#Frank Quattrone

[un-enfant-immature]

Morgan Stanley’s ‘Teflon banker’ explains direct listings (and much more)

After landing a seemingly endless string of coveted deals for his bank, Morgan Stanley, Michael Grimes has been dubbed “Wall Street’s Silicon Valley whisperer.”

Morgan Stanley has served as the lead underwriter for Facebook, Spotify and Slack. Grimes, a banker for 32 years — 25 of them with Morgan Stanley — has also played a role in the IPOs of Salesforce, LinkedIn, Workday and hundreds of other companies.

Because some of these offerings have gone better than others, buzzy startups and their investors are asking Morgan Stanley and other investment banks to embrace more direct listings, a maneuver pioneered by Spotify and copied by Slack — rather than sell a percentage of shares to the public in a fundraising event, companies essentially move all their stock from the private markets to public ones in one fell swoop.

In a rare public appearance last week, Grimes told us why he supports direct listings completely and answered questions about other offerings in which Morgan Stanley has been involved, including as a lead underwriter for both Uber and Google. (He was less talkative about WeWork, a company that Morgan Stanley managed to distance itself from at exactly the right time, in retrospect.) If you care about how the process of taking private companies public may be changing, it’s worth the time. Our conversation has been edited lightly for length.

TechCrunch: Tell us about yourself. You were born in East L.A.; you studied computer programming and electrical engineering at UC Berkeley, then you became a banker, and you’ve remained one. Did you always want to be a banker?

Michael Grimes: I’ve only ever done this since i was 20. I’d joined Solomon Brothers, which later became part of Citigroup. They had a tech group where they wanted somebody in tech. I didn’t know banking or business or finance, because I had studied engineering and that made me not well-suited, to some degree, [for a bank] other than for a tech bank. Mary Meeker also started in ’87 at Solomon and [we then worked together for 20 years at Morgan Stanley until she left].

The work you’ve done with a lot of these amazing companies that you’ve helped take public has earned you a lot of nicknames — the ‘Teflon banker,’ the ‘kingpin’ banker. How do you feel when you see yourself described in those terms?

It may sound boring but may be similar to the way venture capitalist serve founders. Besides capital, they’re giving advice. We think of it as giving advice: that decision to file, do you or don’t you, how will it be received. That decision may work out for the best. There’s a lot of volatility in the market and it may not. But we want to stick with clients through thick and thin and help them navigate really volatile markets.

When a company is [at an] emerging growth [phase] but hasn’t reached a mature business model, you can have a really wide variety of fair cases for, is this going to be worth $30 billion in five years? $3 billion? $200 billion? Those could are all possible if something is growing 100 percent per year and the margins are increasing and you can do the math. [Remember that] Google has gone from $30 billion when we took it public to $800 billion or $900 billion or whatever is it [now]. So is this going to be that, or is this going to grow and peak and recede? There’s a huge amount of volatility inherent in tech investing, and that kind of comes with the territory in our business.

People seem to speak in hushed tones about you the way they earlier spoke about [earlier Silicon Valley banker] Frank Quattrone, but Frank Quattrone had a reputation for taking on deals that others wouldn’t take; you have a reputation for saying no to deals when they don’t feel right. When is a company in shape to go public?

We try to predict the receptivity of the public markets, which does change. There were times in 1999, 2007, maybe 2015 until recently, where institutional investors were taking more risk, then there are other times when they’re taking less risk: 2001, 2002, maybe now to an extent; they’re taking less risk than they were a year ago.

The institutional investors are the price setters; if they’re eager to invest in a company, then we try to predict that and get behind the companies that we think will work well there, or [else] give the company advice that this maybe isn’t the right time or maybe this won’t be well-received. We aren’t perfect at this but we kind of obsess about it.

You’ve told me that you think the more established the company, the more observable its metrics, the less volatile the offering in all likelihood. But can a company stay private too long?

It depends on what you mean by “too long.” If they run out of capital because they aren’t financeable, you could argue that’s probably a good thing that they never went public, because investor protection matters. Healthy markets depend upon investors, on balance, earning a return — not just institutions but retail investors, the ordinary investor. So if it turns out it’s a company that thrives but went public later, there’s no real harm there… I haven’t really bought into the theory of companies waiting too long to go public. That’s their choice. They have to decide based on their capital. Going back to the late ’80s or ’90s, I’ve worked with companies that have gone out with $300 million, $400 million, $500 million valuations; I’ve worked with ones that have gone out at $30 billion, $40 billion, $100 billion valuations. In all cases, it really depends on the company’s fundamentals and performance as opposed to its stage.

You mention companies that aren’t financeable. It brings to mind WeWork. Obviously its S-1 was disaster, but it also really needed the money from an offering. Could things have gone another way for the company? Was there a way for it to go public?

We weren’t involved in that filing so I’m probably not the right guy to opine on that situation.

Do you think JPMorgan deserves all the heat it’s gotten for that situation?

#TechCrunch

[kevinjona4]

Qatalyst shopped Looker to Microsoft, Amazon before Google deal Tony Avelar | Bloomberg | Getty Images After Google cloud chief Thomas Kurian approached data analytics company Looker about a potential tie-up earlier this year, Looker turned to a familiar face in Silicon Valley for advice: Frank Quattrone.

#News #News Trending #Viral

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PillPack CEO TJ Parker made about $100 million selling his start-up to Amazon last year, and he’s now in charge of leading Amazon’s pharmacy efforts.

PillPack is building out physical pharmacies and is in talks with insurers to make the online service available to many more consumers.

Amazon and PillPack now represent a common enemy for the pharmacy benefit managers (PBMs), who worry that their position as industry middleman is threatened.

It was May 2018, and PillPack CEO TJ Parker was in Seattle to meet with a small contingent from Amazon.

Suitors had been swarming around his online pharmacy, which was taking on CVS and Walgreens and growing rapidly in the process. Walmart was deep in talks with the Boston-based start-up, and pharmaceutical maker Novartis was also hovering.

But bankers from Frank Quattrone’s Qatalyst Partners suggested that Parker and co-founder and product chief Elliot Cohen fly across country for a meeting with one particular Amazon executive: Nader Kabbani. A 14-year company veteran and guest concert pianist with the Seattle Symphony who’d recently been named Amazon’s vice president of consumables, Kabbani shared Parker’s concern about the pharmacy industry and the dominant players’ inability or unwillingness to put the consumer first.

Eventually, Parker and Kabbani were the only ones doing the talking, as all the other participants faded into the background. And from there it didn’t take long for Parker to decide that the bidding had ended. He was selling the company to Amazon.

On June 28, Amazon announced that it was buying PillPack for an undisclosed sum (later revealed as $753 million), snapping up a company that delivers most of the medications consumers can get from their local drugstore packaged in convenient white packets so people will remember to take them, along with automatic refills and 24/7 customer support.

Shares of CVS, Walgreens and Rite Aid tumbled on concern that Amazon was further encroaching on their territory after already taking a huge chunk of the market for toiletries and household goods. In the press release, Jeff Wilke, the head of Amazon’s worldwide consumer business, said the companies would work together to help consumers “save time, simplify their lives and feel healthier.”

What Wilke didn’t say was that Parker, the son of a New Hampshire pharmacist, had plans to surpass $1 billion in revenue by 2020, or that PillPack would soon be negotiating with large insurers to get its service into the hands of many more people while aggressively building out its technology to serve them.

Almost 11 months later and about $100 million richer, Parker’s title is still PillPack CEO, and the only noticeable differences to the outside eye are that his website now says “an amazon company” under the logo and Amazon has a new landing page introducing Prime members to the service. Inside the company, Parker, a 33-year-old pharmacist turned internet entrepreneur, is the face of Amazon’s audacious plan to bust into a prescription drug market that to date has represented perhaps the largest and most glaring gap in its retail empire.

CNBC spoke to a dozen people close to the founders, including investors, friends and PillPack employees for this story, most of whom asked not to be named because of confidentiality agreements. PillPack declined to make Parker or Cohen available for an interview, and neither have spoken publicly since the deal was finalized. Amazon declined to comment and Kabbani didn’t respond to a request for comment.

Here’s a glimpse of what Amazon is now attacking:

Spending on U.S. prescription medications is approaching $500 billion a yearand growing up to 7% annually, according to IQVIA, a provider of health data. Roughly 60% of American adults have at least one chronic illness, such as heart disease, cancer or diabetes, and 40% have two or more, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

The retail drug market for prescriptions has been dominated by large pharmacy chains, including CVS and Walgreens, and independent pharmacies, which all count on a few middlemen known as pharmacy benefit managers (PBMs) to negotiate prices, as well as a handful of large drug distributors.

Other than Wilke’s statement on the day of the deal, Amazon hasn’t uttered a peep about what it plans to do with PillPack.

What we know is that Amazon acquired an 800-plus person workforce and a high-growth, very low-margin business that, like a traditional retailer, uses the majority of its revenue to pay for inventory. We also know that Amazon has not only been continuously adding household products to its marketplace, but has also been establishing its own brands for things like batteries, toilet paper, light bulbs and towels. As delivery times come down to one day for Prime members, what’s the point of ever driving to your neighborhood pharmacy?

PillPack has spent years going through the hard work of getting licenses to ship to every state except Hawaii, and built a system that automatically manages refills and works with insurers on behalf of customers. It sorts pills and provides dispensers to make everything as easy as possible for users.

Fred Destin, an early PillPack investor, describes it as a “complicated and expensive” space with a potentially “big prize.” In other words, it’s the type of business that Amazon CEO Jeff Bezos loves — huge dollars, antiquated technology and so many regulatory barriers that the “smart money” is staying far away. Bezos also knows something about the industry, having taken a board seat at Drugstore.com in the 1990s after Amazon invested in the company. (Walgreens acquired the online drugstore in 2011 for $429 million and shut it down five years later.)

It won’t be an easy market for Amazon to win. PillPack needs relationships with PBMs like Express Scripts and Caremark, which is owned by CVS, to reach the masses of consumers who get their medicines through insurers. Those businesses were worried about Amazon even before it acquired PillPack, because it’s really the only company that could conceivably break up their control if it were to jump into the distribution market and pressure drug manufacturers to lower prices. PillPack also was a concern because it had the potential to take substantial market share from the incumbents.

“Amazon bought the one company in the space that all the PBMs and other pharmacy businesses were threatened by,” said Yumin Choi, a health-tech investor at Bain Capital Ventures. “The challenge is now they put a stake in the ground and the flag has been planted.”

Amazon has to contend with the added problems that come with a disparate ecosystem of physicians, insurance companies and medical records providers, all with their own silos and disconnected systems. Amazon and PillPack may be able to create a better experience for consumers when it comes to delivering medicines, but playing a role in fixing the other inefficiencies may be out of their purview.

“There’s a lot that’s not under their control,” said Eric Percher, an equity analyst covering the pharmacy supply chain at Nephron Research. It’s not clear if Amazon can change the way “that the patient interacts with the pharmacy supply chain and the payor,” he said.

Not the ‘experience that people deserve’

Parker, who has sandy blonde hair, an unkempt beard and thick-rimmed glasses, doesn’t come across as a hard-charging executive scheming to take down the industry superpowers. Zen Chu, a PillPack investor and adviser who teaches health-care innovation at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, joked that he looks more like a member of a Grateful Dead cover band, but with “exceptional clarity of vision.”

The pharmacy business is in Parker’s blood. Growing up, his dad owned a pharmacy in Concord, New Hampshire, where the younger Parker personally checked labels on pill bottles and delivered medicines to nursing homes and assisted living facilities.

He went to pharmacy school at the Massachusetts College of Pharmacy and Health Sciences in Boston and, while there, would periodically go to events at nearby MIT to look for students exploring innovative work in health technology. That’s where he met Cohen, who was attending business school after studying computer science at the University of California at Berkeley. At MIT, Cohen co-founded a program called Hacking Medicine for students interested in medical entrepreneurship.

Cohen wasn’t sold on the idea behind PillPack until he went home and saw his dad, who had undergone quadruple bypass heart surgery while in high school, struggling to manage multiple medications. He texted Parker to say he was in, and the pair spent a weekend putting together a prototype, which won the 2012 Hacking Medicine hackathon and landed them checks from MIT’s Chu and his wife and fellow investor Katie Rae.

In 2014, the year PillPack started serving customers, Parker’s dad joined as one of the company’s first pharmacists in the office in Manchester, New Hampshire, located 20 minutes from Concord. The founders would drive to the local IKEA to get furniture for the pharmacy.

At internal meetings, Parker talked about the opportunities to modernize the pharmacy experience and to develop an aspirational brand, like what Warby Parker created in the stodgy eyeglasses market, rather than constantly reminding people that they’re sick.

“TJ used to talk at all-hands about the local CVS, where you’d see aisles stacked with three-liter bottles of Coke with fluorescent lights and grey carpeting,” said AJ Resnick, a director of analytics at Pillpack from 2015 to 2016. In his mind, that “wasn’t the experience that people deserve.”

Growth was slow for the first couple years because PillPack had to file for licenses in every state and needed to open physical retail stores in certain states to stay in-network with the PBMs. It also had an advertising problem, because ad teams at Google and Facebook mistakenly labeled PillPack as a drug manufacturer, which required it to include all sorts of safety issues that weren’t relevant.

Fortunately for Parker, he’d taken a small check from Kevin Colleran of Slow Ventures, an early member of Facebook’s ad sales team. Colleran connected Parker to the right people at Facebook to clear up the matter and get PillPack off what the investor called “the naughty list.”

“Once they got on Facebook, it helped escalate their growth more than other platforms,” said Colleran, who also became close friends with Parker.

Then consumers caught on. By the time of last year’s acquisition, the business was on track to generate $299 million in annual revenue, with plans to more than double in 2019 to $635 million before reaching $1.2 billion in 2020, according to a pitch deck viewed by CNBC. Those are big numbers for a company founded just five years earlier, and proved there was plenty of demand for what PillPack was offering.

But PillPack was burning through $6 million a month at its peak because of the low profit margins and escalating costs of expansion. Some of the high expenses were tied to the development of a back-end software system called PharmacyOS, which the company was designing to automate the process of prescription renewals, billing insurance, getting authorizations from providers and sending out notifications. David Frankel, an early PillPack backer, calls it the “spaghetti connectivity” of the pharmacy world.

Parker knew in 2016 that Amazon was interested in the space through conversations with executives at the company, according to people with knowledge of the talks. Amazon was also dabbling around the edges of the market and would soon start hiring business leaders focused on pharmacy and selling things like at-home DNA tests and over-the-counter medicines.

Having already raised $115 million, including a $60 million round in mid-2016, PillPack needed more capital to keep the business afloat. Parker was gearing up to raise more cash had the deal with Amazon or another bidder not materialized.

By early 2018, it was becoming clear that Amazon could be an ally or a competitor. Parker chose the former option.

For Amazon, which recorded over $230 billion in sales last year, PillPack doesn’t move the needle at its current size. The value for Amazon is in the promise of plugging the delivery network into the giant e-commerce machine, especially when considering that the average PillPack user in 2018 was worth $5,000 in revenue, through insurance payments and patient co-pays, according to the slide presentation.

That’s far more than the average Prime member, who spends about $1,300 a year on Amazon after the $119 annual subscription, according to a 2017 study. Also, most of PillPack’s users are in their 50s and 60s and they’re loyal customers, giving Amazon an older demographic to target with other product promotions. You could imagine signing in to order your blood-thinning medication and seeing a recommendation for shaving cream, toilet paper or nail polish, all things you’d been buying at the store.

Much more than commerce

Amazon is already using that tactic in reverse, promoting the PillPack service to a targeted group of Prime subscribers. But Amazon can provide a whole lot more to PillPack than access to 100 million-plus Prime users.

One effort underway involves large insurers, who could offer the mail-order service as a perk to their members, and in return provide the company with potentially millions of new customers.

According to a confidential document viewed by CNBC, Blue Cross Blue Shield, a federation of 36 health insurance plans that cover more than 100 million Americans, has reached out to PillPack about providing the service to members. While no deal has materialized, the document says Blue Cross would provide home delivery and other benefits as well as discounts on over-the-counter drugs and possibly a branded medication dispenser.

A Blue Cross spokesperson declined to comment.

Amazon can also add the muscle PillPack needs to stand up to the PBMs, which effectively determine whether a pharmacy is able to get customers. Large employers, insurers and Medicare and Medicaid rely on PBMs to administer prescription coverage, and PBMs have not looked kindly on start-ups delivering medications to the home because many offer their own lucrative mail-order services.

In 2016, Express Scripts, the largest PBM, threatened to remove PillPack from its network, claiming the company was misrepresenting itself as a retail pharmacy instead of a mail-delivery pharmacy. The move would have cut PillPack off from about a third of its customers virtually overnight.

“There were many, many attempts to crush this company,” said Jim Messina, a former White House deputy chief of staff under Barack Obama who was hired by PillPack to navigate the challenges presented by PBMs.

Messina, who joined PillPack’s board in November 2017 along with former Treasury Secretary Larry Summers, laid out an aggressive campaign that involved setting up the website fixpharmacy.com to rally support from existing customers in an effort to reach key policymakers in Washington. Parker set up a war room at the office, where top staffers put in 16-hour days on the #fixpharmacy crusade. In just over a week, the marketing team, led by former IDEO executive Colin Raney, published multiple videos featuring customers talking about their dependence on the service.

TJ will “go to war and fight for his company and try to do things differently,” Messina said.

However, Express Scripts did have a case. The company had given PillPack a contract to sell as a retail pharmacy, and not by mail. PillPack had some physical locations but it was shipping medications to patients from those pharmacies. Express Scripts eventually agreed to give a mail-order contract to PillPack (which is still in effect), but not before Parker fessed up to an “administrative error” that resulted in the company briefly shipping to states where it wasn’t properly licensed.

Brian Henry, a spokesman for Express Scripts, told Forbes at the time that, “there are standards and regulations and industry practices you have to follow.” He declined to provide further comment to CNBC.

Parker’s history with Express Scripts and unwillingness to back down from a fight was one of the qualities that most attracted Amazon to PillPack, according to people familiar with the matter.

“He thought that the only way to make a change is to shine a light on the dark spots, and he had the information on where those dark spots were,” said Zachariah Reitano, CEO of men’s health start-up Roman, which counts Parker as an investor. “He did it in a way where it benefited the patient, and not just for the benefit of his company.”

Staffing up quickly

PillPack is just a piece of Amazon’s expansive plan to uproot the $3 trillion U.S. health-care industry. The company is also working with J.P. Morgan Chase and Berkshire Hathaway on a joint venture called Haven aiming to improve care and bring down the costs. It has plans to open its own health clinics for employees, and there’s a secretive group called Grand Challenge working on telemedicine and applying machine learning to cancer research, among other futuristic projects. Then there’s Amazon Web Services and the Alexa voice division, which have various efforts underway to pull together medical records and mine data.

But for all the indigestion Amazon has created in the pharmaceutical and health-care industries, the company doesn’t appear to have any grand plan yetto take on the market. Cohen spoke at a recent investment bank event and told those in the crowd that there’s no single person in Seattle who owns the health efforts, according to a person who was in attendance.

The immediate objective for PillPack is to keep growing and hiring. The company didn’t insist on retaining its brand permanently as part of the acquisition, according to a person familiar with the transaction, so it could eventually be renamed to something like Amazon Pharmacy.

Amazon is staffing up the business to serve tens of thousands more customers and adding the necessary pharmacists and pharmacy technicians. Amazon has about 50 PillPack job openings listed on its careers site, primarily in Boston and Somerville. Some of the most recent listings are for a packing and shipping specialist and visual designer, and more than half the positions are in software development, including for a “team lead,” tasked with “establishing mechanisms and best practices for a growing team.”

PillPack has bolstered ad spending on TV stations (including CNBC and MSNBC) that reach an older audience, as well as across digital networks like Facebook.

It’s also forging ahead with plans already in place in Phoenix to build out a 175,000-square-foot pharmacy operation, which is about the size of a Walmart Supercenter, to serve as a retail pharmacy and distribution center. The facility has been adding state licenses that will allow PillPack to better serve customers in the western U.S.

When the acquisition was disclosed in June, some analysts speculated that Amazon wanted PillPack because it had pharmacy licenses in almost every state. The consulting firm Kantar said PillPack’s 49 licenses make it “incredibly asset-rich.”

In Arizona, PillPack has been lobbying local officials to allow pharmacy technicians, the people who assist pharmacists, to transfer medications from other pharmacies into PillPack. A handful of employees and a PillPack lawyer showed up at an Arizona State Board of Pharmacy meeting in December to request an exemption from a law that requires pharmacists to handle transfers that come in by phone. PillPack’s representatives said the company already uses technicians for those tasks in New Hampshire (one of the 13 states that allow it) and has a rigorous training program and oversight in place to ensure patient safety.

The PillPack crew didn’t talk about cost savings or the need to rapidly scale, but you could hear the Amazon influence in their argument. For PillPack to function like an Amazon business, it has to get the most of both technology and lower-cost employees. The company was granted a six-month exemption, after which it has to produce a report on findings and error rates.

Moving ‘beyond their core’

Since the acquisition last June, Parker has relocated to Park City, Utah, near the company’s sales and business development office. On most Tuesdays, he flies to Seattle, where he recently bought a house, and stays until Thursday.

He continues to work closely with Kabbani, who has facilitated introductions between PillPack’s team and top Amazon executives in areas like AWS and Haven, people familiar with the matter said.

Though Parker and Cohen report to Kabbani, the founders are very much the ones leading the charge. Kabbani is a respected manager who has risen through the ranks at Amazon, helping build the Kindle self-publishing platform and then leading a variety of last-mile delivery projects, including Flex, the on-demand delivery hiring service. But he doesn’t have much experience in health care or drug supply chain, a fact he made clear to the PillPack team during the acquisition talks, according to people familiar with the discussions.

Kabbani’s logistics expertise is likely to play into PillPack’s effort to expand its on-the-ground presence. The company has physical pharmacies in five states — New Hampshire, New York, Texas, Florida and Arizona — which it needs to legally ship to all the various states and so it can deliver quickly, without having to send packages across the country.

Cohen’s focus has largely been on PharmacyOS, which PillPack launched in 2017 as a “brand new operating system that we built from the ground up,” replacing lots of old, off-the-shelf technology.

According to an internal presentation PillPack executives created before the Amazon deal, the company was pitching PharmacyOS as its next big growth driver, and two people familiar with the matter said it was one of the main pieces that interested Amazon. PillPack has been trying to get the technology in the hands of pharmaceutical makers, doctors and insurance companies to automate and streamline their processes as well, so it’s not just used internally.

“Such a move would mean they’re expanding far beyond their core solution to the tens of millions of people who take generic medicines,” said Stephen Buck, a former vice president at drug distributor McKesson, after CNBC described the document. Buck, who’s now CEO of health-tech start-up Courage Health, said it suggests that “PillPack is going to be a much bigger player in pharmacy.”

Just after the deal came together and before taking up his new post in Seattle, Parker wanted to celebrate. He invited some friends and their family members to his home in the Boston suburb of Somerville, a short walk from PillPack’s headquarters, to enjoy a summer barbecue.

Parker and Cohen cooked steaks and veggies on the grill in the garden. Meanwhile, Kabbani took a seat at the piano in the living room and entertained the kids in attendance with classical music. Destin, the early investor, was there with his 12-year-old son, who showed off some of his card tricks. The boy was such a hit with Kabbani that the Amazon executive jokingly offered him a job.

“It didn’t feel like a commercial transaction,” said Destin, the founder of venture firm Stride.VC. “It felt like a family barbecue and that touched me. It reminded me that it’s about people having faith in other people and taking risks on their behalf.”

#PillPack #digital health #Heatlh Innovation #MIT Hacking Medicine #HackMed #Chrissy Farr #CNBC #Amazon

[minarquia]

La «obstrucción a la justicia» no es lo que la gente piensa que es, por Mises Hispano.

Con la publicación del tan esperado informe Mueller (Asesor Jurídico Especial Robert Mueller), vemos nuevamente la política partidista en funcionamiento, y los resultados son lo que uno podría esperar. Aquellos que han apoyado al presidente Donald Trump o creen que ha sido víctima de una «investigación» artificial, mientras que otros, como David French de National Review, autodenominado «Nunca Trumpista», están en shock, ¡EN SHOCK! por el comportamiento de Trump. Escribe French:

He terminado de leer el informe completo de Mueller , y debo confesar que, incluso como un crítico abierto de Donald Trump desde hace mucho tiempo, me sorprendió el alcance, la escala y la descarte de las mentiras, las falsedades y las direcciones erróneas detalladas por Oficina del Consejo Especial. Nos hemos acostumbrado a que Trump invente sus propios hechos sobre asuntos grandes y pequeños, pero ver hasta qué punto su virus infectó toda su operación política es alarmante. Y la idea de que alguien esté tratando este informe como «triunfo» para Trump, dada la magnitud de los engaños expuestos (entre otras cosas), demuestra que el listón de su conducta se ha hundido tanto que cualquier otra cosa que no sea la criminalidad absoluta es a menudo ignorada. A un lado como relativamente sin sentido.

El juez Andrew Napolitano, de Fox News, no es ajeno a los asociados con el Instituto Mises, incluso cree que Trump puede ser procesado por obstrucción de la justicia, declarando: «Dependiendo de cómo se miren (las acusaciones), podría haber suficiente para procesar». Y Napolitano podría estar en lo correcto, dada la escasa legalidad que tienen los fiscales para enfrentar estos cargos. James Comey procesó al banquero de inversiones Frank Quattrone hace 15 años por una nota de 22 palabras a los banqueros de inversión en Credit Suisse, diciéndoles que «limpien esos archivos». Comey pudo convencer a los jurados de Manhattan de que la nota de Quattrone representaba una «obstrucción a la justicia» incluso aunque los investigadores federales no encontraron ningún comportamiento criminal en Credit Suisse y en las actividades del banco de inversión de Quattrone. (Una corte de apelaciones federal anuló la condena y Quattrone llegó a un acuerdo con los fiscales federales que, según los observadores, era esencialmente una victoria para el acusado).

En otras palabras, no había un crimen subyacente, por lo que Quattrone no pudo haber encubierto las faltas, ya que no había ocurrido. Del mismo modo, como señala Nick Gillespie de Reason, Trump no se involucró en una conspiración con agentes rusos para influir ilegalmente en las elecciones presidenciales de 2016, por lo que es absurdo afirmar que Trump estaba «encubriendo» un crimen. Si bien es cierto que uno puede ser acusado y condenado por obstrucción a la justicia incluso en ausencia de un delito subyacente, no obstante, debemos ser críticos con tales leyes, ya que las acciones a menudo se pueden interpretar de diferentes maneras.

Aunque los lectores pueden creer que la ley penal federal es como la ley estatal, eso no es cierto. En su mayor parte, en una corte estatal, donde se juzgan cargos como asesinato, robo y violación, alguien ha sido perjudicado de forma identificable. Por lo tanto, la pregunta que uno hace en un juicio es si la persona que está siendo juzgada cometió esos crímenes. (Hay un aumento inquietante en los cargos falsos en casos de agresión sexual y abuso sexual de menores en los que no hubo ninguna agresión o acto ilícito en primer lugar. Dicho esto, sin embargo, la mayoría de los casos penales en las cortes estatales cuentan con una víctima real).

Contrasta el derecho penal estatal con su acompañante federal. A diferencia de sus homólogos en las cortes estatales, los jurados a menudo se encuentran determinando la culpa o la inocencia sobre la base de un conjunto confuso de hechos. He notado en artículos anteriores que en las cortes estatales hay una víctima y la pregunta central es si la persona acusada fue responsable de ese daño. Sin embargo, en las cortes federales, los jugadores generalmente están de acuerdo con lo que hizo el acusado, por lo que se espera que los jurados determinen si los actos fueron criminales o no.

Tomemos por ejemplo el estatuto federal de obstrucción de la justicia. La ley se define de la siguiente manera:

18 USC § 1503 define «obstrucción a la justicia» como un acto que «de forma corrupta o por amenazas o fuerza, o por cualquier carta o comunicación amenazante, influye, obstruye, impide o trata de influir, obstruye o impide la debida administración de ls justicia».

El problema aquí es que un fiscal federal inteligente y ambicioso puede interpretar el estatuto de manera muy liberal, especialmente si la investigación criminal original fracasa, como fue el caso en la llamada investigación Trump Russia. Aproveche el despido de James Comey por parte de Trump desde su puesto como Director de la Oficina Federal de Investigaciones. Comey era una persona nombrada políticamente que se desempeñaba a gusto del presidente, y podía ser despedido en cualquier momento por cualquier motivo.

Sin embargo, cuando Trump despidió a Comey, Comey y Mueller insinuaron sombríamente que el despido en realidad era un delito, ya que constituía (en su opinión) una obstrucción de la justicia. Eso es estirar las cosas, por decirlo suavemente, incluso en el mundo de los tribunales federales. Comey no es ajeno a los juicios creativos en los que los fiscales extienden el significado de los estatutos penales hasta un punto en el que ya no pueden ser reconocidos. Por ejemplo, acusó a Martha Stewart de varios delitos, incluido el «fraude de valores», que se basó en sus declaraciones públicas de que ella no había participado en el uso de información privilegiada. Irónicamente, o, quizás, no irónicamente, Comey no acusó a Stewart de abuso de información privilegiada.

El cargo de «fraude de valores» fue especialmente rico, dado el propio comportamiento criminal de Comey en el caso. Mientras se llevaba a cabo la investigación federal, la oficina de Comey filtró ilegalmente material de gran jurado a los medios de comunicación, especialmente al New York Times y al Wall Street Journal, que tenía como objetivo dañar el precio de las acciones de la compañía de Stewart, Martha Stewart Living Omnimedia. Cuando Stewart le dijo a la prensa que no había cometido abuso de información privilegiada, Comey afirmó que sus acciones tenían como objetivo apuntalar ilegalmente el precio de las acciones de su compañía y constituir un fraude.

Entonces, cuando Comey estaba infringiendo la ley para dañar las acciones de la MSL, eso fue considerado un acto aceptable por los medios de comunicación y las clases políticas. Sin embargo, cuando Stewart dijo la verdad, ella estaba influyendo ilegalmente en el precio de las acciones de su propia compañía. La deshonestidad aturde a la mente.

El mismo James Comey que ha declarado públicamente que su despido fue un acto criminal es el mismo James Comey que llevó a cabo lo que solo puede llamarse una «investigación» simulada de Hillary Clinton después de que se reveló que ella había llevado a cabo el llamado Estado de alto secreto de EE. UU. Departamento de negocios en un servidor de correo electrónico privado y sin garantía, que es evidencia prima facie de irregularidades delictivas.

Con respecto a si Trump participó en una conspiración criminal para «obstruir la justicia», tal vez el juez Napolitano esté en lo correcto. Si Comey pudiera obtener exitosamente veredictos de culpabilidad contra Quattrone y Stewart, entonces, sin duda, Mueller u otro fiscal federal podrían convencer a un jurado compuesto por Demócratas de Washington, DC, de que Donald Trump violó la ley.

Si Trump violó la ley es otro asunto. La Casa Blanca, a pesar de todo el bombardeo contra Mueller, cooperó y cooperó con el abogado especial más fácilmente que la Casa Blanca de Bill Clinton con los fiscales especiales en la infame investigación de Whitewater. (De hecho, la Casa Blanca de Clinton filtró ilegalmente la información del gran jurado a un reportero de Newsweek y luego declaró públicamente que el abogado especial había hecho la filtración).

Al igual que gran parte de la ley penal federal, el estatuto de obstrucción se convierte fácilmente en un arma en manos de fiscales vengativos como Comey, que buscan condenas contra personas de alto perfil, no porque la gente infringió la ley, sino porque tales procesos son políticamente útiles. Uno duda de que todo lo que Trump hizo impidió la investigación de Mueller por un segundo. Por esa razón, el ex fiscal principal de Mueller, Andrew Weissman, es conocido por ser poco ético y supuestamente involucrado en la intimidación absoluta de testigos cuando estuvo involucrado en la investigación y el enjuiciamiento de Enron.

Para que no se olvide, el motivo original de la investigación, para buscar pruebas de que la campaña de Trump se confabuló con ciudadanos rusos para participar en un fraude electoral, resultó ser un fracaso. The New York Times, Washington Post, CNN y MSNBC, por el contrario, no hubo colusión y la manera sombría en que el FBI actuó utilizando un expediente fabricado pagado por la campaña de Hillary Clinton como la base para llamar a un fiscal especial arroja dudas sobre la veracidad de los agentes del FBI y otros involucrados en la investigación.Además, el expediente falso también fue utilizado como una excusa por la Casa Blanca de Obama para obtener una orden judicial de FISA para interceptar la campaña de Trump, una acción que el Fiscal General Bob Barr ha llamado espionaje.

A pesar de todo lo que se habla sobre justicia, el doble estándar legal que involucra a los fiscales e investigadores federales es muy revelador. El FBI está facultado para mentir bajo juramento, intimidar a los testigos, esconder pruebas y, en general, actuar como un loco, y los fiscales federales son libres de participar en filtraciones graves de material del gran jurado a los medios de comunicación, esconder pruebas, mentir en las cortes y participar en otras violaciones de la ley, todo sin miedo a afrontar ninguna consecuencia legal.

Los que están siendo investigados o acusados ​​de delitos, sin embargo, deben cumplir con un conjunto diferente de reglas. No se les permite declarar públicamente su inocencia (incluso si son inocentes), ni se les permite cuestionar las acciones que los fiscales y el FBI están llevando a cabo, incluso si los agentes del Estado están infringiendo la ley o incurriendo en una conducta poco ética. Los acusados ​​están sujetos a ser juzgados por acusaciones nebulosas de «obstrucción» o «mentirle al FBI», o alguna otra acusación nebulosa que a menudo es falsa. Si Donald Trump no entendió ese estado de cosas cuando asumió la presidencia, seguramente ahora lo hace.

El artículo original se encuentra aquí.

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How to Kill a Tech Giant (Apple)

When Apple revealed last week that it will soon change Intel processors with its own, I had a flashback to1993 Morgan Stanley’s innovation financial investment lender Frank Quattrone called me in New York: “John Sculley”– CEO of Apple–” desires to satisfy with you Friday,” he stated. No investment banker worth …

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from Job Search Tips https://jobsearchtips.net/how-to-kill-a-tech-giant-apple/

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Elezioni Regionali. Lista per lista tutti i voti di ogni singolo candidato

Nuovo post su italianaradio https://www.italianaradio.it/index.php/elezioni-regionali-lista-per-lista-tutti-i-voti-di-ogni-singolo-candidato/

Elezioni Regionali. Lista per lista tutti i voti di ogni singolo candidato

Elezioni Regionali. Lista per lista tutti i voti di ogni singolo candidato

A scrutini oramai completati (QUI) ecco i dati dei voti ottenuti candidato per candidato, coalizione per coalizione. A seguire, le preferenze di ogni singolo partecipante alle ultime consultazioni elettorali, in ordine di colazione, lista e collegio. Centrodestra [>] FORZA ITALIA Collegio Nord Gallo Gianluca 12.053 De Caprio Antonio 3.782 Nicolai Maurizio 3.276 Salerno Carmelo 3.129 Russo Antonio 2.539 De Rose Luigi Detto Luigino 2.432 Spataro Michelangelo 846 Ferrari Basilio 652 Sposato Yole 390 Collegio Centro Tallini Domenico 8.009 Santacroce Frank Mario 4.920 Lostumbo Rosario 2.281 Matacera Pietro 2.211 De Sarro Francesco 2.174 Daffina’ Antonino Detto Tonino 1.390 Pianura Maria Grazia 991 Collegio Sud Arruzzolo Giovanni 8.649 Giannetta Domenico Detto Mimmo 6.483 Raffa Giuseppe 5.085 Peda’ Giuseppe 4.826 Imbalzano Candeloro 3.133 Romeo Giuseppe Francesco Detto Peppe 2.475 Bellantoni Anna 57 [>] LEGA SALVINI Collegio Nord Molinaro Pietro Santo 5.613 Novello Luigi 5.001 Battaglia Leo 2.681 Carelli Mario 2.254 Iannotta Gregorio 1.644 Baffa Alfio 1.319 Bozzo Ida 1.191 Piacentini Osvaldo 1.115 Perrone Alessandro 1.008 Collegio Centro Mancuso Filippo 6.456 Raso Pietro 4.708 Gaetano Salvatore 3.667 Chiefalo Antonio 3.662 Macri’ Giuseppe 3.173 Daniele Nicola 1.605 Pisera’ Antonio 1.405 Gelanze’ Cesarina 494 Collegio Sud Minasi Clotilde 2.288 Biasi Rocco 2.052 Pirrotta Giuseppe 1.718 Macri’ Francesco 1.642 Capponi Caterina Maria 1.044 Recupero Francesco 805 Coco Antonino 790 [>] FRATELLI D’ITALIA Collegio Nord Morrone Luca 8.110 De Caro Enrico 7.447 Rapani Ernesto 2.733 Madeo Ernesto 1.889 Lorelli Gioacchino 1.314 Granata Enrico 659 De Santis Giuditta 408 Guaglianone Pasquale 352 9. Lopez Antonio 352 Collegio Centro Pietropaolo Filippo Maria 4.160 Nicolazzi Amedeo 3.964 Fimiano Raffaele 2.545 Aversa Rosario Achille 2.065 Conforto Maurizio 1.249 Bottaro Maria Adele 892 De Angelis Fausto 670 Rosi Bruno 566 Collegio Sud Creazzo Domenico 8.033 Neri Giuseppe 7.378 Sainato Raffaele 3.897 Fazzolari Orlando 3.321 Marino Demetrio 3.054 Cascarano Marco 2.405 Polimeno Maria Alessandra 1.442 [>] JOLE SANTELLI PRESIDENTE Collegio Nord Caputo Pierluigi 5.775 Succurro Rosaria 3.626 D’acri Mauro 3.298 Cesareo Carlo 3.149 Straface Pasqualina 3.121 Pastore Francesca Loredana 2.802 Sergio Franco 2.367 Mele Barbara 2.303 Caligiuri Maria Jose 405 Collegio Centro Pitaro Vito 5.024 Paradiso Tranquillo 2.590 Pasqua Vincenzo 2.261 Muraca Luigi 2.070 Mazza Pasquale Detto Romano 1.816 Torromino Sergio 1.767 Tassone Gianluca 1.325 Caruso Titina Detta Carolina 1.132 Collegio Sud Mattiani Giuseppe 7.728 Caccamo Lucia 3.678 Bagnato Bruno 2.819 Fallanca Pietro 645 Pinto Giuseppe Detto Peppe Detto Pino 524 Ligato Enrico 443 Macri’ Rosario 47 [>] CASA DELLE LIBERTA’ Collegio Nord Gentile Giuseppe 7.821 Fava Mariolino Nicola 983 Monaco Enrico Francesco 943 Giusta Rocco 837 Senise Roberto 721 D’angelis Antonietta Giuseppina 446 Salvo Carlo 372 Brandi Cordasco Salmena Giovanni 299 Greco Franco 113 Collegio Centro Esposito Sinibaldo Detto Baldo 10.281 De Nisi Francesco 6.994 Grillo Alfonso 2.654 Tropea Mariolina 1.147 Paletta Laura 355 Taverna Vanessa 212 Filippelli Luigi 127 Davoli Vittorio 104 [>] UDC UNIONE DI CENTRO Collegio Nord Graziano Giuseppe 4.877 Cerra Rosalbino 3.957 Arci Antonio Detto Maurizio 2.189 Ciodaro Emira 1.649 Gerace Antonio 1.202 Iacone Ignazio 1.092 Salerno Eugenio 742 Ferraro Mario 522 De Luca Antonio 136 Collegio Centro Pitaro Vito 5.024 Paradiso Tranquillo 2.590 Pasqua Vincenzo 2.261 Muraca Luigi 2.070 Mazza Pasquale Detto Romano 1.816 Torromino Sergio 1.767 Tassone Gianluca 1.325 Caruso Titina Detta Carolina 1.132 Collegio Sud Paris Nicola 6.058 Zavettieri Pierpaolo 5.091 Gelardi Giuseppe 4.701 Vizzari Giuseppe Roberto 3.656 Primerano Sebastiano 1.854 Occhipinti Riccardo 1.394 Pegna Carmen Regina 52 Centrosinistra [>] PARTITO DEMOCRATICO Collegio Nord Bevacqua Domenico Detto Mimmo 7.521 Guccione Carlo 6.263 Giudiceandrea Giuseppe Detto Giudice 4.598 Zagarese Aldo 3.135 Lecce Pietro 2.468 Nociti Ferdinando 1.919 Succurro Gianluca 1.914 Saladino Maria 1.572 Di Leone Luciano 997 Collegio Centro Notarangelo Libero 6.045 Tassone Luigi 5.351 Mammoliti Raffaele 5.281 Cuda Gianluca 5.061 Guerriero Fabio 4.471 Arena Sergio 3.177 Girasole Carolina 1.950 Robbe Angela 1.774 Collegio Sud Irto Nicola 12.568 Battaglia Domenico Donato Mimmo 6.244 Nucera Giovanni 4.979 Pacifici Cosima Detta Mimma 1.513 Spatari Nensi 865 Tripodi Andrea 387 Barbera Luigi 37 [>] IO RESTO IN CALABRIA Collegio Nord Di Natale Graziano 4.752 Mundo Francesco Detto Franco 4.606 D’alessandro Felice 3.628 Rubino Franco Ernesto 2.859 Tamburi Vincenzo 2.022 Crispino Arturo 1.685 Madeo Francesco 1.471 Tarasi Pietro 1.415 Scorza Norina 1.396 Collegio Centro Pitaro Francesco 3.717 Consoli Domenico 3.675 Lo Schiavo Antonio Maria 3.486 Deonofrio Mario 2.700 Muraca Francesco 2.625 Ferrara Danilo 831 De Luca Salvatore Detto Rori 425 Giannuzzi Innocenza 376 Collegio Sud Anastasi Marcello 1.072 Carchidi Angelo 808 Albanese Michele 511 Attina’ Fortunato 475 Malara Antonio 409 Cozza Maria Angela 288 Giurato Maria 78 [>] DEMOCRATICI E PROGRESSITI Collegio Nord Aieta Giuseppe 7.454 Guglielmelli Luigi 4.147 Filippo Sergio 1.296 Papaianni Lucia 1.220 Audia Pasquale 956 Civitelli Francesco 747 Raffo Gilberto 496 Stumpo Sergio 141 Brunetti Domenico 99 Collegio Centro Sculco Flora 6.043 Mirabello Michelangelo Detto Michele 3.404 Murgi Gino 2.310 Sacco Elisabeth 1.465 Menniti Daniele 1.452 Gallelli Domenico 1.355 De Nardo Tiziana 293 Rizzo Mario 1 Collegio Sud Billari Antonio Andrea 6.268 Galimi Michele 1.030 Giugno Luigi Vincenzo 820 Crea Antonino 772 Sabatino Salvatore 666 Sculco Flora 104 Labate Teresa 20 Tansi Presidente [>] TESORO CALABRIA Collegio Nord Tansi Carlo Detto Tanzi 6.639 Pezzi Sandro 1.139 Pignataro Peppino 960 Colamaria Graziella 854 Martucci Giovanni 851 Garritano Alessandro 821 Morrone Francesco 818 Principe Rosa 680 Zicarelli Patrizio 636 Collegio Centro Voce Vincenzo 3.187 Militano Giuseppina Detta Giusi 1.030 Carallo Claudio 676 Grasso Raffaele 625 Rombola’ Nicola 559 Gigliotti Giuseppe 552 Pelaggi Maria Bruna 378 Mirante Antonio Maria 285 Collegio Sud Lacopo Ettore 1.196 De Lorenzo Rita Antonia 786 Ruoppolo Antonio 444 Surace Filippo Francesco 414 Scaramuzzino Luigi 394 Gervasi Giuseppe 368 Sergi Pietro 299 [>] CALABRIA LIBERA Collegio Nord Rogano Adolfo Antonio 873 Reda Alessandra 736 Emanuele Vittorio 600 Zicarelli Michele 530 Mondelli Nicola 353 Barillaro Loredana 336 Esaltato Domenico 276 Alfano Eugenio 247 D’Acunzo Vincenzo 28 [>] CALABRIA PULITA Collegio Nord Baldo Nicola 395 Provenzano Eugenio 234 Nato Giuseppe 177 Daniele Nicola 176 Gencarelli Franco Angelo 138 Turano Giovanni 52 Farina Mario 20 Ferma Rosalina 9 Barone Maria 7 Aiello Presidente [>] MOVIMENTO 5 STELLE Collegio Nord Tavernise Davide 2.241 Bruno Vittorio 1.637 Caligiuri Manlio 1.300 Minervino Guglielmo 748 Gallo Rossella 657 Pastena Valentina 624 Paldino Gianluca 425 Bevilacqua Rosa 186 Cirullo Carmela 185 Collegio Centro Giardino Chiara 1.360 Mardente Francesco 1.186 Oliveto Vittorio 1.053 Assadi Dariush 820 Scalese Iolanda Nausica 448 Bausone Alessia 423 Militare Umberto 384 Tropeano Giuseppe 374 Collegio Sud Scappatura Antonino 932 Quattrone Armando 899 Laface Maria 766 Augliera Domenico 559 Barbucci Riccardo 280 Romeo Cosimo 251 Costantino Natale 160 [>] LIBERI DI CAMBIARE Collegio Nord Aiello Francesco 930 Rizzo Angela 416 Bonacci Giovanni 138 Delle Cave Luca 131 Romano Francesco 111 Tocci Gianfranco 102 Rinaldi Nicholas 101 Lifrieri Francesco Luca 84 Collegio Centro Ciciarello Giusymanuela 709 Afflitto Francesco 615 Maida Antonio 599 Stranieri Luigi Antonio 269 Squillace Carmela 208 Morace Paola 194 Pizzimenti Giovanni 192 Valenzise Francesco 84 Collegio Sud Barilla’ Giovanni 459 Italiano Antonella 291 Rizzo Jacopo 165 Mollica Amilcare 136 Caccamo Daniele 118 Bianchi Natale 33

A scrutini oramai completati (QUI) ecco i dati dei voti ottenuti candidato per candidato, coalizione per coalizione. A seguire, le preferenze di ogni singolo partecipante alle ultime consultazioni elettorali, in ordine di colazione, lista e collegio. Centrodestra [>] FORZA ITALIA Collegio Nord Gallo Gianluca 12.053 De Caprio Antonio 3.782 Nicolai Maurizio 3.276 Salerno Carmelo 3.129 Russo Antonio 2.539 De Rose Luigi Detto Luigino 2.432 Spataro Michelangelo 846 Ferrari Basilio 652 Sposato Yole 390 Collegio Centro Tallini Domenico 8.009 Santacroce Frank Mario 4.920 Lostumbo Rosario 2.281 Matacera Pietro 2.211 De Sarro Francesco 2.174 Daffina’ Antonino Detto Tonino 1.390 Pianura Maria Grazia 991 Collegio Sud Arruzzolo Giovanni 8.649 Giannetta Domenico Detto Mimmo 6.483 Raffa Giuseppe 5.085 Peda’ Giuseppe 4.826 Imbalzano Candeloro 3.133 Romeo Giuseppe Francesco Detto Peppe 2.475 Bellantoni Anna 57 [>] LEGA SALVINI Collegio Nord Molinaro Pietro Santo 5.613 Novello Luigi 5.001 Battaglia Leo 2.681 Carelli Mario 2.254 Iannotta Gregorio 1.644 Baffa Alfio 1.319 Bozzo Ida 1.191 Piacentini Osvaldo 1.115 Perrone Alessandro 1.008 Collegio Centro Mancuso Filippo 6.456 Raso Pietro 4.708 Gaetano Salvatore 3.667 Chiefalo Antonio 3.662 Macri’ Giuseppe 3.173 Daniele Nicola 1.605 Pisera’ Antonio 1.405 Gelanze’ Cesarina 494 Collegio Sud Minasi Clotilde 2.288 Biasi Rocco 2.052 Pirrotta Giuseppe 1.718 Macri’ Francesco 1.642 Capponi Caterina Maria 1.044 Recupero Francesco 805 Coco Antonino 790 [>] FRATELLI D’ITALIA Collegio Nord Morrone Luca 8.110 De Caro Enrico 7.447 Rapani Ernesto 2.733 Madeo Ernesto 1.889 Lorelli Gioacchino 1.314 Granata Enrico 659 De Santis Giuditta 408 Guaglianone Pasquale 352 9. Lopez Antonio 352 Collegio Centro Pietropaolo Filippo Maria 4.160 Nicolazzi Amedeo 3.964 Fimiano Raffaele 2.545 Aversa Rosario Achille 2.065 Conforto Maurizio 1.249 Bottaro Maria Adele 892 De Angelis Fausto 670 Rosi Bruno 566 Collegio Sud Creazzo Domenico 8.033 Neri Giuseppe 7.378 Sainato Raffaele 3.897 Fazzolari Orlando 3.321 Marino Demetrio 3.054 Cascarano Marco 2.405 Polimeno Maria Alessandra 1.442 [>] JOLE SANTELLI PRESIDENTE Collegio Nord Caputo Pierluigi 5.775 Succurro Rosaria 3.626 D’acri Mauro 3.298 Cesareo Carlo 3.149 Straface Pasqualina 3.121 Pastore Francesca Loredana 2.802 Sergio Franco 2.367 Mele Barbara 2.303 Caligiuri Maria Jose 405 Collegio Centro Pitaro Vito 5.024 Paradiso Tranquillo 2.590 Pasqua Vincenzo 2.261 Muraca Luigi 2.070 Mazza Pasquale Detto Romano 1.816 Torromino Sergio 1.767 Tassone Gianluca 1.325 Caruso Titina Detta Carolina 1.132 Collegio Sud Mattiani Giuseppe 7.728 Caccamo Lucia 3.678 Bagnato Bruno 2.819 Fallanca Pietro 645 Pinto Giuseppe Detto Peppe Detto Pino 524 Ligato Enrico 443 Macri’ Rosario 47 [>] CASA DELLE LIBERTA’ Collegio Nord Gentile Giuseppe 7.821 Fava Mariolino Nicola 983 Monaco Enrico Francesco 943 Giusta Rocco 837 Senise Roberto 721 D’angelis Antonietta Giuseppina 446 Salvo Carlo 372 Brandi Cordasco Salmena Giovanni 299 Greco Franco 113 Collegio Centro Esposito Sinibaldo Detto Baldo 10.281 De Nisi Francesco 6.994 Grillo Alfonso 2.654 Tropea Mariolina 1.147 Paletta Laura 355 Taverna Vanessa 212 Filippelli Luigi 127 Davoli Vittorio 104 [>] UDC UNIONE DI CENTRO Collegio Nord Graziano Giuseppe 4.877 Cerra Rosalbino 3.957 Arci Antonio Detto Maurizio 2.189 Ciodaro Emira 1.649 Gerace Antonio 1.202 Iacone Ignazio 1.092 Salerno Eugenio 742 Ferraro Mario 522 De Luca Antonio 136 Collegio Centro Pitaro Vito 5.024 Paradiso Tranquillo 2.590 Pasqua Vincenzo 2.261 Muraca Luigi 2.070 Mazza Pasquale Detto Romano 1.816 Torromino Sergio 1.767 Tassone Gianluca 1.325 Caruso Titina Detta Carolina 1.132 Collegio Sud Paris Nicola 6.058 Zavettieri Pierpaolo 5.091 Gelardi Giuseppe 4.701 Vizzari Giuseppe Roberto 3.656 Primerano Sebastiano 1.854 Occhipinti Riccardo 1.394 Pegna Carmen Regina 52 Centrosinistra [>] PARTITO DEMOCRATICO Collegio Nord Bevacqua Domenico Detto Mimmo 7.521 Guccione Carlo 6.263 Giudiceandrea Giuseppe Detto Giudice 4.598 Zagarese Aldo 3.135 Lecce Pietro 2.468 Nociti Ferdinando 1.919 Succurro Gianluca 1.914 Saladino Maria 1.572 Di Leone Luciano 997 Collegio Centro Notarangelo Libero 6.045 Tassone Luigi 5.351 Mammoliti Raffaele 5.281 Cuda Gianluca 5.061 Guerriero Fabio 4.471 Arena Sergio 3.177 Girasole Carolina 1.950 Robbe Angela 1.774 Collegio Sud Irto Nicola 12.568 Battaglia Domenico Donato Mimmo 6.244 Nucera Giovanni 4.979 Pacifici Cosima Detta Mimma 1.513 Spatari Nensi 865 Tripodi Andrea 387 Barbera Luigi 37 [>] IO RESTO IN CALABRIA Collegio Nord Di Natale Graziano 4.752 Mundo Francesco Detto Franco 4.606 D’alessandro Felice 3.628 Rubino Franco Ernesto 2.859 Tamburi Vincenzo 2.022 Crispino Arturo 1.685 Madeo Francesco 1.471 Tarasi Pietro 1.415 Scorza Norina 1.396 Collegio Centro Pitaro Francesco 3.717 Consoli Domenico 3.675 Lo Schiavo Antonio Maria 3.486 Deonofrio Mario 2.700 Muraca Francesco 2.625 Ferrara Danilo 831 De Luca Salvatore Detto Rori 425 Giannuzzi Innocenza 376 Collegio Sud Anastasi Marcello 1.072 Carchidi Angelo 808 Albanese Michele 511 Attina’ Fortunato 475 Malara Antonio 409 Cozza Maria Angela 288 Giurato Maria 78 [>] DEMOCRATICI E PROGRESSITI Collegio Nord Aieta Giuseppe 7.454 Guglielmelli Luigi 4.147 Filippo Sergio 1.296 Papaianni Lucia 1.220 Audia Pasquale 956 Civitelli Francesco 747 Raffo Gilberto 496 Stumpo Sergio 141 Brunetti Domenico 99 Collegio Centro Sculco Flora 6.043 Mirabello Michelangelo Detto Michele 3.404 Murgi Gino 2.310 Sacco Elisabeth 1.465 Menniti Daniele 1.452 Gallelli Domenico 1.355 De Nardo Tiziana 293 Rizzo Mario 1 Collegio Sud Billari Antonio Andrea 6.268 Galimi Michele 1.030 Giugno Luigi Vincenzo 820 Crea Antonino 772 Sabatino Salvatore 666 Sculco Flora 104 Labate Teresa 20 Tansi Presidente [>] TESORO CALABRIA Collegio Nord Tansi Carlo Detto Tanzi 6.639 Pezzi Sandro 1.139 Pignataro Peppino 960 Colamaria Graziella 854 Martucci Giovanni 851 Garritano Alessandro 821 Morrone Francesco 818 Principe Rosa 680 Zicarelli Patrizio 636 Collegio Centro Voce Vincenzo 3.187 Militano Giuseppina Detta Giusi 1.030 Carallo Claudio 676 Grasso Raffaele 625 Rombola’ Nicola 559 Gigliotti Giuseppe 552 Pelaggi Maria Bruna 378 Mirante Antonio Maria 285 Collegio Sud Lacopo Ettore 1.196 De Lorenzo Rita Antonia 786 Ruoppolo Antonio 444 Surace Filippo Francesco 414 Scaramuzzino Luigi 394 Gervasi Giuseppe 368 Sergi Pietro 299 [>] CALABRIA LIBERA Collegio Nord Rogano Adolfo Antonio 873 Reda Alessandra 736 Emanuele Vittorio 600 Zicarelli Michele 530 Mondelli Nicola 353 Barillaro Loredana 336 Esaltato Domenico 276 Alfano Eugenio 247 D’Acunzo Vincenzo 28 [>] CALABRIA PULITA Collegio Nord Baldo Nicola 395 Provenzano Eugenio 234 Nato Giuseppe 177 Daniele Nicola 176 Gencarelli Franco Angelo 138 Turano Giovanni 52 Farina Mario 20 Ferma Rosalina 9 Barone Maria 7 Aiello Presidente [>] MOVIMENTO 5 STELLE Collegio Nord Tavernise Davide 2.241 Bruno Vittorio 1.637 Caligiuri Manlio 1.300 Minervino Guglielmo 748 Gallo Rossella 657 Pastena Valentina 624 Paldino Gianluca 425 Bevilacqua Rosa 186 Cirullo Carmela 185 Collegio Centro Giardino Chiara 1.360 Mardente Francesco 1.186 Oliveto Vittorio 1.053 Assadi Dariush 820 Scalese Iolanda Nausica 448 Bausone Alessia 423 Militare Umberto 384 Tropeano Giuseppe 374 Collegio Sud Scappatura Antonino 932 Quattrone Armando 899 Laface Maria 766 Augliera Domenico 559 Barbucci Riccardo 280 Romeo Cosimo 251 Costantino Natale 160 [>] LIBERI DI CAMBIARE Collegio Nord Aiello Francesco 930 Rizzo Angela 416 Bonacci Giovanni 138 Delle Cave Luca 131 Romano Francesco 111 Tocci Gianfranco 102 Rinaldi Nicholas 101 Lifrieri Francesco Luca 84 Collegio Centro Ciciarello Giusymanuela 709 Afflitto Francesco 615 Maida Antonio 599 Stranieri Luigi Antonio 269 Squillace Carmela 208 Morace Paola 194 Pizzimenti Giovanni 192 Valenzise Francesco 84 Collegio Sud Barilla’ Giovanni 459 Italiano Antonella 291 Rizzo Jacopo 165 Mollica Amilcare 136 Caccamo Daniele 118 Bianchi Natale 33

#In Calabria

[boseanvgy-blog]

楊建銘專欄：Spotify敲響了IPO投資銀行家的喪鐘？ 公司登記

我是在達康泡沫的2000年頂點出社會的，在那之前的研究所的日子裡，我和同學們每天窩在實驗室和寢室裡，緊盯著電視上各個讓人目不暇給的網路公司上市案，閱讀著商業雜誌裡對於各個創辦人的報導，拆解著知名網路分析師對於市場和個股看法理的一字一句，憧憬著創辦團隊在西裝筆挺的IPO投資銀行家陪伴下，馬不停蹄地飛到美國各大城市和投資人見面，為自己成立不到一年半的公司進行上市路演，最後在電視直播中在納斯達克交易所敲鐘慶祝公司上市……。 泡沫當然終究還是破滅了，不過是在我工作的第一年，所以我很幸運地沒有被這把大火燒到——當年有許多的網路和科技新創的創辦人和員工，還沒能夠出售股票或者執行選擇權泡沫就破了，不只用光積蓄（和跟親戚借款）買的選擇權一文不值，更慘的是隔年還收到美國稅務署的高額稅單——但是我的腦海中永遠留下了一群從業人員的身影，就是梳著油頭、舌燦蓮花的投資銀行家。 正確來說，是公司登記專做IPO的投資銀行家們。達康泡沫破滅後，這群人受到很大的輿論抨擊，因為他們在泡沫巔峰之期到處追著新創，遊說創辦人把數字作漂亮後趕快上市，而他們自己除了賺取豐厚的7%上市費用以外，有些還兼賺其他同樣豐厚的外快。 曾經以「干擾司法」罪名被起訴的知名投資銀行家Frank Quattrone就是一個很有名的例子。 這位前摩根史坦利投資銀行家當年被稱為「矽谷之王」，曾經經手過網景、思科和亞馬遜的上市案，泡沫全盛時期他壟斷了大量的上市案，許多想分一杯羹的圈購投資人都得用各種合法和非合法的手段巴結他或他部門的員工，才有可能分到圈購份額，也才能在那個「上市當天漲翻天」的年代短進短出套利出場。也正因為這份驚人的影響力，以及可能的藏污納垢，Frank Quattrone在達康泡沫破滅後的幾年官司纏身，甚至一度被判處18個月徒刑。雖然他最終在上訴過程中成功翻案，並且與司法機關達成協議不用入獄服刑，但在他之後投資銀行家承辦IPO都得小心翼翼，免得重道覆轍。 但問題來了：投資銀行家在IPO裡所扮演的角色到底是什麼？他們帶來了哪些附加價值？憑什麼他們可以做到這樣喊水結凍？還收取高達上市募得金額的7%費用？ 基本上來說新創上市的目的有兩個： （一）從公開市場募集資金以維持成長 （二）為創辦人、員工和投資人等股東們提供變現的機會，也就是流動性 Spotify股票開始交易前，許多IPO投資銀行家用力唱衰，但Spotify上市首日及接下來十天裡的股價穩定表現，無疑狠狠地煽了IPO投資銀行們一個大巴掌。（資料照，取自網路） 商業登記同理，我們可以想像Spotify股票開始交易前，有多上IPO投資銀行家低頭祈禱著，用力唱衰。但Spotify上市首日交易狀況，以及接下來十天裡的股價穩定表現，狠狠地煽了IPO投資銀行們一個大巴掌——如果連還在燒錢的公司不經過承銷圈購直接裸身上市，都可以達成這麼低的股價波動率，那今後誰還需要IPO投資銀行？需要的現金在後期私募市場裡，跟相對友善的私募投資人們隨便募一募，然後大家需要變現時再來個直接上市就好啦！ 「如果視這樣，奮鬥一輩子，每週工作超過一百小時，好不容易爬到管理階層的投資銀行從業人員該怎麼辦？」 讀者不用替他們擔心，比起其他行業的從業人員來說，金融業者是最擅長山不轉路轉找出路的，這廂樓塌？沒關係，另一邊他們早就開始打地基蓋不同的房子了。對金融業者來說，只要不要弄到像「華爾街之狼」那樣鋃鐺入獄，生命永遠都會找到出路的！

後記：在與政府纏訟多年結案後，Frank Quattrone在2008年成立了自己的投資銀行Qatalyst Partners，並在2011年做媒促成了高通以三十億美元現金併購我的老東家創銳���。他在2016年正式交棒給自己的副手，退居幕後。（推薦閱讀：臉書員工平均年齡28歲，矽谷新創的年齡歧視問題？《公司設立獨角獸與牠的產地》選摘（1））

＊作者為台灣大學電機畢業，在台灣、矽谷和巴黎從事IC設計超過十年，包含創業四年。在巴黎工作期間於HEC Paris取得MBA學位，轉進風險投資領域，現為Hardware Club合夥人。

[rolandfontana]

When Does Hate Turn into Terror?

Federal Judge Henry T. Wingate. Photos by John Ramsey/TCR

As a young African American growing up in segregated Jackson, Miss., Henry T. Wingate lived in constant fear of being assaulted, abused and harassed. When he became involved in the civil rights movement, he was a constant target of local law enforcement.

He recalled awaiting a visit in 1963 from civil rights leader Medgar Evers for advice about how to deal with a pending charge against him. But Evers never arrived: he had been assassinated the day before by a white supremacist who was a member of the Ku Klux Klan.

Wingate eventually broke out of what he called Mississippi’s “apartheid” system, when he graduated Yale Law School and returned to his home state to serve as a defense attorney,  a prosecutor–and eventually as the state’s first African-American federal judge.

In an ironic twist of history, he presided over one of the trials in the first case to be prosecuted under the federal Hate Crimes Prevention Act in the Deep South. The case involved the 2011 murder of a black man, James Craig Anderson, who was beaten by a group of 10 white teenagers yelling “White Power,” and then run over by a truck operated by one of them.

Four of the youths were found guilty under the Hate Crimes Act, sentenced to long prison terms, and ordered to pay $840,000 in restitution to Anderson’s estate.

Did their crime, like the Medgar Evers assassination a half-century earlier, amount to terrorism?

Wingate now says he is leaning in that direction.

“No one wants to be labeled a terrorist,” Wingate told an audience at John Jay College  Thursday—-which is why, he argued, that it may send an even stronger  message of society’s disapproval than a label of “hate criminal.”

Wingate drew criticism at the time of the Jacksonville case when he linked the racist invective of the youths who killed Anderson to the willingness of many otherwise law-abiding whites to ignore the long, violent history of southern racism.

During the trial, it was revealed that the young people had regularly traveled to Jacksonville, which they nicknamed “Jafrica,” from their homes in a nearby county, to terrorize and intimidate black people.

The historic racism of the American South, which has morphed into the proliferation of  white supremacist groups today, becomes terrorism when it is deployed in violent attempts to intimidate and spread fear, Wingate believes.

As the nation experienced a record rise in the number of hate crimes last year, the question of whether they should be prosecuted as terrorism was the focus of a discussion at the 14th annual John Jay/Harry Frank Guggenheim Symposium on Crime in America yesterday.

Wingate was joined by Karen Greenberg, director of the Center on National Security at Fordham Law School; Faiza Patel, director of Violence Prevention Programs at New York University’s Brenner Center for Justice; and George Selim, senior vice president of programs at the Anti-Defamation League.

Several speakers pushed back at the notion of  making a blanket equation between hate crimes and terrorism.

Karen Greenberg

According to Greenberg, it could give the government power to extend anti-terror practices like surveillance and putting groups on a “terrorist watch list” to any organization that promotes  policies it considers destabilizing or threatening.

Racism has been a consistent feature of U.S. national life, with deep roots in American history, she said, and labeling it terrorism risks distorting the problem.

Moreover, she argued, it would have little effect on preventing the kinds of racist acts now prosecuted as hate crimes.

It’s a view shared by many national security experts.

See also: Are Hate Crimes Terrorism?

Patel countered that redefining bias crimes against specific racial, ethnic, or religious groups as terrorism might in fact contribute to giving them higher priority for law enforcement.

“Terrorism is (now) the FBI’s number one priority,” she said. “Hate crimes enforcement is its number five priority.”

But she also cautioned against “over-criminalization,” noting that hate crimes are often perpetuated by individuals with a mental illness.

Faiza Patel

“Do we want to criminalize every incident we think is motivated by hate?” she asked the panel, noting there were already 51 separate statutes on federal lawbooks defining domestic terrorism.

“We have to be very wary of over-criminalization… We don’t want to capture every small thing into a terrorism definition.”

The ADL’s Selim said his response to the question of whether hate crimes should be treated as terrorism is “sometimes.”

He gave the following examples of crimes which could fall under the category of terrorism: the gunning down of six people at a Sikh temple in Wisconsin in 2012,  the 2017 killing of 26 people at a church in Sutherland Springs, Texas, and the  murder of 11 people by a man shouting anti-Semitic slurs at the Tree of Life Synagogue in Pittsburgh last year.

These incidents were acts of terrorism, according to Selim, who previous served as the director of the Office for Community Partnerships in the Department of Homeland Security, because they were  targeted  against specific religious groups in their houses of worship.

“These cases are examples of where I think hate crimes and terrorism are at an intersection.”

George Selim

He also noted there should be “comprehensive solutions” not only from members of the FBI, but from religious leaders, elected officials and police to intervene in the cycle of violence of motivated hate crimes.

Wingate agreed that reclassifying all hate crimes as terrorist acts could complicate prosecutions.

But he noted that in the Anderson killing, the white youths involved had come from a party where over 50 young people were present.

“Some might consider it progress (in Mississippi) that just ten of those young people [committed a hate crime] and the others in the party didn’t,” he said. “But I have to wonder whether in some way those ten people constituted a (terrorist) faction.”

Earlier this month, a white army veteran named James Harris Jackson was sentenced on terrorism charges to life in prison for fatally stabbing an African American on a New York street,  representing the first such conviction in New York. During the trial, prosecutors presented as evidence a manifesto written by Jackson before the murder proclaiming “the racial world war starts today.”

See Also: Upsurge in NYC Hate Crimes Targets Jewish Communities. 

Additional Reading: 60% of Hate Crimes are Racially Motivated: FBI 

For a news release on the Symposium events, and a list of the 2019 Fellows, click here.

The public agenda for the conference can be downloaded here.

The 2019 symposium is organized by John Jay’s Center on Media, Crime and Justice, and supported with a grant from the Harry Frank Guggenheim Foundation. Additional supporters include the Quattrone Center for the Fair Administration of Justice, and the Pew Charitable Trusts Public Safety Performance Project.

TCR Senior Staff Writer Megan Hadley contributed reporting for this story

When Does Hate Turn into Terror? syndicated from https://immigrationattorneyto.wordpress.com/

[aubreenitzsche-blog]

8 Rules for Correct Business Communication

In today's enterprise atmosphere, we rely more and much more on technologies to communicate with 1 one more. Our ability to communicate has been drastically enhanced, and our selections for communication media are ever expanding. From cellular telephones, to E mail, fax machines to Palm Pilots, communication devices are linked for the way we do enterprise now additional than ever before. This new technology has had many positive positive aspects for the small business globe. Sadly, because the array of selections has expanded at such a fast rate, many people appear to be unaware of how ideal to utilize the devices they now have. It truly is essential to create an awareness of how technology should very best be utilized to prevent unfavorable outcomes for staff and the workplace normally.

Inside the last two decades, communications technologies within the United states of america has developed at an very fast price. Twenty years ago, men and women did not even know what "Email" was. Now, phrases like "IM me" or "Google it" are commonplace, household terms that look inseparable from our private or business lives. But most of the people do not know how to effectively use these new advances. Take E mail for instance, misuse of this medium has led for the demise of executives such as Credit Suisse Very first Boston tech banker Frank Quattrone, Merrill Lynch & Co. analyst Henry M. Blodgett, as well as senior executives from Enron.

The problem with some individuals is that they do not realize that electronic communications can be and often are permanent. Even text messages can be stored and retrieved by the server processing them. But for most of the people, it's not a matter of not realizing that sensitive, potentially career ruining information should not be sent willy-nilly, it's just that they never understand how to utilize electronic communication in a polite way. Just because we have these devices, does not grant us license to substitute rudeness for manners. There is a new code of electronic manners in using telephones, PDAs, laptop computers, faxes, and so on.

Here are 8 guidelines for communicating in an effective, respectful manner:

1. Don't use your cell phone at inappropriate times, in inappropriate places, or in an inappropriate way. This invades others' privacy and disrupts their ability to concentrate.

2. Don't encroach on others' personal space when using your laptop computer. There are appropriate times/places to connect and use your laptop and there are times when it really is not appropriate.

3. Turn off your beeper and/or cell phone whenever you are in a situation where it could be distracting.

4. Don't send lengthy faxes unless you initial call the individual or business to ensure that it's a good time

5. Only make use of the speaker phone when necessary, and always make sure the person you are talking to does not mind.

6. Never send e-mail that contains inappropriate or sensitive material (as some executives have learned the hard way).

7. Consider calling a person who you usually communicate with by e-mail from time to time to establish a additional private contact.

8. Avoid calling, paging, or faxing folks at home or after hours, unless it's vital that you do so.

In today's business planet, we use Alastair Majury Financial Services Senior Business Analyst Glasgow technology to communicate with one particular another like never prior to. Communication has been considerably enhanced, and so have our alternatives of how and when to communicate. This new technologies has primarily been a good thing for the company planet. However, lots of individuals look unaware of how best to communicate in this modern age. Active awareness and following some type of guide to communication etiquette is crucial for all persons in today's company planet.

#Alastair Majury Business Analyst

[kacydeneen]

Can Philly DA's Radical Approach Protect the City?

Constance Wilson is angry. She’s angry that her grandson is no longer with her. She’s angry that his accused killers still haven’t been convicted. And she’s angry at Philadelphia District Attorney Larry Krasner for the role that she believes he played in delaying justice for her family.

“I don’t trust him,” she said. “He put the same people back on the street.”

Philly District Attorney Stands By Meek Mill in New Filing

Her grandson, Philadelphia Police Sgt. Robert Wilson III, visited a North Philadelphia GameStop on March 5, 2015 to buy a video game for his son. Two gunmen entered the store and announced a holdup. Wilson tried to thwart the robbery and died after a shootout with the suspects.

More than three years after Wilson’s death, Constance Wilson is still waiting for the men accused of killing him to go to trial. Both Carlton Hipps and Ramone Williams are charged with murder, conspiracy, robbery and a long list of related charges.

Last month, the accused men's defense team asked a Philadelphia judge for additional time to prepare their case. Prosecutors did not oppose the request and a new pretrial hearing was set for June with a two-week jury trial expected to start in November.

The delay outraged Wilson’s family.

"They need to take [Krasner] by the seat of his pants and take him out of the city," Constance Wilson said.

"What good is he doing?"

That question triggers dramatically different answers depending on who you ask. And it’s a question that Krasner answered himself during an interview with NBC10 as he reflected on his first 100 days in office.

During his campaign for district attorney, Krasner promised to change the system by reducing mass incarceration, to fight corruption by bringing transparency to his office and to battle injustice by ending cash bail for low-level offenders.

But several families of victims question whether Krasner's crusade interferes with his duties as the city's chief prosecutor, the top official in charge of punishing crime.

Krasner argues that his continued commitment to social reform is, in fact, the most effective way to fight crime.

"We have to be willing to be smart, not just political, when it comes to crime,” he said.   Being smart, according to the district attorney, includes investing money into education and drug and mental health treatment rather than placing people in jail for non-violent offenses.     “The 16-year-old who is still in school is not the one who is most likely to go pick up a gun and go kill somebody,” he said.

Upholding the law while working toward social reform has been a central theme throughout Krasner's career. The walls of his office, on the 18th floor of The Widener Building in Center City, mostly remain undecorated except for large black and white photographs of Martin Luther King Jr.

When asked if the artwork was recently displayed for the commemoration of King's death, Krasner's spokesman, Ben Waxman, answered simply: "They're always there."

Born in 1961 in St. Louis, Missouri, to a World War II veteran father and a Christian minister mother, Krasner attended public school in Philadelphia. He received his Bachelor of the Arts from the University of Chicago and then attended Stanford Law School, where he focused on indigenous rights, homelessness and poverty. After graduating in 1987, he returned to Philadelphia and became a public defender.

In 1993, Krasner opened his own law practice in Center City that specialized in criminal defense and civil rights. He sued the Philadelphia Police Department more than 75 times on corruption and physical abuse charges. His reputation as a social justice activist was one reason for Krasner's 75 percent margin of victory in last year’s closely watched district attorney race.

Krasner vowed to bring sweeping reforms and transparency to an office plagued by the scandal surrounding former District Attorney Seth Williams, who was convicted on corruption charges and sentenced to prison time.

He wasted no time reshaping the 600-person strong office. More than 30 staff members were either fired or resigned within three days of Krasner's tenure.

He also implemented new policies, including ending cash bail for low-level offenders, requiring prosecutors to reveal the cost of incarceration before sentencing and dropping criminal charges on 50 marijuana possession cases. Those policies, he said, were part of a larger goal to end mass incarceration.

In March, a leaked memo showed Krasner instructing prosecutors to stop charging for "any amount" of marijuana possession and some cases of prostitution.

Krasner's policies drew national headlines and praise from left-leaning progressives — as well as criticism from hard-liners who labeled him an enabler of criminals.

But speaking to NBC10, Krasner emphatically rejected the notion that he was soft on crime.

“Come on now — the criticism you’re repeating is coming from people whose administration had a higher rate of violent crime last year than we have right now,” he said.

Despite his reputation as an impassioned reformer, Krasner is calm and composed in person, already comfortable in the media spotlight having drawn the attention of prominent leaders throughout the country.

At the mention of Gerard Grandzol, however, he choked back tears.

The 38-year-old community activist was shot and killed in front of his 2-year-old daughter in September. Krasner described Grandzol’s "horrifying" murder as an "absolutely crushing tragedy."

The accused shooter was 16 years old at the time of Grandzol’s death. In March, the suspect’s defense attorney requested that he be tried in juvenile court.

Grandzol’s widow and family supporters pleaded for Krasner to prevent that from happening. 

“I understand how she feels,” Krasner said. “But, no decision has been made in that case.”

Two days after his interview with NBC10, Krasner filed a motion calling for the teen murder suspect to be tried as an adult. He will not face the death penalty, however.

"The United States Supreme Court has said that the death penalty is not an option for juveniles," Krasner said. "Neither is a life sentence."

During his campaign, Krasner pledged he would never seek capital punishment, calling the death penalty "expensive, ineffective and racially biased." It's this kind of rhetoric that angers Sgt. Wilson’s family.   

Yet despite his personal opposition to the death penalty, Krasner reassured the Wilsons that the case would remain a capital one. It is currently under review by a committee that will determine the most appropriate sentence to seek. That committee will send Krasner their recommendation and he will make a decision, though it won’t be a political one, Krasner said.

"I have a duty here that I will complete," he said. "But there’s nothing inconsistent about pursuing your duty and having a personal opinion that the death penalty is a bad thing."

Krasner is part of a current wave of elected officials nationwide who are rethinking the ways their offices pursue justice. At the beginning of 2017, New Jersey essentially ended cash bail, a move that Krasner implemented here in February. He argued that requiring people to post bail for minor crimes — like driving under the influence and retail theft — unfairly targets those who can’t afford to pay to keep themselves out of jail.

John Hollway, the executive director of Penn Law's Quattrone Center for the Fair Administration of Justice, said Krasner is embracing a “21st-century role of prosecutors as crime reducers.”

In the 1980s and 1990s, the prevailing trend for law enforcement was based on the so-called "broken windows theory" developed by two criminologists. The theory is that stemming the rise of minor crimes, from subway turnstile jumping to burglary, could lead to suppression of more violent crime.

The approach evolved following decades of police departments, including Philadelphia’s under police commissioner and Mayor Frank Rizzo, aggressively hunting criminals and pursuing tough prison sentences.  

Now, however, the theory has been criticized, and lawmakers such as Krasner are taking a more holistic approach by focusing on the big picture before sending offenders to jail.

Some people, the thinking goes, could be better served through social services than prison time.

"If you’re going to send somebody away for two years, it should be worth it," Krasner said. "If you’re going to send them away for 50 years ... it should be worth it."

This can seem counterintuitive to victims of crime who want to see harsher forms of justice.

“It’s a very natural, emotional reaction to want to punish people for committing crimes,” Hollway said. “Sometimes an eye for an eye seems just. The question is whether incarcerating somebody will reduce crime.”

Krasner doesn’t necessarily believe so, which is why he is now requiring prosecutors to reveal the cost of sending an offender to prison during sentencing. The policy, Krasner argued, actually supports victims because it reveals "the social cost" of a crime and helps focus resources on violent offenses.

It's too soon to tell whether his reforms will change Philadelphia's criminal justice system.

From July 2015 to December 2017, Philadelphia’s jail population decreased 25 percent, according to the city’s Office of Criminal Justice. Officials attribute that success to policies rolled out after Philadelphia received a $3.5 million grant from the MacArthur Foundation in 2016. The money went towards decreasing reliance on cash bail, implementing police diversion programs and providing early bail review for pretrial defendants, among other initiatives.  

Since Krasner took office, the jail population fell 9 percent. It is currently hovering around 5,500, according to the city's Office of Criminal Justice.

"This could be attributable to a number of factors, including new policies and initiatives across the city’s criminal justice system," Julie Wertheimer, from the Office of Criminal Justice, said.

Like the prison population, Philadelphia’s homicide rate is down from this time last year. Philadelphia Police Capt. Sekou Kinebrew, the department's spokesman, credits many things “working in tandem,” such as building a better relationship between communities and law enforcement. That relationship extends to the district attorney’s office. Kinebrew told NBC10 he speaks with Krasner’s staff at least once a week. 

Yet one of Krasner’s harshest critics is Fraternal Order of Police President John McNesby, who labeled the district attorney as "anti-police."

After Krasner spoke to cadets about the use of unnecessary force, McNesby accused him of endangering the lives of officers through his “ridiculous and dangerous presentation.” The statement was refuted by Krasner’s spokesman in a series of tweets.

McNesby did not respond to multiple interview requests for this story.

During his interview with NBC10, Krasner denied being at odds with law enforcement, saying he has an "excellent relationship" with Philadelphia Police Commissioner Richard Ross. He also cited his efforts to keep more officers on the street.

Kinebrew confirmed that Ross and Krasner have met, and that the two offices continue to work closely together.

Yet the anti-police accusations leveled against Krasner have been bolstered by the recent criticisms from Sgt. Wilson’s family. Not only did they accuse him of slowing down the murder case, they also questioned his previous relationship with Michael Coard, a defense attorney for one of the suspects and a member of Krasner’s transition team.

The district attorney’s spokesperson said that Coard and Krasner have not spoken about the case since he took office.

“Let’s understand, [the case is] three years old,” Krasner said. “The prior administration had all those other years and they did not succeed at getting it to trial despite all the chest-beating.”

Krasner added that his office will be careful to not go to trial unprepared, which could lead to a case being overturned. He also insisted that he met with Wilson’s family members personally to speak with them.

Ultimately, Krasner believes the impact of his social reform will lead to justice for Wilson, Grandzol and other victims of violent crime.

“We have to do things that actually work," the district attorney said, "not just talk tough.”

Krasner’s activist approach to crime reduction is ambitious. It’s long-term effectiveness remains to be seen, however, and will not only define his legacy, but also Philadelphia’s future.

“What he’s trying to do is really exciting and really difficult,” John Hollway from the Quattrone Center said. “He’s trying to improve and modify the culture. Not just the district attorney’s office but the entire criminal justice system. To the law enforcement side, he has to show that he can protect.”

Photo Credit: AP Photo/Matt Rourke This story uses functionality that may not work in our app. Click here to open the story in your web browser. Can Philly DA's Radical Approach Protect the City? published first on Miami News

[gradschoolfool1]

RT @FrankQuattrone: Comey indicted me over 22-word email encouraging my team to follow policy that required subpoenaed docs to be saved https://t.co/GMk8woOQp1

Comey indicted me over 22-word email encouraging my team to follow policy that required subpoenaed docs to be saved https://t.co/GMk8woOQp1

— Frank Quattrone (@FrankQuattrone) June 12, 2017

via Twitter https://twitter.com/GradSchoolFool1 June 13, 2017 at 03:35PM

[flatearthpilot]

From Martha Stewart to Frank Quattrone to Steven Hatfill, James Comey had no problem using questionable obstruction cases to make a name for himself.

[minarquia]

En los tribunales federales, los peores llegan a la cima, por Mises Hispano.

Un jurado federal de la Ciudad de Nueva York ha hablado, y su mensaje es inquietante: los fiscales federales están facultados para penalizar acciones para las cuales no existe una prohibición legal. Para decirlo de otra manera, el gobierno ha retirado los cargos criminales de la nada y los periodistas lo están alentando.

Los medios noticiosos están enmarcando esto como un “caso de corrupción en el baloncesto universitario”, pero eso es un nombre inapropiado, para decirlo con suavidad, lo que explicaré más adelante. Primero, la noticia tal como se informa en el sitio web de CBS Sports:

NUEVA YORK – Los tres acusados ​​en el primer juicio de corrupción de baloncesto de la universidad fueron declarados culpables de conspiración para cometer fraude electrónico el miércoles.

Un jurado encontró a James Gatto culpable de sus tres cargos y Christian Dawkins y Merl Code fueron declarados culpables de ambos.

Gatto es un ex empleado de Adidas, Code un ex consultor. Dawkins es un ex agente deportivo aspirante. El resultado del juicio podría tener un impacto generalizado en los deportes universitarios en los próximos meses y años, ya sea en la reforma continua de los estatutos de la NCAA o mediante castigos contra entrenadores y/o escuelas en el futuro.

La Oficina del Fiscal Federal en el Distrito Sur de Nueva York argumentó con éxito que el trío de hombres defraudó a la Universidad de Louisville y la Universidad de Kansas en el proceso de ayudar a canalizar dinero (y reclutar) a esas escuelas, con la intención de firmar más tarde prospectos a ofertas de avales.

Los tres fueron declarados culpables de fraude electrónico y conspiración específica para cometer fraude electrónico contra la Universidad de Louisville. El tercer cargo de Gatto fue una conspiración para cometer fraude electrónico contra la Universidad de Kansas.

(Agregó que el Distrito Sur de Nueva York que nos dio las depredaciones de Rudy Giuliani en la década de 1980, el caso de comercio no interno de Martha Stewart y la terrible condena de Frank Quattrone que más tarde fue anulada. Nombres como Giuliani, James Comey y Preet Bahara alinean el muro en el Salón de la vergüenza de los fiscales abusivos.

Los cargos suenan ominosos: fraude electrónico, conspiración para cometer fraude electrónico y estafa a la Universidad de Louisville y la Universidad de Kansas. Pero cuando desglosamos los cargos reales y lo que significan, surge una imagen diferente. Sin embargo, antes de hacer eso, debo explicar cómo funciona laNational College Athletic Association (NCAA).

A pesar de que la NCAA es una empresa multimillonaria en la que muchos entrenadores se convierten en multimillonarios, los factores más importantes de la producción (los propios atletas) reciben solo pagos en especie en forma de matrícula y cuotas, alojamiento y comida, y libros. Dado el alto costo de una educación universitaria, este tipo de pago para aquellos afortunados para ganar becas completas (y muchos atletas universitarios no están en viajes completos) no es una miseria, pero también está claro que una cantidad de atletas en los programas mejor clasificados crean valor para las universidades que en su mayoría se meten en los bolsillos de otros.

Con mis disculpas a Karl Marx, estamos considerando una forma de apropiación de plusvalía, aunque hablando como un ex atleta colegiado que estaba en dos equipos de campeonato de la División I de la NCAA, difícilmente creo que los atletas sean exactamente el proletariado marxista oprimido. Sin embargo, dicho esto, si estos programas deportivos de alto vuelo no aportaran miles de millones de dólares a los cofres de las universidades y de la propia NCAA, los entrenadores de fútbol y baloncesto no serían los empleados estatales mejor pagados en universidades públicas como la Universidad de Alabama y las personas mejor pagadas en el campus en instituciones privadas como la Universidad de Duke.

Según la NCAA, a pesar de que los entrenadores, directores atléticos y muchos oficiales de la NCAA están bien pagados, cualquier pago a los atletas que ayude a hacer posible esta generosidad financiera perturbaría el “aura” del “amateurismo” en los deportes universitarios, así como “corromper” la noción especial de “estudiante-atleta”. Además, algunos opinan que la presencia misma de atletas y entrenadores de alto perfil en un campus universitario de agosto se está corrompiendo en sí misma.

(La idea de que la educación superior, que ha sucumbido a la corrección política en extremo, y que ha adoptado la “ciencia” que reconoce solo resultados políticamente correctos, está “corrompida” por personas que realizan actividades para las que los resultados no son fijos, simplemente es ridícula. Basta de charla.)

Por lo tanto, tenemos la situación en la que los pagos a los propietarios de un recurso clave en una industria multimillonaria están severamente limitados y distorsionados por un órgano rector, y luego las personas se sorprenden cuando la competencia por ese recurso clave se derrama de otras formas. En la mayoría de las situaciones donde se produce algo de valor, se esperan pagos a los propietarios de recursos; los deportes universitarios, sin embargo, llaman a este pago una forma de corrupción, una situación que engendra hipocresía, cinismo y engaño absoluto.

Nick Saban, el exitoso entrenador de fútbol de la Universidad de Alabama, paga a sus jugadores. Urban Meyer de Ohio State paga a sus jugadores. Kirby Smart de Georgia paga a sus jugadores, Roy Williams, el entrenador de baloncesto de la Universidad de Carolina del Norte, paga a sus jugadores, y así sucesivamente. Todos los entrenadores niegan lo obvio no porque sean mentirosos mentirosos por naturaleza, sino porque el sistema exige mentir para proteger la fachada académica que se ha convertido en educación superior. El sistema requiere que las personas mientan para apuntalar todo lo demás.

La entrada de los federales

El ingreso de los fiscales federales a esta situación es relativamente nuevo, ya que solo una vez antes, un abogado de los Estados Unidos trató de penalizar el paso de dinero para engrosar las ruedas de reclutamiento de los deportes universitarios. Esa fue la condena de Logan Young en 2005, un refuerzo para la Universidad de Alabama que vivía en Memphis, Tennessee.

Los fiscales federales afirmaron que Young sobornó a un entrenador de fútbol de una escuela secundaria en Memphis para dirigir a un preciado recluta a Alabama y el jurado condenó debidamente. Escribí un artículo condenando tanto los cargos como el veredicto, y noté que Young fue condenado por “delitos” que ellos mismos (cruzando las fronteras estatales y retirando dinero de un banco) no eran actos ilegales y que incluso el llamado acto subyacente de soborno en realidad, ni siquiera era un delito federal, sino más bien un delito estatal y Young ni siquiera había sido acusado de soborno en Tennessee, y mucho menos condenado en una corte de justicia. Los cargos federales reales consistían en lo que Candice E. Jackson y yo hemos llamado “delitos derivados“, que son los llamados actos ilegales que se derivan de otros actos “ilegales” y, finalmente, un crimen subyacente real.

Tomemos como ejemplo el “delito” de fraude electrónico. Supongamos que he ejecutado una estafa financiera que en realidad infringe la ley, y uso Internet o el sistema telefónico. Los federales me pueden acusar de “fraude electrónico”, que no es más que utilizar los “cables” en la comisión de un delito. No hay nada intrínsecamente delictivo en el uso de un sistema de telecomunicaciones, pero es más fácil condenar a alguien por usar una computadora o las líneas telefónicas que acusarlo del delito real de estafar a otros. Por lo tanto, cuando uno ve que alguien está acusado en una corte federal, es casi seguro que el cargo sea un fraude electrónico o una “conspiración” para cometer un fraude electrónico, que es incluso más fácil de probar. Lo que uno raramente verá es alguien condenado por un acto criminal real.

Las últimas convicciones en el llamado escándalo de corrupción encajan perfectamente en las categorías “derivadas” que he descrito. Tenga en cuenta que los jurados en realidad no condenaron a nadie por fraude, ni tampoco persiguieron a los atletas que supuestamente recibieron dinero por adelantado. En cambio, los fiscales afirmaron que al canalizar el dinero a los reclutas y sus familias, hicieron que esos atletas no fueran elegibles según los estándares de la NCAA, que luego “estafaron” a las instituciones con las que los jugadores de baloncesto habían firmado, la Universidad de Louisville y la Universidad de Kansas, ambas que son programas poderosos con varios campeonatos de baloncesto masculino de la NCAA en su haber.

El hecho de que estemos o no lidiando con un fraude criminal es un tema de debate, ya que ningún atleta o agente/refuerzo ha sido condenado en una corte de justicia real por el delito de estafar a una universidad. Además, esta es la primera vez que los estatutos de fraude se han utilizado de esta manera. Los fiscales federales hicieron del soborno el “delito” subyacente cuando lo acusaron de retirar dinero de su banco por montos inferiores a $10.000 (para evitar la detección por parte de las autoridades) y de cruzar los límites estatales. Nadie lo acusó, sin embargo, de estafar a nadie.

Las últimas convicciones son problemáticas porque involucraron una táctica completamente nueva en la interpretación cada vez más amplia de los estatutos federales de fraude. Los fiscales afirmaron (con éxito, al menos por ahora) que debido a que estas personas canalizaron dinero a prospectos presuntamente sin conocimiento de los entrenadores y oficiales de Kansas y Louisville, hicieron que los jugadores no fueran elegibles para pagar según las reglas de la NCAA. Sin embargo, tenga en cuenta que fueron los jugadores y sus familias los que eligieron aceptar el dinero, pero los fiscales no acusaron a ninguno de ellos a pesar de que fueron parte del supuesto engaño.

No es sorprendente que los entrenadores y funcionarios de ambas universidades negaran rotundamente que tuvieran conocimiento de los pagos, pero sus posiciones desafían la lógica. Primero, y lo más importante, las acciones de los acusados ​​se dirigieron a llevar a estos atletas a Kansas y Louisville, y es muy dudoso que hayan elegido estos programas al azar. Segundo, el sistema subterráneo que involucra pagos a jugadores y familias no funciona independientemente de los entrenadores. De hecho, el sistema no tendría sentido a menos que los entrenadores estuvieran involucrados.

En cuanto a reclamar conductas delictivas, la NCAA es una organización privada y sus reglas no tienen, y no deberían tener, la fuerza de la ley y especialmente la ley penal. A lo sumo, cuestiones como esta pertenecen a cortes civiles, no penales. Un atleta o entrenador no debe ser encarcelado simplemente por violar una regla de la NCAA (y las reglas son legiones y han hecho metástasis como si fueran parte del Registro Federal, lo que hace casi imposible que cualquier programa atlético sea “limpio”). Sin embargo, para defraudar penalmente a una universidad, una persona acusada tendría que estar involucrada en algún tipo de relación con esa institución, y eso tendría que significar que los entrenadores estaban en contacto con los agentes y representantes aspirantes, algo que ya tienen negado.

De hecho, los futuros atletas y sus familias fueron los que realmente recibieron los pagos monetarios que comprometieron la elegibilidad de los jugadores de la NCAA, y fueron los que estuvieron en contacto con entrenadores y funcionarios universitarios. Comprendieron que les habían dado dinero que la NCAA dice que no pueden tener, por lo que si alguien está involucrado en un fraude, son ellos. Sin embargo, es mucho más fácil perseguir a los aspirantes a agentes y representantes de empresas de calzado que a jóvenes de 18 años y sus familias, que a menudo son negros y pobres. Los medios de comunicación se alegrarán cuando un adulto que le haya ofrecido dinero a un atleta adolescente que la NCAA dice que está fuera de los límites es condenado en un tribunal y se enfrenta a años de prisión, a diferencia de un joven afroamericano cuyo único “crimen” era una habilidad excepcional para practicar un deporte, o tal vez sus padres.

No es sorprendente que nadie en el periodismo haya examinado detenidamente las ramificaciones legales de lo que han hecho los fiscales federales. Durante la década de 1980, Rudy Giuliani, como abogado de los Estados Unidos en Manhattan, utilizó los estatutos de RICO para destruir empresas enteras, causando miles de millones de dólares en daños, pero los medios de comunicación que lo seguían adoraban a Rudy mientras luchaba contra los llamados demonios del capitalismo. Nadie preguntó si a la larga o no era prudente utilizar el derecho penal de una manera que nunca se había utilizado antes para lograr fines políticos que darían lugar a empresas productivas en ruinas y sus ejecutivos encarcelados. Sirvió las aspiraciones políticas de Giuliani y el periodista tuvo sus historias, por lo que todo estuvo bien.

Del mismo modo, tenemos personas que enfrentan prisión, personas que casi con seguridad tuvieron contacto con entrenadores universitarios que ahora niegan haber tenido conocimiento de esos contactos. Los acusados ​​trabajaban en las regiones de sombra de los deportes universitarios, una situación creada por las reglas “amateur” arcanas de la NCAA que se rompen de manera rutinaria, y de repente los fiscales federales decidieron que estas personas son delincuentes.

Esto no va a terminar bien. Primero, y lo más importante, las reglas de la NCAA garantizan que los propietarios de los recursos clave buscarán un pago fuera de las pautas oficiales, lo que significa que habrá fiscales para los fiscales mientras esas reglas existan. Segundo, la popularidad de estos veredictos significa que otros fiscales van a querer participar en la acción, ya que las convicciones populares pueden ser un trampolín para el éxito político futuro. (Solo pregúntele a Rudy Giuliani de qué manera los juicios de Wall Street lo beneficiaron a pesar de que causó miles de millones de dólares en daños económicos). Podemos esperar una mayor torsión de la ley penal federal para beneficiar a los fiscales.

Y, finalmente, la tergiversación de la ley causa un daño social indecible. Cuando las acciones que una vez no fueron consideradas como criminales de repente se interpretan de manera diferente, aunque los estatutos subyacentes permanecen sin cambios, se crea una incertidumbre legal que beneficia a los animales políticos en el sistema de justicia penal federal. FA Hayek señaló que en el gobierno, los peores entre nosotros generalmente son los que llegan a la cima, y ​​en el mundo de la ley federal, vemos que las advertencias de Hayek se hacen realidad.

El artículo original se encuentra aquí.

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