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#Hephaistion-Krateros monograph
jeannereames · 4 months
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The Importance of Space
Sometimes where we work matters. At least it does for me.
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When my sabbatical was approved for spring of 2024, I assumed I’d do it where I’d spent most of the pandemic: my couch with a rolling laptop desk, and my kitchen table. I have an office at the uni, yes, but have never worked well there. As a grad student, I got used to research in my home space, and I never successfully transitioned to an office somewhere else. I have colleagues who can't work at home, for whatever reason, but I work best at home (even when my son was young).
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For some time, I've planned to renovate my upstairs into an office after my son graduated and moved out, for “when I retire.” In fact, I bought this old (1936) house because it had a lovely open floor plan in the finished attic that just SCREAMS library/office. But it needed a split-AC to better control the temps, and serious updating. I’d even had thoughts of adding a little half-bath. I started saving up for all this as soon as I moved in, but it would cost a lot, so it became what felt like a “unicorn” long-term goal. My work for the ATG Netflix docudrama was to get additional funds towards that renovation sooner than “some day.”
This past summer, I finally had the split-AC done. Nothing else could move forward until that, replacing windows, and the potential half-bath. Yet estimates for the last were out of this world, post-Covid, so I decided to jettison the idea.
THAT meant—around August/September—I realized I might be able to get all the updates done in time for sabbatical.
You have no idea how much this recognition thrilled me. To have My Own Home Office (again), and make it just the way I wanted it (albeit without a half-bath). So, bids commenced. I had a GOAL, and a timeline. My sabbatical would begin January 2nd, 2024. And by golly, I was going to have my office (mostly) ready. That a retrograde Mercury would turn direct the evening of January 1st (my time zone), made me all the more convinced that it was the right date to begin.
Ergo, on top of the crazy teaching load, and editing for the Macedonian collection, I scheduled renovations. I just had to survive through December! It was sometimes anxiety-inducing, and half my library (non-academic) was up there. I had to pack all the books (c.1000+), move them downstairs, then move them BACK. Upside? I’ve been recording them with Library Thing as I unpack and reshelve, so I’ll finally have an accurate list of everything I own, at least at home. I’m also slowly using those same (emptied) boxes to bring home books and files from my uni office, for research. And for Christmas, my dear son made me a pair of custom sized-for-the-wall-space bookshelves, 5 feet by 5 feet. I’m tickled pink.
I even managed to find, after much searching, a desk and office chair that are low enough for a short person (The Struggle Is Real). They arrived just in time to be assembled before Jan. 2nd. It really did feel like FATE.
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Oh, yes…best part. My office is inspired by Chefchaouen, Morocco’s famous Blue City, with bi-colored blue walls, white ceiling and accents, and a terra-cotta toned carpet. The various installers thought I was nuts until they actually saw it complete: ‘Oh, yeah, this really works.’ Um, yes. Yes, it does. Sun-yellow cushion and blue-yellow-white sheer scarf curtains complete it. Plus a beautiful blue-and-white bowl a student brought back from Morroco for me—the first décor I set out along with my reproduction of the gold sarcophagus from Royal Tomb II at Vergina that Beth Carney bequeathed me.
Eventually, once all the bookshelves are in place, I’ll decorate with photos from Macedonia. My dining room features photographs I took in Rome + a little Greece, the living room is mostly Greece…but my office? That’ll be Macedonia. Virtually all the pictures in the house (with a couple exceptions) I took myself.
There's still a lot more to do; less than half the books are unpacked. My white board isn't up yet, some furniture is still downstairs, BUT.
Today, I unpacked the Loebs I’d brought home, onto my new desk, and started organizing my research. 😊
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jeannereames · 2 months
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Hii😄, could you talk about Alexander and hefestion's skills? Whether militarily or diplomatically, I heard that Hephaestion was better at politics, diplomacy and logistics, and that in some ways his and Alexander's skills complemented each other.
I'm always a tad amused when my own research is quoted back to me as a bit of general knowledge. 😂 That's not at all a slam, btw! I'm quite pleased it's escaped out of academia to become part-and-parcel of what people know about Hephaistion. Means I made an impact on rehabbing his career.
But yes, those things are true. I wrote about them first back in 1998, in my dissertation, then published it as part of an academic book chapter in 2010, titled "The Cult of Hephaistion" in Responses to Oliver Stone's Alexander: Film, History, and Cultural Studies, P. Cartledge and F. Greenland, eds. Complete with tables! Follow the link to read it.
I am now, some years later, returning to Hephaistion's career with the current monograph I'm working on. I've altered my opinion about some things (primarily details), and modified my take, but it remains largely the same. I've even convinced a number of my colleagues, so Hephaistion as logistics officer now appears in most summaries about him. Now, if I can just convince them he wasn't either incompetent or the quarrelsome bastard he's often made out to be.
He did have diplomatic assignments too, although he's hardly the only one. Erigyios, Perdikkas, Ptolemy...they were also used for diplomatic purposes. Plutarch (in a long contrast with Krateros) says ATG employed Hephaistion for business with the "barbarians" and Krateros for business with Greeks and Macedonians, because Hephaistion agreed with ATG's "Persianizing" whereas Krateros kept his traditional ways. From Plutarch, that's not necessarily a compliment for Hephaistion. It's also not stated so anywhere else beyond Plutarch. I have some theories I'll be discussing in the book.
IF we can take the disproportionate assignment of logistical/diplomatic assignments as any indicator, it would seem that Hephaistion was more skilled in that realm than in combat command. That isn't to say he was no good at combat command, mind (I've had some read it so, as if "not as good" = "bad" because middle ground apparently isn't permitted).
It also doesn't mean he wasn't a decent fighter. He probably was, as he seems to have been assigned to lead the agema (Royal) unit of the Hypaspists, e.g., the king's personal guard in battle. According to earlier accounts of the origin of this unit, Philip created them to cut across regional divisions, picking the largest men and best fighters. The agema was, if Waldemar Heckel is correct, drawn specifically from the sons of Companions (Hetairoi). That would back up Curtius' description of him as "larger in physique" than Alexander. (That's what the Latin actually says, not simply "taller.") But keep in mind, the best fighters are only occasionally equally good at command. Those are two different skills.
Finally, his choice as Chiliarch may also underscore some of what we've already seen in his assignments. But it's this appointment that leads some scholars to conclude that he rose due to Alexander's favoritism, not actual ability on his part. That, however, seems to me to stem from several (erroneous) assumptions.
IME, competent people surround themselves with other competent people, at least for any length of time. Flatters may be tolerated, but they're not continually advanced. It's dictators who surround themselves with yes-people (and not all of them; they also need competent individuals). Alexander may have been called a "tyrant" by the Greeks, but he wasn't. He was a king. The Greeks/Athenians/Spartans/Others were playing politics. Macedonian kings had to court their courtiers. If Alexander had been manifestly unfair in his appointments, his men would have rebelled against those officers. They rebelled...but not for that reason. They wanted to go home.
For those who regard Alexander (and Philip) as tyrannical, and/or the enemy of (Greek) freedom, and/or megalomaniacs, and lucky rather than competent, then sure. It would follow that ATG would surround himself with asslickers. But if one thinks he was actually good at what he did (which is a different thing from approving of conquest, mind), and a halfway decent politician--then no, it doesn't follow that his top officers were yes-men. Curtius bluntly tells us that Hephaistion was freer than anyone to "upbraid" the king. Doesn't sound like a yes-man to me.
I think Hephaistion was appointed as Chiliarch for two reasons: Alexander trusted him AND he could do the job. Too bad he didn't live long enough for us to see what he might have done with it.
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jeannereames · 2 months
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Welcome new folks!
Hello to the new readers.
If you're new to my blog in the past month, and came here after seeing "Alexander: The Making of a God," or after reading Dancing with the Lion, part 1 (Becoming) and part 2 (Rise) (or are reading them now) ... I would be deeply appreciative if you'd rate both novels on GOODREADS and/or AMAZON when you're finished.
Also, if you haven't already found it and are interested, the books have a website ALEXANDER'S MACEDONIA with a fair bit, including reader guides, cut and extra scenes, vlogs, how to say the names--even a playlist (because of course Alexander would be into heavy metal, donchaknow).
Folks periodically ask if I plan to continue the series...yes, I hope to. But Riptide said they weren't interested in further installments when they initially bought it. So I'll need to find an agent and new publisher. High ratings on Goodreads and/or Amazon do matter. Agents and publishers look at them. So if you'd like to help me publish more books in the series, that's a concrete way to assist.
In the meantime, I'm working on an academic monograph tentatively titled Playing for Keeps: Hephaistion and Krateros at the Court of Alexander of Great. But academic books are sloooow. I'm also writing a 6-book epic fantasy series called Master of Battles (4 books are complete and I'm on book 5). So if you've wondered what I'm currently doing (other than answering Asks, ha), that's it.
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jeannereames · 7 months
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Do you believe the whole “you are nothing without me” incident really happened? If so, how do you think Hephaestion got over it (if you believe he did) and was able to forgive Alexander for such a public humiliation? Do you think the relationship was damaged at all from this or they reconciled quickly?
Hi, there!
This was asked a while back, and I answered it there, so I'll just point to that reply. :-) It deals a bit more with the Hephaistion/Krateros feud, but still answers the question.
Alexander, Hephaistion, and Krateros
I'll also be addressing it in my monograph on the two men. I'm going to back off on too much detail here precisely because I'm going to address it there and don't want to show my cards too soon. :-)
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jeannereames · 9 months
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Playing for Keeps
Sometimes the Writing Bug bites at odd times.
Took a little break in editing to scribble off the first 3.25 pages of the Introduction to the Hephaistion-Krateros monograph, Playing for Keeps (working title). It's been percolating in the back of my head for a while.
Hamilton figures prominently (or rather the finale song: "Who Lives, Who Dies, Who Tells Your Story").
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jeannereames · 2 years
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Hi Dr.Reames. So glad to see your blogs. You said that in your novel, Alexander and Hephaistion had ups and downs in their relationship, even though they had always loved each other so much. Given how long the relationship has lasted, I suspect the history might have been the similar,too. I'd like to ask that what do you think (or guess) about the state of their relationship at the time of Hephaistion's death?
First, while not a direct answer to your question, some of the entries below deal with the period of Hephaistion’s death and Alexander’s reaction, or even hypothetical choices.
Has Alexander’s attachment to Hephaistion been played down in recent history?
What happened to Hephaistion’s “stuff,” after he died? https://www.tumblr.com/jeannereames/648950546701713408/this-is-a-bit-tangential-but-do-we-have-any-idea?source=share
What if ATG could choose to keep Hephaistion alive, if he gave up being king? https://www.tumblr.com/jeannereames/664901315661594624/weird-question-imagine-a-magical-hypothetical?source=share
Now, as for their relationship at Hephaistion’s death…. Originally, I had a long discussion about Hephaistion and Krateros, but a lot of it involved material that, honestly, I don’t want to put out in public (yet), because it’s for the monograph. So while I usually like to show y’all, via explanation, my “work,” so to speak—how I come to my conclusions, in order to demonstrate how we do “do” history—in this case, I’m keeping my cards closer to my chest. Some of it is material I’ve published before, but I’ve changed my mind on some things, after examination of texts and more thought.
So this will be much shorter. Some of you may appreciate that. LOL.
At the time of Hephaistion’s death, his relationship with Alexander was “complicated.” Not at odds, mind, but I think enough water had gone under the bridge that part of ATG’s profound reaction to his death involved guilt.
IME of bereavement, couples, siblings, very dear friends, etc. who had a “complicated” relationship at the time of the death of one, often resulted in a more profound mourning by the survivor. What do I mean by “complicated” mourning? Anything that is atypical and may therefore throw an emotional monkey-wrench into the normal mourning process.
For a full discussion of Alexander’s mourning behavior, as well as bereavement studies, see my “The Mourning of Alexander the Great,” Syllecta Classica 12 (2001) 98-145. Yes, that is a very long article, and it’s over 20 years old, but I still stand by it, and consider it one of the more important contributions I’ve made, overall, to ATG studies.
In any case, Hephaistion’s death was automatically “complicated” because it appears to have been unexpected. Although he’d been ill, he was enough on the mend that Alexander left to attend the boys’ events. His crisis came fast and he was dead before Alexander could reach him. That meant no “goodbye,” which is quite important.
So, some of ATG’s “extreme” reactions (which aren’t, in fact, that extreme) owe to the suddenness of it all. Most of Alexander’s behaviors were pretty normal…it’s just he had oodles of money and influence to express his grief unbridled. (For more on this, see the article.)
Yet I do suspect some guilt complicated it further. Not necessarily residual guilt from his dressing-down of Hephaistion in India, as that was 2/2.5 years prior. Given the eventful nature of their lives, even 2 years was a long time. Moreover, ATG had subsequently awarded Hephaistion several significant marks of public honor. But at least one clash (that with Eumenes) was recent, and initially, Alexander had sided with Eumenes. He changed his mind, perhaps once he learned more about the conflict, but it was probably only a few weeks to a month (at most) prior to Hephaistion’s demise.
So, while I don’t think they were at significant odds, in grieving, the smallest oversight can become hugely significant: the classic “mountain out of a molehill.” Why? The impossibility of full resolution. Small things can become Very Big in a sudden-death situation. Ergo, the recentness of the Eumenes conflict probably weighed on ATG’s mind, in addition to the fact he didn’t get to say goodbye.
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jeannereames · 9 months
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Hello! I'm relatively unfamiliar but very interested in Alexander's life and legacy, but unfortunately this interest is pretty new and so I'm a little confused.
I was wondering - during the various stages of her life (as queen of Macedonia during Philip's reign, as the king's mother during Alexander's reign, and in the aftermath of the Successors Wars) how much political power did Olympias wield? I'm guessing it changed depending on the circumstances, so it's confusing when you see people commenting on Olympias as though her power remained constant and unchanged (usually to a destructive potential) throughout her life.
From what I understand, she did not wield any political power during her husband's reign (or rather, in a way that defied convention - her status as the mother of his son & heir would have presumably given her a more dominant position compared to his other wives, and her role in religious rites was one afforded to women, so she seems to have had influence within the confines of her gender during that time); I was reading Elizabeth Carney's book on her and it says "In general, however, namaste evidence intimates that Olympias played a prominent oe important role in her husband's court, at least not until the last two years of his reign". Her power and/or influence (or rather, the influence she's infamous for) seems to have emerged after her son's ascension, like lots of women before her.
I might be totally wrong, tho, so I figured I should ask you :)
No, this is actually correct. I don't need to add much. Besides, Beth Carney is THE Olympias specialist, so I'll just nod along to her.
What you're describing shows proper nuance. One of the issues when we look back is to read into earlier events with our retrospective, or ex post of what would come. Not what they might know at the time. Or, alternatively, to assume someone with great sway later had the same earlier, or later personal quarrels were quarrels all along (a point I'll come back to in my monograph on Hephaistion and Krateros).
It's easy to fall into; I've done it myself enough.
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jeannereames · 1 year
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Hi Dr.Reames! Hope you are doing well! I've finished reading your novels recently and I really love them. My friends and I all think they are so amazing and belong to the best historical novels we've ever read.
By the way, I found Krateros very interesting as soon as he was introduced in book2, though his plots were not much yet. I can't wait to see him in the following series (although, he's just one of the many things I'm looking forward to LOL). I always sighed about that there aren’t much plots about the Alexander-Hephaistion- Krateros relationship in Alexander-related works. It could have been dramatic in my opinion. (Not in the romantic way ,of course LOL)
I'm also interested in the history figures and I hear you're preparing an academic biography for Hephaistion and Krateros. That's amazing. REALLY looking forward to it
Thank you!!! I'm always delighted when folks enjoy the books, and especially when they like them as both fiction and history.
As for Krateros...yes, I think he's one of the more unappreciated figures at ATG's court, at least among those interested in fiction. Among scholars, he's better known, although I think a bit...beatified, at least by some.
Late this autumn, I was awarded a sabbatical for the spring of 2024. That's when I plan to invest a lot of time working on that monograph about both men, Hephaistion as well as Krateros, and what their interactions might tell us about Alexander's court. So while yes, it's partly biography, at heart, it's really a court study. I'm very much looking forward to (finally!) having time away from service, et al., to work on it.
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jeannereames · 2 years
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Hello professor! I was wondering if it's possible to audit your classes online, or if you know of any good online courses on Alexander. :-)
Not at this time. My class, "Alexander the Great and the Macedonian Origin" is an in-person only, due to the nature of how it was built. There's in-class group work and other things, so it couldn't go online.
I know there are some courses on ATG out there, but some are not taught by people who actually specialize in Macedonia or Alexander. I believe Ken Harl does the "Great Courses" one, and he does know ATG. He's a numismatics (coin) specialist, in fact.
All that said, I have toyed with the notion of creating an online class that would be different from the in-person class. To do a GOOD online class, however, takes a lot of time and effort, which I just don't have at present. I'm both getting material ready to start (finally) on the monograph about Hephaistion (and Krateros), plus finishing up a book chapter for a collection I'm helping to edit. And I have another project I can't talk about (yet). (No, it's not a novel.) So I won't have time to even consider creating an online class until after 2024.
I DO have an online class about the ANE that was built for Covid, so if/when I offer that again, I'll let folks know.
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jeannereames · 3 years
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This is pretty macabre, but how exactly would Philotas have been tortured? Was it sort of an intense interrogation, of would he actually have been harmed or mutilated? How do you think it affected Hephaistion and Krateros (also Alexander himself), to have to do that to their friend? Also I heard you have a (non-fiction) biography of Hephaistion coming out? I love your blog and you're amazing xx
First, thank you. I’m glad you enjoy the blog. :-)
Yes, I’ve begun research to write a court study on Hephaistion (and maybe Krateros). Covid totally sidelined that, however, so I’m behind. This will be a MUCH updated version of thesis. I’ve published pieces of that previously, chapters that really don’t belong in a monograph, such as ATG’s mourning, his relationship with Hephaistion, as well as epigraphic speculation on Hephaistion’s origin. That latter is supposed to be out this month, in vol. 3 of Karanos, but I haven’t heard a final date, so it might have been pushed back.
So, torture... First, we have to note that we’re not told by Curtius or any other sources exactly what they did, but it was bad enough Philotas was begging Hephaistion for mercy. I find it interesting that Philotas turned to him. It’s often assumed that was because he led the torturers, but I don’t think we can assume that. Krateros had been gunning for Philotas longer. I suspect all three (including Koinos/Coenus) were involved. It may be he thought Hephaistion would be the soft touch. Dunno.
But we HAVE to remember something crucial: all of these men had seen a lot of battlefields by this point, and hospital tents afterwards. They’d killed men in the heat of the fight, and possibly dispatched those too badly wounded after. Plus, they were used to hearing epics that celebrated fighting. If you’ve sat down with Homer and read through one of his battle scenes...they’re pretty damn graphic.
In addition, they would be a lot more familiar with the ravages of diseases we’ve all but eradicated, and birth defects we correct before an infant ever leaves the hospital.
ALL that sets a much higher bar for tolerating the pain of other people (not just one’s own). Add to that an apparent general dislike of Philotas due to his haughty personality (so we’re told), and fear and anger on the part of Alexander’s friends (either fear for his safety, or fear for their own, as with Koinos who had ties to the family and needed to prove his loyalty)...
I think that would have made it much easier for them to “do the deed.” I talk a bit about it (including references to Abu Ghraib) my article on Philotas: “Crisis and Opportunity.”
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jeannereames · 3 years
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How do you think the 'You are nothing without me' incident affected their relationship? Moreover, how would it have affected Hephaistion's public standing, it seems to smack slightly of public humiliation? How would he have recovered, publicly and personally? What do you think Krateros said: I've heard everything from 'You slept your way to the top' 'You're Persianised' 'Alexander's crazy'. I understand it was the cumulation of a longtime factional feud (apparently the Eumenes incident too?)
First, we have to be careful not to back-read later quarrels into earlier periods.
Remember that Krateros AND Hephaistion (and Coenus/Koinos) worked together in the Philotas Affair to put Philotas to the question. We’re told by Plutarch that Krateros had been keeping tabs on Philotas as far back as Egypt. Why? Krateros was sorta Parmenion’s understudy, and Philotas stood in the way of his advancement.
I find the Philotas Affair instructive. Krateros finally got his chance to get rid of Philotas, wrapped in a bow. Note that he’d made an effort before, and Alexander brushed him off. Now, Philotas stepped right in it, and Krateros seized on that. There seems to be a tendency to charge Hephaistion with being the “engineer” of this, because he got command (shared with Kleitos) of the Companions. But that sort of use of “cui bono” is dangerous. Krateros had a better shot at that office than Hephaistion.
And I think Alexander recognized exactly what Krateros was doing. There IS a good reason for Hephaistion to be furious. His best friend might have been murdered. We hear nothing, prior, about a clash between Hephaistion and Philotas. Maybe they didn’t like each other. (I’ve actually worked on building that up in Dancing with the Lion.) But I want to emphasize there’s no prior evidence of any clash between the two men. It wasn’t Hephaistion gunning for Philotas.
(And I should note that Plutarch is not especially kind to Hephaistion, so when he sets up the Philotas Affair by telling us about Krateros’s prior attempts to throw shade on Philotas, it suggests he didn’t have any such evidence for Hephaistion.)
The conflict between Hephaistion and Krateros occurred in India, probably, but as it comes from Plutarch as an anecdote, we don’t actually know when, except after Hephaistion had risen higher at court. We don’t know what they were fighting about, but given how Krateros worked with Philotas, it was probably attempts on Krateros’s part to undermine Alexander’s trust in Hephaistion. The whole “Philobasileus/Philalexandros” sorta suggests as much: “I’m more loyal than he is!”
I’d caution (strongly) against assuming this is a “long-standing” conflict. Maybe it predated the Philotas Affair, but I wouldn’t count on it. Also, don’t assume it had anything to do with Eumenes. Later, Eumenes was on the opposing side from Krateros at the Battle of the Hellespont, where Krateros died. As I just said, we can’t back-insert later conflicts, but at least we can say that, by 321 (two years after Alexander’s death), they were not allies. But to remind how scrambled loyalties could get, Perdikkas (who may have been a friend, or at least ally, of Hephaistion) was allied with Eumenes after A.’s death, although we know Hephaistion and Eumenes quarreled before Hephaistion’s death.
As for the event itself, this is something I’m working on for the monograph, so I’m reluctant to talk about it, as I have a theory I want to put forward in that work. I’ve already published on the Philotas Affair. So while it may feel annoying, I’m going to withhold answering about that incident in India until I can get my thoughts out there in published form. I’ll just point out that Alexander was noted for having a terrible temper, but he also had to be careful of powerful generals at court (which would include Krateros at this point in time).
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jeannereames · 4 years
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Alexander Can’t Swim
So, I’d had a couple folks ask me about Alexander’s stated inability to swim, in the novels, and I knew I’d read that in the sources somewhere, but couldn’t remember where.
Well, I am currently involved in a complete re-read of all 5 biographies/histories in preparation to start the Hephaistion court study (which might take on Krateros after all, we’ll see--that was always the monograph I wanted to write: a comparison of the two rising, rival powers at ATG’s court).
And I found the reference. Plutarch, Alex. 58.4:
And at another instance, when his Macedonians hesitated to advance upon the citadel of Nysa on account of the deep river before it, halting on the banks, Alexander said, “For why have I, most miserable man, not learned to swim?” And immediately, carrying his shield, he would have tried to cross. (trans. mine)
I believe that also, in either Curtius or Arrian (haven’t got to them yet), when his boat capsized on the Indus, he was in danger of drowning because he couldn’t swim.
So there you go, from ATG’s own mouth: he can’t swim.
(I would also point out that it seems to have been a common problem for Greeks who weren’t sailors. Remember, especially in the Greek south, there are few lakes or rivers, especially that run all year. That’s less true in Macedonia, of course.)
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jeannereames · 4 years
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Hi, do you think Hephaistion believed Alexander was dead when he was shot with the arrow? Do you think he would have been as devastated as Alexander was when he believed Hephaistion dead? Will this come up in your books?
This is an interesting question. We’re not told a whole lot about the logistics of what followed Alexander’s wounding. The men at base camp (led by Hephaistion, Nearchos, and Krateros) would have received only a message, and it’s hard to know how the report would have been worded. No doubt, the officers also quizzed the messengers. I’d have to go back and reread the passages in the different sources, but my memory is that this base camp was a couple days’ march from where the fight occurred, and they were in hostile territory.
We’re also told (I forget in which source) that the men in the base camp feared Alexander was dead and they weren’t being told, which was reinforced when ATG came floating downriver on his ship, lying on his back. It wasn’t till he raised a hand, showing he was alive, that they cheered.
So at least some people DID think he was dead. Yet I’d be very surprised if the commanders were as much in the dark. It also wouldn’t surprise me if one (or more) traveled upriver to the battle site to talk to Alexander, or at least see him. We wouldn’t necessarily be told about such a visit in the sources unless there was a reason for them to do so.
So while I’m sure Hephaistion was terrified by the initial report, I also expect he made plans to go and see for himself. But much would depend on what was going on in the base camp. Krateros was also there, his arch-rival. He may not have felt he could leave the camp. All of this is speculation. Again, I’ll have to reread all that material, but yes, this incident will certainly be in the novels when I get to that point. I’ll also be addressing it in my monograph on Hephaistion, as I suspect it’s this event that led Alexander to re-institute the Persian office of Hazarapatish, although how soon after doesn’t appear to be clear. Back in my dissertation, I said I thought it was only in the last year or so, but I’ve changed my mind. I think he got it sooner, and as a result of the Malian fiasco.
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