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aftermath of a forest fire in la gomera. 
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I took a trip to see the prison in Tenerife, one of the prisons that Xosé Tarrio Ganzalez was held in and tried to esape from. I have translated his book ´Huye Homre Huye´ and feel very connected to his story. It was eerie seeing in real life a bridge that he tried to escape over, recalling the scene as I inagined it and then seeing it in real life, with real guards, real walls, real fences.
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Chuaigh mé go dtí an priosúin i Tenerife. Priosúin amháin atá sé mar bhí Xosé Tarrio Gonzalez agus bhí sé ag taistáil ealaigh. Daistrigh mé a leabhar ´Huye, Hombre, Huye´  agus mothaigh mé cónacs leis an sceal. Uaighneach a bhi é chun an droichead  a d´fhéach áit a bhí sé ag tastail teacht anuas ós an bpriosúin. Bhí mé ag cuimhnigh an scéal i mo cheann agus ag chur i gcomórtas an ionadh i saol dearbh, le mballa dearbh, gardai dearbh, agus pionsaí dearbh.
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doors of la laguna part 6
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doors of la laguna part 5
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doors of la laguna  part 4
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doors of la laguna part 3
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walls of la laguna
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details from la laguna
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windows of la laguna
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doors of la laguna part 2
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doors of la laguna part 1
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Anti-Fascists march to the Greek Embassy in Dublin (by Wally Cassidy)
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One aspect of the republican struggle that i hadn´t understood was the reluctance of the Official IRA to support the hunger strikers in 1980-81 because their demands were to be treated as political prisoners, and their line of thinking was that all prisoners are political and making a distinction is elitist and counter-productive to working-class solidarity. The hunger-strikers are accorded almost saint-like status in Ireland, so seeing a critique of them that overlaps with my thinking in other areas is both challenging and enlightening. It also takes the British government´s line that they were just common criminals and turns it back on itself as a radical critique.
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Rud eile don cóimhlint poblachtacht a ní dtuigim, is é an leisciuil den OIRA chun an buile ocrais a iompair sa bhlian 1980-81, mar bhí na iarraidh chun beal speisiúlta don priosúnachta poblachtach. Cheap an OIRA chun an idirdhealú seo élitist´ mar tá gach priosúnachta ´political´. Ta na daoine as an buile ocrais nach mor naomheanna in Éireann, mar tá sé an-speisiúil chun critiseas a faigh atá in aon intinn le mé féin sa cursaí eile. Freisin, d´thóg siad an oispoireacht ´common criminal´ faoin rialtas Sasanach agus díompaigh é mar criticeas radacach.
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Another interesting tidbit from ´The Lost Revolution´. The Socialist Party broke from Sinn Féin in 1971. It is a small above-board democratic party and I have never thought much about them before. However the first thing they did after the split was go and rob a bank in Ballymun in order to fill up the party coffers. Different times.
  Rud eile suimiúil ós an leabhar ´The Lost Revolution´. Scoilt an Socialist Party faoin an Sinn Féin sa bhlian 1971.  Muintir beag is ea é agus níl ceapaim a lán faoin iad ós comhair ach nuair a thosaigh siad, an chéad rud a déanann siad ach banc a robáil i Baile Munna chun na ciste a líon. Aimsir difriúil a bhí sé.
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I have been reading ´The Lost Revolution´ by Brian Hanley and Scott Millar, a history of the Official IRA and the Worker´s Party which has filled in some of the blanks about  positions that I can readily agree with, militant worker´s struggles and anti-apartheid campaigns for example, and also things that horrify or baffle me, such as their links with the dictatorships in East Germany or North Korea. One amazing piece of Stalinist thinking was in their opposition to the legalization of contraception because it would mean less children which would mean less workers which would mean less attraction for international capital which would mean less industrial development which would mean less likelihood of a proletarian revolution to bring about the socialist paradise. Wow. Amazing stuff there lads.
  Bhím ag léamh an leabhar ´The Lost Revolution´ agus ag foghlaim a lán rud faoin an oibriús poblachtacht sóisiailach. Ceapaim sé iontach nuair atá smaoineamh agam ar an intinn le (mar seo bualadh míleatach oibrí nó feachtas ant-apartheid) agus smaoineamh atá úafás agam le (mar seo an cónasc leis an rialtais GDR agus an rialtais ó thuaidh Chóiré) Tá smaoineamh amháin iontach sa leabhar nuair a bhí an SFWP in aghaidh an frithghiniúint mar beidh níos lú oibreanta, mar sin níos lú suim ag infheistiocht idirnaisiuunta, mar sin níos lú seans don ´proletarian revolution´. Wow. Bualadh bos lads.
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It wasn´t just the mesage; it wasn´t really the message - very few actually cared. It was the voice, the reminder of who and what we were. Nothing. No blacks, no dogs, no Irish. We were nothing and Thatcher told us that every time she spoke. She was in her hotel bed in Brighton when the hotel blew up all around her. She lived and climbed out, a bigger, sharper version of herself. There would be no solution. The murder was there, like the rain, sad but Irish. it was part of what we were, a big, sore lump on the tragedy. With the Guinness and the craic - we sold it.
Roddy Doyle - The Dead Republic
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- You look tired, she said. - Ah, I´m grand. - I hate that word, she said. - Every time you people have to face something honestly and directly you look away and say it will be grand.
Roddy Doyle- The Dead Republic
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