#Thomas McNickle

[huariqueje]

Willow Pond , Spring Light    -   Thomas McNickle , 2020.

American, b.  1944  -

Oil on canvas ,  30 x 40 in.   

#Thomas McNickle #american artist #pond landscape #willow tree

[anniekoh]

This Indian Country: American Indian Activists and the Place They Made by Frederick Hoxie (2012)

Frederick E. Hoxie, one of our most prominent and celebrated academic historians of Native American history, has for years asked his undergraduate students at the beginning of each semester to write down the names of three American Indians. Almost without exception, year after year, the names are Geronimo, Sitting Bull and Crazy Horse. The general conclusion is inescapable: Most Americans instinctively view Indians as people of the past who occupy a position outside the central narrative of American history. These three individuals were warriors, men who fought violently against American expansion, lost, and died. It's taken as given that Native history has no particular relationship to what is conventionally presented as the story of America. Indians had a history too; but theirs was short and sad, and it ended a long time ago.In This Indian Country, Hoxie has created a bold and sweeping counter-narrative to our conventional understanding. Native American history, he argues, is also a story of political activism, its victories hard-won in courts and campaigns rather than on the battlefield. For more than two hundred years, Indian activists—some famous, many unknown beyond their own communities—have sought to bridge the distance between indigenous cultures and the republican democracy of the United States through legal and political debate. Over time their struggle defined a new language of "Indian rights" and created a vision of American Indian identity. In the process, they entered a dialogue with other activist movements, from African American civil rights to women's rights and other progressive organizations.Hoxie weaves a powerful narrative that connects the individual to the tribe, the tribe to the nation, and the nation to broader historical processes. He asks readers to think deeply about how a country based on the values of liberty and equality managed to adapt to the complex cultural and political demands of people who refused to be overrun or ignored. As we grapple with contemporary challenges to national institutions, from inside and outside our borders, and as we reflect on the array of shifting national and cultural identities across the globe, This Indian Country provides a context and a language for understanding our present dilemmas.

Image 1

15: My informal quiz is intended to prod students to look beneath the surface of the popular beliefs that define Native people as exotic and irrelevant. I also ask students to consider why it is that Americans so easily accept the romantic stereotype of Indians as heroic warriors and princesses? Why don’t we demand a richer, three-dimensional story? I pose a Native American version of the question the African American writer James Baldwin often asked white audiences a generation ago: “Why do you need a nigger?” My question is the same: Why do Americans need “Indians”—brave, exotic, and dead—as major figures in national culture?

17: This book counters that preference by presenting portraits of American Indians who neither physically resisted, nor surrendered to, the expanding continental empire that became the United States. The men and women portrayed here were born within the boundaries of the United States, rose to positions of community leadership, and decided to enter the nation’s political arena—as lawyers, lobbyists, agitators, and writers—to defend their communities. They argued that Native people occupied a distinct place inside the borders of the United States and deserved special recognition from the central government. Undaunted by their adversary’s military power, these activists employed legal reasoning, political pressure, and philosophical arguments to wage a continuous campaign on behalf of Indian autonomy, freedom, and survival. Some were homegrown activists whose focus was on protecting their local homelands; others had wider ambitions for the reform of national policies. All sought to overcome the predicament of political powerlessness and find peaceful resolutions for their complaints. They struggled to create a long-term relationship with the United States that would enable Native people to live as members of both particular indigenous communities and a large, democratic nation.

The story of these activists crosses several centuries. It opens in the waning days of the American Revolution, as negotiators in Paris set geographical boundaries for the new nation that ignored Indian nations that had fought in the conflict and had been recognized previously in international diplomacy. Native activists take center stage in the 1820s, when nationalistic U.S. leaders abandoned an earlier diplomatic tradition and pressed Indian leaders to surrender their homes to American settlers. The Choctaw James McDonald, the first Indian in the United States to be trained as a lawyer, is the protagonist of chapter two. McDonald became his tribe’s legal adviser and drew on American political ideals to defend Indian rights, thereby laying the foundation for future claims against the United States.A generation after McDonald, the Cherokee leader William Potter Ross developed and widened the young Choctaw’s arguments. During the middle decades of the nineteenth century he traveled among Indian tribes in the West as well as to Washington, D.C., to recruit other Native leaders to defend tribal sovereignty. Among those who followed in Ross’s wake were Sarah Winnemucca, a Nevada Paiute who in the 1880s became a nationally famous writer, lecturer, and lobbyist, and a group of remarkable Minnesota Ojibwe tribal leaders who battled both at home and in Washington, D.C., to preserve their tiny community on the shores of Mille Lacs Lake.In the twentieth century the leading activists were often polished professionals like Thomas Sloan, an Omaha Indian who became an attorney and established a legal practice in Washington, D.C. The first Indian to argue a case before the U.S. Supreme Court, Sloan helped found the Society of American Indians in 1911 (serving as its first president) and encouraged other community leaders to create similar networks of support. In the 1930s, when Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal offered those leaders opportunities to speak out in defense of their tribes, these networks brought forth tribal advocates such as the Seneca Alice Jemison and the Crow leader Robert Yellowtail, as well as a new generation of intellectuals and thinkers, among them the Salish writer and reformer D’Arcy McNickle and the visionary scholar Vine Deloria, Jr., who by the time of his death in 2005 had become the leading proponent of indigenous cultures and tribal rights in the United States.

..

Vocal opposition to Indian landholding in Mississippi began in 1803, after Napoleon had suddenly decided to sell the entire territory to the Americans. The French emperor’s decision immediately transformed the Choctaw homeland from a distant border area to an inland province that boasted hundreds of miles of frontage on a river that was destined to become the nation’s central highway.15 Secure borders and the lure of plantation agriculture triggered a surge of settlement. The American population in the region doubled between 1810 and 1820 and then doubled again by 1830. New towns clustered along the east bank of the Mississippi as well as on the lower reaches of the Tombigbee River, two hundred miles to the east.The American immigrants were soon calling for the creation of two territorial governments in the area. Congress had first organized Mississippi Territory in 1798 as a hundred-mile-wide swath of unsurveyed land hugging the east bank of the great river and then in 1803, had expanded its borders so that it stretched south from Tennessee to the Gulf. Finally, in 1817, the region took its modern shape when the Tombigbee settlements became the Alabama Territory, Mississippi’s eastern neighbor.Events on America’s northwestern frontier echoed those along the Gulf. Secure borders, a surging settler population, and aggressive local leaders encouraged the rapid organization of Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois into territories and states during Jefferson’s presidency. (Ohio became a state in 1803; Indiana in 1816; Illinois in 1818.) Jefferson championed both traditional Indian diplomacy and westward expansion. He understood the value of traditional diplomacy, but he also understood the rising power of western politicians and was far more likely to accommodate them.In 1808 Jefferson supported a major purchase of Choctaw land. He noted that while it was “desirable that the United States should obtain from the native population the entire left (east) bank of the Mississippi,” federal authorities were also determined “to obliterate from the Indian mind an impression . . . that we are constantly forming designs on their lands.” The Choctaws’ current debt of more than forty-six thousand dollars, he explained, provided a solution to this dilemma. Owing to “the pressure of their own convenience,” Jefferson reported, the Choctaws themselves had initiated this sale of five million acres of their land. He wrote that he welcomed this “consolidation of the Mississippi Territory,” and the Senate quickly ratified the agreement.16

...

95: Leaders of the removed tribes were quick to promote the idea of multitribal “international councils” aimed at promoting peaceful relations among the tribes in Indian Territory and the surrounding region. These councils grew out of a tradition of peace conferences that U.S. officials had organized prior to removal to reduce tensions between western tribes (particularly the Osages, Pawnees, Kiowas, and Comanches) and the eastern Indians who had begun to migrate voluntarily to the West early in the century. Fort Gibson, erected in 1822 along the Arkansas River at a spot near the future site of the Cherokee capital of Tahlequah, had been the scene for several of these gatherings. One such meeting in 1834 involved more than a dozen tribes (including recently arrived Delawares and Senecas from the Midwest) that pledged friendship to one another and agreed to meet again to conclude a formal treaty. The 1835 Camp Holmes treaty, negotiated on the prairies west of Fort Gibson, fulfilled that goal. It established peaceful relations between the eastern tribes such as the Cherokees, Choctaws, and Creeks, and local groups such as the Wichitas and Osages. A second gathering the following year extended the Camp Holmes agreement to the Kiowas and Kiowa-Apaches.15In the 1840s the Cherokee tribal government, along with the governments of neighboring groups, began hosting their own intertribal meetings. They took this step both because they were eager to maintain good relations with the powerful tribes that had previously occupied their new homelands—particularly the Osages, Kiowas, and Comanches—and because they were increasingly conscious of threats to their borders. To the south, the new Republic of Texas, dominated by slaveholders, seemed determined to remove its resident tribes and create a homogeneous, independent settler nation on the model of the United States. The Cherokees had little interest in antagonizing these aggressive neighbors, many of whom were recent arrivals from Georgia, Mississippi, and Tennessee. Tribal leaders in Tahlequah were also aware that Mexican officials to the west, still resentful of the Texans’ recent success in their war of independence, were eager to form alliances with Comanches and other groups who had traditionally raided agricultural communities along the Arkansas River. To the north, resettled tribes from the American Midwest—particularly Delawares, Shawnees, Potawatomis, and Wyandots—were making new homes on the Missouri frontier. The disruptions accompanying their arrival triggered yet another round of retaliation and resentment among indigenous groups.16Large intertribal gatherings began in 1843. In June of that year more than three thousand representatives of twenty-two tribes gathered at Tahlequah in response to invitations sent out by John Ross and Roly McIntosh, the chief of the Creeks. For four weeks the delegates made camp across a two-mile-wide prairie and participated in round dances, ball games, and parades. William Potter Ross, barely a year removed from his Princeton graduation, was among them.When the formal sessions began, Chief John Ross reminded the delegates of the serious work before them. “Brothers,” he cried, “it is for renewing in the West the ancient talk of our forefathers, and of perpetuating forever the old pipe of peace . . . and of adopting such international laws as may redress the wrongs done by the people of our respective tribes to each other that you have been invited to attend the present council.” In addition to securing pledges of peace from all who attended, Ross won approval for eight written resolutions that established rules of conduct and included the declaration “No nation party to this compact shall without the consent of all the other parties, cede or in any manner alienate to the United States any part of their present territory.”17One white observer predicted that the 1843 gathering would “disperse without having done anything,” but the resolution regarding land cessions was a clear signal that the men who had been victims of removal had a serious purpose. They wanted to forge an alliance that could hold their enemies at bay.18 Often ignored by outsiders, these gatherings continued throughout the coming decade.

[suonko]

by Thomas McNickle

#magic

[didanawisgi]

Abstract

This chapter addresses certain features of Native American healing practices that have relevance to the treatment of traumatic stress syndromes and other mental states of distress. The major focus will be on American Indian healing practices used for survivors. To those unfamiliar with the ways of American Indian shamans, these practices may seem strange and initially somewhat foreign or even threatening. However, for those willing to learn and be open to experience, there is psychic encounter in ritual that some would term metaphysical or perhaps supernatural. To Native Americans, they are both religious and sacred.

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#native american #Resources #energy medicine #shamanism #Therianthropic Shaman #healing energy #meditation #trauma #books #quantum consciousness #spirituality #integrative medicine

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News Oklahoma city backs off mask mandate after threats, as officials struggle to enforce public health rules - Washington Post

News

Some officials are backing off requirements that people wear masks inside corporations, as cities, counties and states — left to plan their believe guidelines — gallop into limits on their potential to protect public well being precautions with cease-at-house orders easing at some level of the coronavirus pandemic.

The topic pushed a little Oklahoma city into the national highlight this weekend, after leaders rapidly withdrew a mandate to don masks inside reopened shops and drinking locations, citing threats of violence and physical abuse directed at workers. The mayor of Stillwater apologized to corporations for striking them in a awful put aside of dwelling, as some of us replied virulently to the recent principles.

“We don’t obtain the extra or much less police force that can sprint out and test out to handle each single one in every of the of us that will well maybe unbiased now now not be animated to wear the masks,” Mayor Will Joyce stated Sunday on MSNBC. “And so it’s been a fight [to] manufacture of us realize that wearing that face covering is a really easy and an efficient capacity to abet late the unfold of this virus.”

Joyce’s feedback got right here the identical day that Ohio Gov. Mike DeWine (R), an early proponent of strict statewide social distancing, stated he had reversed direction on requiring Ohioans to wear masks due to us “had been now now not going to acquire the authorities telling them what to map.”

“It correct wasn’t going to work,” he stated on ABC News’s “This Week.” “You bought to know what it's good to well maybe map and what it's good to well maybe’t map.”

Messaging from federal officials on masks has been altering and every so often contradictory. Effectively being authorities started recommending closing month that all American citizens quilt their faces in public after previously calling it pointless. White Dwelling coronavirus process force coordinator Deborah Birx on Sunday called protesters who defy cease-at-house orders and crowd in conjunction with out masks “devastatingly worrisome.”

However while some cities and counties mandate masks and even threaten $1,000 fines amid a patchwork of reopening ideas, leaders in conjunction with President Trump and Vice President Pence obtain conspicuously now now not long-established them in sure public appearances. (Pence stated Sunday that he could well maybe unbiased peaceable obtain lined his face at some level of a mighty-criticized consult with to the Mayo Health center nowadays.) And cover requirements are stirring the identical extra or much less politically charged resistance to big restrictions on American citizens’ lives that has popped up in excited rallies at articulate capitols and governors’ residences, generally impressed by the president.

“There are a range of blended messages accessible,” Joyce stated Sunday on MSNBC, in conjunction with that his city reopened alongside with the the leisure of Oklahoma to protect of us “on the identical page” no topic reservations about whether the timing became appropriate for Stillwater.

“I mediate it'd be simplest from a nationwide perspective,” he added, “if we could well obtain … a unified message.”

For some, defiance to cover-wearing has a conservative crooked. To many Trump supporters, declining to wear a cover is a considered capacity to conceal “that ‘I’m a Republican’ or ‘I'd like corporations to originate up all all over again’ or ‘I toughen the president,’ ” Robert Kahn, a legislation professor at the University of St. Thomas in Minneapolis who has studied American citizens’ attitudes in direction of masks, suggested The Washington Post closing month.

“Masks will rapidly change into the recent fashioned in blue states, but when social distancing continues through 2022, the mentality among Republicans could well maybe well commerce, too,” he predicted. “If I'm in a position to head to work and the mark of marginal development in my existence is wearing a cover, maybe American citizens of both occasions map accommodate ourselves to it.”

The mayor of Stillwater, an fair, stated town has impressed cover-wearing in public for weeks. However havoc broke out the moment officials tried to manufacture doing so important.

Joyce amended his emergency declaration on the identical day it took enact “consistent with concerns voiced by commerce proprietors and voters,” based fully on a records open. The nettle directed in direction of store workers started in the fundamental three hours corporations had been originate and included a possibility of gun violence, the open stated.

“I detest that our corporations and their workers had to handle abuse at present time, and I command regret for striking them in that put aside of dwelling,” Joyce stated in an announcement. “I am now now not the extra or much less one that backs down from bullies, but I also is now now not going to ship another particular person to wrestle the battle for me.”

In Stillwater, many of us objecting to the cover requirement cited their perception that the rule of thumb is unconstitutional, City Supervisor Norman McNickle stated in the records open first reported by the Stillwater News Press. McNickle stated wearing a cover is a minor effort that protects the actual person wearing it and any individual the actual person encounters.

“It is unfortunate and distressing that those that refuse and threaten violence are so self-absorbed as to now now not prepare what's a straightforward indicate of appreciate and kindness to others,” McNickle wrote, pronouncing that officials could well maybe now now not in appropriate sense of right and unsuitable keep store and restaurant workers in hazard.

Stillwater’s shops are peaceable asked to now now not now now not up to again customers to wear masks, and command corporations can take hang of to acquire extra restrictive requirements.

Stillwater Police Chief Jeff Watts stated in an announcement that his division became now now not pulling over drivers for now now not wearing masks, responding to complaints about of us now now not wearing face coverings in corporations, or ticketing residents who are now now not wearing masks in public. Watts stated customers and workers of sure types of corporations, in conjunction with salons, barbershops and tattoo parlors, need to peaceable wear masks.

On Sunday, Joyce — whose Twitter fable aspects an image of him in a material face covering — posted photos of vitriolic messages he has bought criticizing him both for the distinctive cover requirement and for backing off of it. “You didn’t mediate we'd react to your TYRANT behavior with threats?” one message reads.

“Here is a laborious time for all people,” he wrote in a tweet thread, offering up his electronic mail tackle to any individual who desires to focus on. “We could well maybe unbiased now now not agree on the capacity forward. However we could well maybe be considerate and compassionate to our neighbors. We are in a position to are attempting to evaluate and realize their perspective.”

Aaron Gregg contributed to this picture.

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[worlorn]

Thomas McNickle, TWO-FAMILY FARM, 2004, Jerald Melberg Gallery

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‘The Light that Comes from Waiting’ - Thomas McNickle (b. 1944)

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[lilithsplace]

Evening Vigil,  2005-06 – Thomas McNickle

mixed media on canvas  |  source:

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‘Wind Through the Trees’,  2005-06 – Thomas McNickle (b. 1944)

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