, a famous case judgment laid down the Doctrine of the basic structure, Kesvananda Bharati v. the State of Kerala. In reference to that judgment, this case ruled out that any amendment made in the IX Schedule before the Kesvananda Bharti case will not be challenged in the court but any amendments made after that, will.

Saving of laws giving effect to certain directive principles: Art. 31C

Back in the year 1971, the 25th amendment showed its face. 

From this amendment, Article 31C set its foot in. Previous articles were concerned with fundamental rights but this Article talks about the DPSP, the rights contained in Part IV of the Constitution. It says that any law made by the state that secures the rights contained in Part IV of the constitution can not be declared void or challenged on the grounds of Article 14, Article 19 or Article 31. 

Putting it the other way, it was basically kept out of the judicial review.

It also stated that if such law is made by the legislature or state, then that law should be sent for the assent of the president. Now, in any case, the president certifies the law by giving his assent and the law is passed which is still violating Article 14, 19, and 31, in that case, we are left with nothing as an option because it is secured from any kind of judicial perusal. 

Under this article, no law which gives effect to the provisions contained in Article 39B and Article 39C can be challenged under Article 14, Article 19, or Article 31.

Kesavananda Bharati v. the State of Kerala

This famous case decided by a nine-judge bench is one of the most praised landmark judgments. It laid down the doctrine of the basic structure, which stated that any law made should not be violative of the fundamental rights and if amendments are to be made then it should be made as such that they do not destroy the basic structure. 

Fundamental rights are of utmost importance and they should be preserved with all due respect by the state and provisions should be made to protect them and abrogate them. With this thought, this case raised questions on the constitutionality of the 25th amendment and therefore, declared that the basic structure of the fundamental rights should not be violated by the state or legislature under the provisions of Article 368 and the second part of the Article gave the jurisdiction of the court, a boot. Hence, the question on the validity of Article 31C ended with its demise, thereafter. 

Minerva Mills Ltd. v. Union of India

As we all know fundamental rights are the basic feature of the constitution and under Article 368 they need to be preserved. Well, in this, the extended portion of Article 31C was eradicated completely with the rationale that it attacked the fundamental rights under Article 368. It was amazingly pointed out by the eminent judge that by this Article the DPSP was secured which added to the weight of DPSP which went up against the weight of the fundamental rights but fundamental rights being paramount should not be curtailed by any law whatsoever. The judgment also stood up for the concept of judicial review which was not made available to the people in case of infringement of their fundamental rights.

Sanjeev Coke Mfg. Co v. Bharat Coking Coal Ltd., (1983) 1 SCC 147

The court pointed out in this case, that the fundamental rights and the directive principles of state policy should be companions and amplify each other.

Further, Article 31(C) was stated as unconstitutional and against the fundamental rights. There should be no conflict arising out of the issue involving the DPSP and the fundamental rights.

9th Schedule Laws not beyond judicial review

The 9th schedule finds its relations with the famous Keshvananda Bharti case of 1973.

It can be said that when the government wants to keep any law unchallenged then it can put it in the 9th Schedule as it is kept out of the judicial review. Let’s talk about the right to property, many reforms for the property rights and the acquisition of property and the rights along with it have been seen setting their feet in the constitution while they were all included in the ninth schedule. Hiding behind this schedule, the fundamental rights were getting infringed and still were left without a judicial review but now they stand repealed. The query before the law was whether the act or any of its part is declared to be unconstitutional then will it find its way in the ninth schedule? It is just not limited to the property Act but extends to all kinds of acts as arbitrary in nature as possible. For instance, the Mandal case Indra Sawhney V. Union of India, where the reservation was 69% which was more than the allowed bracket of 50%. 

This percentage can be increased manifoldly to 90% or 95%, the need is just to keep this Article in the ninth schedule. 

This was the situation before the ruling of the case mentioned below where it was ruled out that that the laws contained in the IX Schedule have to follow the Doctrine of Basic Structure.

IR Coelho v. State of Tamil Nadu, 2007 (1) SC 137

Fundamental rights can be amended but as far as it does not curtail the basic structure. Balancing should be done between fundamental rights and DPSP. This case was passed on to the higher bench constitution bench of five judges.

In this case, two questions were raised which were:

If an Act as a whole or any part of that Act is against the fundamental right in Article 14, 19 and 21, then will it be included in the ninth amendment? 

Whether the amendment which has been done in the IX Schedule destroys the basic structure?

The court stated the if the constitutionality of any part has already been upheld by the court then it will not be challenged but if it has been incorporated after 24th April 1973 then it can be open up to challenge in the court. All the articles incorporated in the ninth schedule have to pass the test of basic structure which determines if the particular provision violates the basic structure.

Conclusion 

 “Amend your procedures and your doings, to improve in the future”.

Well, this is what our constitution believes. From the very 1st Amendment in 1951 to the 124th Amendment in 2019, the Constitution has been amending its way to the doorway of betterment. It wasn’t all sunshine and rain, in fact, it had its own thunderstorm. 

The property right turned out to be the most controversial right with lots of reforms and criticism along with it. With Article 31, 19(1)(g) and Article 31C being stated as unconstitutional and its second part been shifted to Article 300A for making the fundamental right only a constitutional right, the property law kept diminishing. 

Let us put another issue this way that there has to be security given to Part IV of the Constitution but not by infringing Part III of the constitution, they have to be balanced. Still, there is a lot of change to be made and a long way to go because the Constitution is constant.

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