#buying apartment in kyiv

[taiwantalk]

so so convoluted. russians, if you are willing to pay an apartment in kyiv, it’d be an emigration and you’d be an ukrainian and you’d be in the same shoes as anyone in ukraine not to have your sovereign right be conquered by any foreign hostility.

by joining the war, russians are eternally damning their welcome to freely go anywhere they desire as long as they do not condemn the russian invasion into ukraine.

#ukraine #russia #taiwantalk #conquering #buying apartment in kyiv #invasion #convoluted #emigration

[vasilinaorlova]

I am becoming nostalgic but for America in which I live. For Texas, too. A beautiful land of Texas.

I bought a lamp marked as "Hollywood Regency," nostalgic for things I had never lived, life I didn't know, language nobody spoke, that is, nobody in our family, not my grandmothers, not my grandfathers.

The lamp is going to be shipped tomorrow. It makes no sense to buy objects. I keep moving from one place to another. I counted that I moved seven times in the last twelve years. That's more often than once in two years.

During my last move, I left everything behind, in Texas, in storage. I had more than I can take with me. I did not particularly like or adore the things I own. Most of them were bought just because I needed them: a sofa, a floor lamp for the reading, pillows, shelves to keep books.

Even though I always liked interiors, I never had an opportunity to create an interior for myself. I didn't have enough time and knowledge about what I like and what I don't like. I didn't like a lot of styles. I distrusted both boho and industrial. I didn't like rustic charm. I didn't particularly like scandy or japandy. I grew to hate IKEA but shopped there because it was nearly the only functional furniture store with showrooms.

Among the places where I lived in these ten years, I liked probably one apartment, on Enfield Road in Austin. I liked one apartment where I briefly lived in my previous life in Moscow on Basmannaya. It had high ceilings. The apartment in Austin was huge. I dearly loved my places in Kyiv. I loved the house in the village where I was growing up: spending summers. I loved my godmother's very clean and very modest, minimalistic, even stern apartment where she infallibly kept an absolute bare minimum of objects.

Now I live in a tiny apartment in New York but a lovely place which I like. I want to buy all the unusual lamps I see on Facebook Marketplace. Every lamp appears to be New York to me. I want something that somebody else already liked before. And looking at these lamps, I experienced nostalgia for all those lives I never lived. I am not explaining myself too well. The lamps are particularly magical. Many can remember night lights in their children's rooms when they were children. Even if it was just a street lamp. Those lights that keep guiding us or simply keep resurfacing in memory.

#Texas #America #US #prose

[mariacallous]

There are black roses all over Irpin—the remnants of fire damage on the fronts of apartment blocks. There are shell craters hastily filled in and boarded up buildings waiting to be pulled down. The bridge over the Irpin River still slumps from its supports. But in the vehicle graveyard on the edge of the city, among the three-high stacks of rusted, burned-out cars, there are splashes of bright yellow. Someone has been painting sunflowers.

Inside his café in Irpin’s tree-shaded central park, Borys Yefimenko points to the bullet holes that splinter the polished wooden walls. Over coffee at a table outside, he has to pause, fingers pinched on the bridge of his nose to hold back tears, as he recalls last spring, when this small city to the northeast of Kyiv became a battleground.

The café, one of 10 that Yefimenko ran in Irpin, only opened on February 19, 2022. When the full-scale invasion began five days later, a lot of people in town didn’t believe, or couldn’t comprehend, what was happening. They gathered in the park and stood around drinking coffee, watching the war unfold on their phones. After a night of bombing, Yefimenko, his wife, and their young child got into their car and drove. “I only had enough fuel in my car for 150 kilometers,” he says. “It was impossible to buy fuel, so we made a decision. We’ll drive 70 kilometers. If we don’t find fuel, we’ll come back.” On the outskirts of town, miraculously, they found diesel, and they headed southwest.

Many of his friends and employees stayed, hiding in shelters. As they ran out of basic supplies, Yefimenko told them to take what they needed from his cafés. Three were killed: two shot by a Russian column, the third by a sniper. In late March, Yefimenko was told that his apartment building had been shelled—his home was destroyed.

Irpin was liberated on March 28, 2022. When Yefimenko returned on April 3, there was no running water, no electricity. Parts of the city were still dotted with landmines. He shared a room with 25 other people. The streets were “apocalyptically empty,” he says. Only two of his 10 stores could be salvaged. “And for the first several days we turned on the generator and we just made coffee for people for free,” he says. Since then, he’s opened three other stores, rebuilding his business bit by bit.

The damage caused by Russia’s assault on Ukraine is incalculable. The UN claims at least 7,000 civilians have been killed (the real figure is likely higher), while estimates for fatalities among Ukrainian soldiers sit in the tens of thousands. Around 14 million people have been displaced; 150,000 homes have been damaged or destroyed. Russia has routinely attacked civilian infrastructure and health facilities, destroying or damaging more than 200 hospitals and clinics. Twenty percent of the country’s famed “black earth” farmland has been rendered unusable. An area the size of Florida—174,000 square kilometers of land—needs to be cleared of mines. The economy shrank 30 percent in 2022. These are just the things that can be counted or estimated. Alongside that, there’s the ecological devastation, dramatically demonstrated by the destruction of the Kakhovka dam in June, which flooded huge areas of land and left others parched without irrigation.

But the course of the war has shifted since the liberation of Irpin. Ukraine has reclaimed much of the land lost in the opening months and is once again pushing toward its borders. This has opened up the space to talk about recovery.

It means more than just building back what was there before the conflict. Instead, there is a momentum—in politics, civil society, business, and the cultural establishment—for a post-war Ukraine that is freer, cleaner, more rooted in its identity. Not Ukraine reimagined, per se, but a better reflection of the country that has been revealed to the world through 500 days and counting of unlikely resilience and resistance.

Achieving that recovery is a vastly complex task. It will require leaning on new industries to create opportunities, using technology to deliver services, restoring cultural institutions, and recording history as it’s being made. It will be a hugely ambitious and potentially fraught exercise in transparency and trust as Ukraine figures out how to spend billions upon billions of dollars of public money as it begins to rebuild.

“We really want to build a better country, and this is the chance that we have,” says Oleksandr Gryban, deputy minister of the Economy. “And we cannot waste it … because we’re paying too high of a price. We’ve already paid an enormous price and continue paying with human lives.”

In March, the World Bank estimated that the financial cost of Ukraine’s reconstruction would be $411 billion. Each passing month adds another $10 billion to the bill. These are inconceivable numbers. Four hundred and eleven billion dollars is more than twice the size of Ukraine’s economy. It’s 100 times the annual budget of the United Nations. It’s nearly two-thirds of the 2008 banking bailout in the US. And it’s likely to be an underestimate. The head of the European Investment Bank, a development finance institution, has estimated that the real cost is more likely to be over €1 trillion ($1.1 trillion). President Volodomyr Zelenksyy gave a similar figure last year. “With all the current shellings and the escalation, we might still see more and more damage,” Gryban says.

Talking on the phone as he walks between meetings, Gryban rattles off statistics—$14.1 billion pledged by other countries for rebuilding infrastructure, $36 billion in loans and grants to cover the hole in the state budget, $2 billion in financial support for small businesses.

He says he is trying to look for positives. Much of the infrastructure that’s been destroyed was “outdated, inherited Soviet infrastructure that was not super efficient,” he says. “We do have a chance to, as we say, to build back better.” That means building environmental, social, and governance (ESG) considerations into projects, replacing old power infrastructure with green energy, and integrating with the European Union’s “Green Deal” industrial plan. “We can be the powerhouse of Europe with renewable energy, with hydrogen projects,” he says. “We have the gas transportation system where we can export hydrogen to Europe. Or we can set up new facilities, like green metallurgy facilities.”

Gryban’s office is responsible for getting private investment into Ukraine, which is a tough prospect with the war still ongoing. The ministry has set up Advantage Ukraine, a campaign to link foreign investors to projects in the country, listing opportunities in sectors from defense to woodworking. There’s interest, Gryban says, but “foreigners are still, you know, very careful and cautious.”

The economy has, somewhat miraculously, stabilized at two-thirds the size it was at the start of 2022, and it is forecast to grow very marginally in 2023. That’s partly testament to heroic feats of engineering and innovation that have kept services running despite constant attacks, partly because of large amounts of money from international donors flowing into Gryban’s ministry to keep businesses afloat, and partly because of the unexpected resilience of some industries, chief among them the tech sector.

UNIT.City is almost too perfect a metaphor for Ukraine’s economic transformation. It’s the epicenter of Kyiv’s startup scene—a tech park launched in 2016 by UFuture, a real estate and industrial conglomerate that was looking to diversify beyond petrochemicals and agricultural processing.

To get to the campus by car, you have to drive through the middle of a huge warehouse: half the windows cracked or broken, the rest faded sepia with decades of dust. Until the 1990s, it was a motorcycle factory, built during the Soviet era to make knock-offs of German bikes for a brand that didn’t survive the transition to the free market. But on the other side you pass into a post-industrial Narnia, a 2020s tech park with wide boulevards, blue-tinted glass, and elegant greenery.

I’m met near the entrance by Kirill Bondar, UNIT.City’s CFO, who leads a tour of the campus—there’s the best coffee stand, and there’s the second best; there’s the restaurant that just opened; there are the new luxury apartment buildings, under construction, the plastic wrap still on their windows; there’s the radio station that was hacked by the Russians last year and started broadcasting propaganda; there’s the tower that was hit by debris from a downed missile. The owners recovered the debris. They’re going to turn it into a sculpture.

Inside UNIT.City’s offices and coworking spaces, I meet startup after startup: IoT companies, biotech, AI, drones, medtech. Each has their own stockpile of branded merchandise: T-shirts, stickers, cookies. One gives me a branded baseball bat “for protection” that I carry from meeting to meeting for the next few hours.

As well as physical spaces, the tech industry needed a regulatory one, the kind of legal environment that would allow companies to take risks and innovate, and bring in international investment capital. At UNIT.City, the two spaces—the physical infrastructure and the legal—overlap. In a conference room off an open-plan office, I meet Alex Bornyakov, deputy minister of digital transformation and head of Diia City, the “virtual special economic zone,” created by the government as a Ukrainian version of Delaware’s stripped-down tax and reporting regime.

Bornyakov explains in great detail how Ukraine created tailored regulatory provisions for startups, including convertible notes, liquidation preferences, and indemnities for founders; the seriousness only slightly diluted by his T-shirt, which features a cartoon rabbit wielding a chain saw. “The goal was to align the language that Silicon Valley speaks with Ukrainian legislation,” he says. “So when someone from Europe or the UK or North America wants to invest in a Ukrainian company, they speak the same language, and they use similar tools.” Diia City—which was opposed in some quarters as neoliberal, in others as futile—was launched two weeks before the full-scale invasion began—but after a couple of slow months applications resumed, and there are now more than 500 companies registered. Talking to executives across the tech sector, I’m given a dozen reasons for its resilience, ranging from luck to the distributed nature of the industry to variations on “we’re used to solving problems.”

The tech sector has played a vital role in the war effort: turning plowshares into swords; converting civilian drones into weapons; repurposing skills to turn coders into cyberwarriors; and creating platforms and apps to source, fund, connect. There’s a determination within the sector and the government to now turn that mindset to the task of recovery—to grim opportunities, wartime and post-war necessities that can only realistically be solved with tech. There’s govtech and fintech, the need to figure out how to deliver government services, financial support, and education to displaced populations and devastated towns and cities. There’s the need to de-mine huge areas of the country, and to rehabilitate agricultural land. In Warsaw, I met Eugene Nayshtetik, CEO of two companies: Biolity Systems, which uses AI and imaging to automatically clone high-value plants, and Radio Bird, which makes autonomous surveillance drones for the military—one’s for the victory, the other for the recovery.

Tech has also given the Ukrainian economy a success story that it can broadcast. UNIT.City’s residents have embraced their ambassadorial role. There are Ukrainian tech delegations heading out all over the world—the Middle East, Asia, as well as Europe and the US. “The voice of Ukraine has become more prominent, and the doors which have been closed previously, I’ll be honest with you, they have become open,” says Kateryna Hrechko, CEO of Techosystem, a nonprofit that promotes the tech sector in Ukraine.

Making the most of this moment, building something solid in Kyiv—and the other tech hubs of Kharkiv, Odesa, Dnipro, and Lviv—will be vital for the reconstruction, Hrechko says. The sector has to make sure there’s something to come back to, to keep the industry growing and thriving so that there are jobs and opportunities when the war is over “and that talent pool will not be gone to Delaware.”

Like many others I spoke to in Kyiv, Hrechko sees the Diia City model—not just the low taxes, but the broader sense of collaboration between government and industry, the prioritization of speed and flexibility but also transparency and accountability—as a template for a different kind of economy, one that’s more information-driven, more connected to the knowledge economies of Europe, leaning away from the Soviet-era industries with their oligarchs and ties back to Russia. “People do not believe that change is possible,” Hrechko says. “But then when you start with something small, and you show that it is possible, and then you expand it.”

In late June, a large Ukrainian delegation arrived in London to attend a conference of international donors and businesses. They left with nearly $60 billion in pledges of loans and grants from the EU, UK, and US. That’s on top of tens of billions already promised, as well as other donor programs from the World Bank and other international financial institutions (IFIs).

It’s very hard to spend that much money, and harder still to spend it well. After years of being criticized for profligacy, and decades of agglomerating processes, IFIs are incredibly bureaucratic, demanding enormous amounts of data. And they each tend to want that data in a different form. Most have different weightings for the things they care about. Some programs require you to report up front on the climate impact of every dollar, others on gender and human rights. Some operate in dollars, some in euros, others in pounds sterling. Some offer loans, some grants, some pseudo-private investments. Donors often duplicate each other’s work. Oleksandra Azarkhina, the deputy minister for Communities, Territories, and Infrastructure Development, whose ministry is overseeing the reconstruction efforts (at the same time as handling military logistics), says that her team is currently managing 45 separate IFI programs, each made up of hundreds of smaller projects.

On top of this complexity, Ukraine’s reconstruction needs to be doubly accountable—to its donors and to its citizens. Since the 1990s, the country has had a well-deserved reputation for corruption, which it has spent the past decade trying hard to shake. Ukraine now wants to show—has to show—that it’s moving in line with other European countries, in support of its desire to join the EU. And it has to live up to the trust of its citizens. The Zelenskyy government’s brand is accessibility and transparency, governing by consensus rather than by diktat.

Spending $1 trillion on potentially hundreds of thousands of different projects, with thousands of stakeholders, touching on areas of the economy and parts of local government long associated with corruption—all under the fog of war—is an incredible opportunity to get it wrong.

So in June the government delegation brought data. Reams and reams of data to back up every single thing they’re asking for. “We can explain each line,” Azarkhina says. “No one can say to us Ukraine doesn’t know what it wants.”

This Ukrainian government likes data. The “state in a smartphone” app, Diia, is a single portal for Ukrainians to access everything from certificates for births, deaths, and marriages to voting in the Eurovision Song Contest and paying their taxes. But it has also rolled out databases for the construction industry, for company registration, for government procurement—the latter of which, ProZorro, offers extraordinarily granular data on contracts and bids for public works in an attempt to demonstrate transparency in a system that was undeniably riven with corruption. When February’s invasion began, Azarkhina’s team started collecting data on the damage to civilian property, building a massive, comprehensive register of the destruction being caused by the war. That’s fed into a system that also collates public service data, which can output maps of battle damage, disruptions to health care or education, and population changes as a result of the war.

In June, the Ukrainian delegation presented a system called the Digital Reconstruction Ecosystem for Accountable Management (Dream)—bringing all of these tools into a single interface and adding to it a database of every reconstruction project in the country. These can be submitted from the community level, online, and give donors and investors a searchable database of wrecked schools, hospitals, bridges, and water treatment plants, each listed with the metrics that international donors expect to see, like environmental impact assessments and statistics on gender inclusion. That means someone sitting at a desk at a development bank or construction company in Paris or Washington DC can search for destroyed bridges near Irpin, for example, and get in touch directly with the people running those projects.

The aim, says Viktor Nestulia, chair of RISE Ukraine, a coalition of NGOs, and head of Ukraine support at the nonprofit Open Contracting Partnership, which led the development of the system, isn’t just to provide a massive Kickstarter for the Ukrainian economy, but to help make smart decisions about what to invest in. By including maps of service disruptions, the government can decide, for example, whether the best way to get kids back to class is to rebuild a school or buy a school bus.

It is, Nestulia says, a system that has pretty radical underpinnings—near complete transparency for where hundreds of billions of dollars are flowing. The scale of the reconstruction effort means that some corruption is inevitable. But Dream makes it a lot harder to get away with, and less likely to occur at the systematic level than it used to. He’s quick to point out that transparency isn’t enough on its own. “Transparency is a pretty easy exercise,” he says. “But then I believe that many Ukrainian vested [interests], they aren’t really afraid of accountability and integrity because they know how to manipulate [the system].”

But the stakes are higher when getting caught out means losing access to the international money that’s going to fund the construction industry in Ukraine for the next decade. It’s the kind of project that could quietly change the way Ukraine works well beyond the end of the war. It’s a way for the victims of the war—communities themselves—to help decide on their future, even to pitch directly to international donors without needing the government to intermediate. In June, when Nestulia hosted a Zoom call for communities interested in pitching projects, 900 people joined.

Transparency and trust, involving citizens in their own governance, and giving them tools like Diia to interact directly with the government are things this administration has put front and center. But Nestulia says puckishly that Dream is the kind of system a government may come to dislike, since it takes power away from them. So far, there haven’t been any protests, not even from the economic old guard who most profit from opacity. But that could simply be because they haven’t gotten wise to the significance of the system. “Not everyone understands what we’re building,” Nestulia says.

It is Museum Day when I visit Irpin. The city’s small museum is closed to the public, but its administrators have set up a small display outside—a table set for tea, a woman in early 20th century costume, and a cabinet of locally made fruit jellies. Inside, the exhibits are packed tightly in store rooms on the second floor, 125 years of artifacts. Among the paintings, ceramics, and ephemera are busts of Lenin and works by Russian artists from the Soviet era. “We’re going to let the historians sort those out,” says Yevgeniia Antonyuk, the head of the city council’s Department of Culture. They won’t destroy things of potential significance, even now. But by the door is a stack of Soviet-era textbooks “for the recycling,” Antonyuk says.

The museum was damaged by shelling, but most of its exhibits survived. It now also houses items rescued from destroyed cultural sites, like a wooden icon, still speckled with shrapnel, from a church that was gutted by fire last year. As we walk around Irpin’s central plaza, Antonyuk points out the scarred facade of the library. “We replaced the windows, but we can’t restore that,” she says. “It’s difficult and expensive. There are 10,000 people without homes here, it’s not the right time for doing stuff like that.”

Irpin’s cultural institutions aren’t just rescuing and restoring artifacts from the city’s early years, they’re also trying to memorialize the past year and a half. It’s hard to curate history in real time. There are too many physical remnants of war. But they have huge amounts of digital material. They want to create a VR experience based on footage captured in the immediate aftermath of the Russian withdrawal from Irpin, to capture that moment even after the city is fully restored. It would be one of many attempts to digitize Ukraine’s heritage and culture, as volunteers take 3D scans of significant buildings, make high-res copies of art, and even catalog wartime memes for future generations. These are needed because cultural heritage hasn’t just been collateral damage in the war. The invasion has been motivated by the Russian idea that Ukraine doesn’t exist.

“This war is not only about territory, but it is also about culture,” Antonyuk says. “The first thing that Russians do when they occupy territory, they destroy the cultural institutions, they destroy everything Ukrainian, and they destroy everything that can identify us as Ukrainians.” Rebuilding stronger is an act of defiance and a way to reiterate the Ukrainian identity. “Cultural institutions are there to show us who we are.”

It’s also important to remember and record the present. The war in Ukraine is the first conflict of its scale and scope to happen in the era of mass digitization, with an almost unlimited ability to store and record information.

I met café owner Yefimenko and council member Antonyuk through the Museum of Civilian Voices, a project by the Rinat Akhmetov Foundation, a philanthropic organization that started in 2014, taking video testimony of people living near the front lines of the proxy war being fought between Ukrainian forces and Russian-backed militias in the eastern Donbas region. Over the first four years, they collected thousands of hours of videos covering how ordinary citizens had experienced the conflict. When the larger invasion began, they expanded the project to cover the whole country. It’s an effort to make sure that the stories of individual civilians—small business owners, homemakers, school teachers—are visible within massive meta-narratives of conflict, an eye-level story of the war told in 75,000 individual accounts. The idea is “to save as many stories as we could find to create this [360-degree] understanding of what happened, of the scale of the tragedy,” says Natalya Yemchenko, one of the foundation’s board members, who has been involved in the project from the beginning. And there’s a healing aspect to it. The country needs to learn how to remember, Yemchenko says. “Otherwise we will keep these traumas with us in our future, and it will traumatize us again and again.”

Yefimenko, outside his coffee stall in Irpin, in a park which a year before was pocked with craters and strewn with bodies—where children are now playing on a bouncy castle—says rebuilding has given him a sense of mission and has become his own act of solidarity and defiance. It’s something I heard over and again in Ukraine: that reconstruction and reform, even the smallest acts, are ways to honor the sacrifices being made, and that rebuilding isn’t just a consequence of victory, but a way to achieve it.

“The only reason we can sit here with the coffee is because other people died on the front line,” he says. “I believe that everyone should do their thing in their place. Some people make coffee, some people fight, some people make bread, and that makes up the economy of Ukraine. We are fighting for our independence. Our financial independence is also important.”

[tomorrowusa]

Bacardi is paying taxes to Putin which help him buy missiles to blow up maternity hospitals, schools, and apartment buildings in Ukraine.

If Bacardi can't quit Vladimir, pro-democracy people should quit Bacardi.

Ukraine’s national anti-corruption agency added Bacardi Limited to its list of international war sponsors, citing the company’s continued business and tax payments in Russia. In its announcement Thursday, Ukraine’s National Agency on Corruption Prevention (NACP) claimed the Bermudian spirits company is looking for new employees in Russia, despite Ukraine’s ongoing conflict with the country. “After the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine, Bacardi announced that it would stop exporting to Russia and stop investing in advertising, but this part later disappeared from the company’s official statement,” according to a statement from the NACP. “Therefore, the company continued to supply its products to the Russian Federation for millions of dollars and to look for new employees by publishing job advertisements.” 

Bacardi has engaged in rather sketchy bookkeeping to hide its involvement in Russia. But they were inadvertently outed by Russia itself.

The NACP claimed the Russian division of the Bacardi Rus company “imported goods worth $169 million during the year of war with Ukraine.” The agency cited data from the Federal Tax Service of the Russian Federation, which it said showed the revenue of Bacardi Rus in 2022 increased by 8.5 percent to 32.6 billion rubles and had a net profit of 4.7 billion rubles, which is 206.5 percent more than its profit in 2021. The NACP said the company paid more than $12 million in income taxes to Russia.

Both Yale University School of Management and the Kyiv School of Economics maintain databases on involvement of foreign businesses in Russia.

They are somewhat similar but not identical. The KSE database covers twice as many companies as Yale. Yale uses five categories; the KSE uses six categories in the heading but then telescopes the four middle categories into two beneath the fold. The KSE offers more detailed information on each company. The latter also has a version in Ukrainian. Yale offers a continuous scroll running from worst to best grouping. At KSE you click one of the categories and are then shown the company profiles in groups of 120 or less. Both sites were updated on Thursday.

Over 1,000 Companies Have Curtailed Operations in Russia—But Some Remain | Yale School of Management (Yale)

Stop Doing Business With Russia (KSE)

Many of the listings are for consumer products companies. So the databases are worth a browse before the next time you shop. Support the good guys and take a pass on the bad guys.

#invasion of ukraine #sponsors of putin's war #bacardi #bacardi rus #companies still doing business with russia #boycott companies doing business in russia #nazk #nacp ukraine #national agency on corruption prevention #yale university school of management #kyiv school of economics #агрессивная война россии #спонсоры войны #бакарди рус #владимир путин #путин хуйло #союз постсоветских клептократических ватников #геть з україни #вторгнення оркостану в україну #україна переможе #національне агентство з питань запобігання корупції #київська школа економіки #деокупація #слава україні! #героям слава!

[eastern-anarchist]

There are many problems with the information policy of the Ukrainian authorities, but one of those that infuriate me the most is the dichotomy "poor Russians against rich Ukrainians", "the impoverished horde plundered the rich and well-groomed Ukrainian yards." This rhetoric harms the Ukrainians themselves. You could hear a lot about crimes against civilians (not a description of military operations) in Bucha, Irpin and Mariupol, but much less about Borodianka, Popasna or villages in the Kherson region. I don't think this a coincidence. Before the war, Bucha and Irpin were suburbs of Kyiv for the middle class, who could afford to buy a new apartment and travel to Kyiv by car and live in a green and quiet satellite town. A lot of money was invested in Mariupol after 2014, including in urban beautification, it was also a city with a lot of middle class. But Borodianka, on which air bombs were dropped, is a village for locals who have lived there for generations. Wiped off the face of the earth Popasna is a small town in the Luhansk region, which after 2014 has lost its economic potential. Deep poverty and unemployment have been reigning in the villages of the Kherson region for decades. Obviously, even before the war, there were a lot of poor people in Ukraine, whose lives were complicated by neoliberal reforms (for example, in the field of medicine) and constant increases in public services. There are many depressed towns, where every year more and more facilities went bankrupt. And it's obvious that the poorest after the war will be put on the brink of survival, but the information policy now makes us think that they will be silent about them.

#ukraine #russian invasion #eastern europe #no war to ukraine #no war in ukraine #no war #inequality #classism

[talia-my-darling]

1920’s Ride the Cyclone AU

A thing before we start: This takes place in Chicago, America not Uranium City.

@luckynature @thespacecatgirl @jason-deann

Ocean O’Connell Rosenberg, a women strictly against Alcohol. If she supported Prohibition her recently deceased husband must have too. It was a tragic accident of what happened to Ocean’s husband but it should not be invested throughly. Ocean goes up to Police Officers like Officer Gruber to inform him over smuggled illegal alcohol. She has noted that Officer Gruber often ignores her inputs and she’s pissed.

Noel Gruber, Police Officer by day, speakeasy owner by night. Noel’s sister Monique works as a flapper in different speakeasies, usually makes her way around the block. When working as an officer, Noel would ignore the suggests about people owning alcohol and take bribes from those who did. He lives in a two room apartment with his boyf- I mean roommate Ricky Potts.

Mischa Bachinski, bootlegger. Makes piles of good money off it. Mischa known for having great quality alcohol and that many speakeasies owners buy from him. As a child with his mother he came to America for a better life but in return they got discrimination for being from Russia.

Ricky Potts, a newspaper reporter. Practically a slave to his bosses, having to write a new article every hour and finish it by the next. When Ricky was younger he reviewed restaurants, shows and other social things, usually bringing along his boyfr- I mean roommate Noel Gruber. But now that he’s older he writes about missing people, gangs, robberies and murders.

Penny Lamb, a waitress who dreamed of being a fashion designer. Didn’t earn a lot of money for her and her brother, but enough to make it by. Penny is extremely close with Ricky so if she gets a fashion business up and running she knows a few people won’t hesitate to give a 5 star review. Despite any negatives there might be.

Constance Blackwood, a jazz singer. She travels around all of Chicago performing at a different place almost every night. Constance is extremely popular and gets lots of love. But she loves going to this diner where this extremely pretty waitress works. On nights when she’s not busy at another place Constance heads down to perform at Noel’s speakieasy because they are besties.

—

• This AU is heavily supporting romantic SugarDolls (Jane x Constance), SpaceStrippers (Ricky x Noel) and PassionFlowers (Mischa x Talia).

• This AU also heavily supports platonic BakingDrama (Constance and Noel), SpaceDolls (Ricky and Jane), Nischa (Mischa and Noel), PerfectDolls (Ocean and Jane)

• Talia and Mischa are actually married in this AU and they knew each other before moving from Kiev, Russia. (I SAY RUSSIA BECAUSE UKRAINE WAS APART OF RUSSIA IN THE 1920’S AND KYIV IS SPELLED THAT WAY BECAUSE THE NAME CHANGE HASNT HAPPENED YET)

• Ocean’s husband is not an OC. He’s basically just an unnamed character basically a John Doe to you all. Him as a person is irrelevant.

• They are not all the same age, Constance is 19, Penny is 20, Noel and Monique are 24, Ricky is 26, Mischa and Talia are 26 and Ocean is 31.

• Noel wants to be his sister most of the time but can’t also Monique is a flapper and not a s*x worker.

#ride the cyclone #ride the cyclone musical #rtc #Rtc musical #rtc headcanons #ride the cyclone headcanons #|| Ride the Cyclone || 1924 AU #noel gruber #rtc noel gruber #mischa bachinski #rtc mischa bachinski #ocean o'connell rosenberg #Rtc ocean O’Connell Rosenberg #rtc ricky potts #Ricky Potts #Jane Doe #rtc jane doe #Penny Lamb #rtc penny lamb #constance blackwood #rtc Constance blackwood #SugarDolls #SpaceStrippers #PassionFlower #talia rtc #rtc Talia #Jane Doe x Constance Blackwood #Jane x Constance #Noel Gruber x Ricky Potts #Noel x Ricky

[suomeen]

Chapter 5: Finnishing the Year

As the year was coming to an end, we finally moved into our new apartment in a 5-story municipal building. The house is rather simple, though it has all one might need, with a storage space outside and a laundry room in the basement. There are Finns living there but a lot of the apartments are owned by the city to house refugees or immigrants so there are a lot of Ukrainians, as well as people from Arabic countries and South East Asia.

The apartment is spacious, has 2 bedrooms and a larger living room. When we first arrived, there was basically nothing in it. Just beds and closets and a starter kit of cheap cutlery, plastic plate and glass, and a few pans. A bit later we also got a few chairs and bedside tables, as well as a kitchen table. The beds are very uncomfortable but it’s better than sleeping in the corridor and waking up from explosions. It was almost strange to feel so safe.

Sharing a tiny room with your mother in your 30s is not exactly ideal. Having my own room is probably what I miss the most. In a situation like that, you soon realize that privacy is a luxury. The inherent lack of privacy was exacerbated by the fact that without much furniture, carpets or curtains, the acoustics were way too good. You couldn’t make a sound without the whole apartment knowing. The bathroom is a fucking echo chamber. To make a private call, people go outside. You can always see someone hanging out in the yard with their phones. And its not great when it’s cold as fuck outside.

The city itself has a population of just 60k. But then Finland is not a big country with only 5 million people overall. So, a city of over 50k is sizeable. It’s not exactly small in terms of area either, as most of the houses have just 1 floor and the buildings are rather sparse. It looks like a forest anywhere you go. The problem is our block is quite far from the city center so to get literally anywhere you need to walk at least 40 minutes. You can take the bus but it costs 3e and doesn’t go everywhere and only at certain hours. No buses after 6 pm and on Sundays. The city is designed for cars. Or, at the very least, bikes. If you walk to a shop through an industrial zone, you’re probably not gonna meet a single person for miles. At least our house has a big supermarket right next to it.

When we arrived to settle in, there was already another dweller. A young woman named Lina who took the other bedroom. She was a German teacher, polite but sociable. We hit it off surprisingly well.  Our first order of business was to try and make this place feel at least a little bit like home the best we could and navigate this wondrous new territory.

The NY eve was wild. Sure, we used to have fireworks in Kyiv, but they went off at midnight and only lasted for about 5 minutes. We don’t have them since the war started. Fireworks sound just like explosions, you know.  Here, the fireworks began at 6 PM and went on till after midnight. There were hundreds of them going off all around us. they never stopped. It was insane. As the day wrapped up, the 3 of us sat down in the kitchen. We didn’t even have proper drinks because we learned too late that you can’t just buy alcohol in Finland. The supermarkets don’t sell anything over 5%. For that you have to go to one of the Alko shops and there are just 4 of them in town. Besides, the alcohol is also very expensive. We drank a few cans of cheap beer and called it a night.

[cyberbenb]

Ukraine war latest: Russia attacks Odesa, claims 'retaliation' for Crimean Bridge incident

Key developments on July 18:

Russia targets Odesa with Kalibr missiles, drones

Yermak: Russian drones still have Western-made parts, more sanctions needed

Defense Ministry: Ukraine regains initiative near Kupiansk, continues offensive along southern front

European Parliament calls for ICC arrest warrant against Lukashenko

Benelux countries to send M113 infantry vehicles to Ukraine

Shmyhal: Ukraine to reconstruct Kakhovka dam and power plant

Explosions were reported in Odesa at around 2:30 a.m. local time on July 18. Russia targeted the port city with six Kalibr missiles, which Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov called “retaliation” for the attack on the Crimean Bridge on July 17.

Russian media originally reported two explosions at the Crimean Bridge around 3 a.m. local time on July 17 and accused Ukraine of being behind the act. Ukraine has neither claimed responsibility nor denied its involvement in the incident.

The Crimean Bridge connects Ukraine’s Crimean Peninsula, which has been under illegal Russian occupation since 2014, with Russia’s Krasnodar Krai.

Ukrainian air defense was able to shoot down all six Kalibr missiles targeting Odesa, according to the Air Force. Thirty-one out of 36 Shahed kamikaze drones and one reconnaissance drone launched by Russia overnight from the south were also shot down.

However, Ukraine’s Southern Operational Command reported that the debris and the resulting shockwave caused property damage and injured one person in the city.

Four of the drones were shot down over Mykolaiv Oblast, according to Southern Operational Command. An industrial facility in Mykoliav caught fire but there were no causalities.

How Russia uses Iranian drones to try to overwhelm Ukraine’s air defense

Russia’s been shelling civilian housing and infrastructure since the war escalated on Feb. 24 and has a body count in the thousands to show for it. But recently, Moscow prioritized attacking power plants throughout Ukraine, damaging more than a third with big missile and loitering munition attacks.…

The Kyiv IndependentIgor Kossov

Yermak: Russian drones still have Western-made parts, more sanctions needed

Andrii Yermak, the head of President Volodymyr Zelensky’s office, said on July 18 that one of the four drones shot down over Mykolaiv last night was made with parts from Western and Asian countries.

On Telegram, Yermak posted an image of the Iranian-made Shahed drone’s engine with the words “Made in Ireland” clearly visible on the carburetor.

“Russians often erase serial numbers in foreign components,” he added, posting a second image of the drone’s internal components where the serial number had been removed.

The fact that Shahed drones include components from Western and Asian countries means that there are not enough sanctions in place, Yermak added.

“The manufacturing companies also cannot accept that their components are present in weapons that kill people. Russia has been buying foreign technological products for many years, but now, when they are becoming instruments of killing people, terrorism, and genocide, this cannot continue,” he said.

National Security and Defense Council Secretary Oleksii Danilov previously reported on June 3 that Ukrainian authorities found parts inside drones “that are not produced in either Iran or Russia."

Danilov stressed that it was vital to look into how spare parts that Moscow could use for the drones were ending up in Russia or Iran despite existing sanctions.

Kyiv’s frustration boils as flow of Western chips for Russian missiles continues uninterrupted

Destroyed apartments, burnt-out cars, lives upturned or extinguished altogether: Russia’s June 13 missile attack on the city of Kryvyi Rih was, in many ways, nothing out of the ordinary for wartime Ukraine. The evening after the attack, which killed 13 civilians, President Volodymyr Zelensky came o…

The Kyiv IndependentFrancis Farrell

Defense Ministry: Ukraine regains initiative near Kupiansk, continues offensive along southern front

Russia’s offensive in the Lyman-Kupiansk direction has failed to make any gains, Deputy Defense Minister Hanna Maliar reported on July 18.

“The battles continue, but the initiative is already on our side,” Maliar said.

Serhii Cherevatyi, the spokesperson for Ukraine’s Eastern Military Command, previously reported on July 17 that Russia was concentrating “more than 100,000 personnel, more than 900 tanks, more than 555 artillery systems, 370 MLRS” in the Lyman-Kupiansk direction.

Kupiansk was liberated in Ukraine’s counteroffensive in Kharkiv Oblast in September 2022. Lyman, located in Donetsk Oblast, was liberated just weeks later.

Colonel General Oleksandr Syrskyi, commander of Ukraine’s Ground Forces, acknowledged on July 17 that the situation in the east was difficult. According to Syrskyi, Russia has been attempting to gain ground in the Kupiansk area to continue “the offensive into the depth of our battle formations."

In her July 18 update, Malyar also said that Ukrainian troops were advancing on the southern flank of Bakhmut. Ukrainian offensives are also advancing in the direction of Russian-occupied Berdiansk and Melitopol, she added.

Concerning the slow pace of the counteroffensive, Maliar explained that “our troops have to move in extremely difficult conditions” and that Russian forces are making an effort to stop any advances.

“Remember the liberation of Kherson - it also took more than one day,” Maliar said.

Francis Farrell: As the world watches the counteroffensive, a sober hold on reality is Ukraine’s greatest weapon

This June was meant to be all about the great Ukrainian counteroffensive. After months of waiting, dozens of public statements from exasperated Ukrainian officials bound to silence, and even more analyses from experts and commentators in the media, the moment finally came when Ukrainian soldiers on…

The Kyiv IndependentFrancis Farrell

European Parliament calls for ICC arrest warrant against Lukashenko

The European Parliament called upon the International Criminal Court (ICC) on July 18 to issue an arrest warrant against Belarusian dictator Alexander Lukashenko due to his regime’s involvement in the war against Ukraine, including the deportation of Ukrainian children.

“With the International Criminal Court (ICC) already having issued arrest warrants for Russian President Vladimir Putin and Russian Children’s Rights Commissioner Maria Lvova-Belova, MEPs call on the ICC to consider a similar arrest warrant for (Alexander Lukashenko),” the parliament said in its statement.

Additionally, the parliament condemned ongoing human rights abuses in Belarus, expressed opposition to the participation of Belarusian athletes in the 2024 Summer Olympic Games, and called for the release of political prisoners as well as the implementation of tougher EU sanctions.

The statement also raised concerns about Belarus' increasing subordination to Russia and urged the EU to provide stronger and more decisive support to the Belarusian democratic opposition.

On June 27, the Belarusian anti-government organization National Anti-Crisis Management submitted evidence to the ICC that Lukashenko and other Belarusian and Russian officials are responsible for the forced deportation of at least 2,100 Ukrainian children to Belarus.

Ombudsman Dmytro Lubinets has also said that Ukrainian children, as well as prisoners of war, are being transported to Belarus with the knowledge of authorities in Minsk.

The ICC issued arrest warrants against Putin and Lvova-Belova on March 17 for allegedly overseeing the illegal transfer of Ukrainian children. The Ukrainian government database Children of War estimates no less than 19,500 children have been taken.

Ukraine’s fight to bring Russian leadership to justice puts legal systems to ultimate test

In pursuit of justice for Russia’s many war crimes, Ukraine is actively seeking the establishment of an international tribunal. The International Criminal Court (ICC) has already launched investigations into alleged Russian war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide in Ukraine. However, the…

The Kyiv IndependentAlexander Khrebet

Benelux countries to send M113 infantry vehicles to Ukraine

In a joint statement on July 18, the defense ministers of Belgium, the Netherlands, and Luxembourg announced their countries' plan to send refurbished M113 armored vehicles to Ukraine in the coming months.

Additionally, Ukraine will receive the necessary spare parts for the vehicles.

“With this donation, we show that we continue to support Ukraine against Russian aggression,” the Benelux defense ministers said.

“Joining our efforts, we are responding to the request of the Armed Forces of Ukraine to further deploy armored vehicles,” they added.

Belgium, the Netherlands, and Luxembourg are also part of a new international coalition to train Ukrainian pilots on F-16 fighter jets, which was announced at the NATO summit in Vilnius earlier in July.

Former NATO envoy to Moscow: ‘Potential escalation with Russia is a myth’

The West failed to understand the Russian regime before the 2022 invasion of Ukraine, Robert Pszczel, the former NATO envoy to Moscow from 2010-2015, said on the sidelines of the Warsaw International Summit in Kyiv on July 7. Once the punching bag of Russian propagandists during his appearances on…

The Kyiv IndependentAlexander Query

Shmyhal: Ukraine to reconstruct Kakhovka dam and power plant

Prime Minister Denys Shmyhal announced on July 18 that the Ukrainian government has given its approval for the commencement of a reconstruction project for the Kakhovka Hydroelectric Power Plant.

According to Shmyhal, the reconstruction project is set to take place in two stages over a two-year period.

“At the first stage, we will design all engineering structures, and prepare the necessary base for restoration. The second stage will begin after the de-occupation of the territories where the (power plant) is located. This involves actual construction work,” Shmyhal said.

Shymal added that the project will be coordinated by the Economy Ministry and the state-owned energy company Ukrhydroenergo will take on the work.  

On the morning of June 6, 2023, the dam of the Kakhovka Hydroelectric Power Plant, situated in Russian-occupied territory across the Dnipro River, was destroyed. The event has triggered a massive humanitarian and environmental crisis throughout southern Ukraine.

Within two weeks, the dam’s destruction had already caused an estimated $1.5 billion worth of damage to Ukraine.

Kakhovka Dam destruction: Tracking the catastrophe’s aftermath down the Dnipro River (VIDEO)

The destruction of the Kakhovka Dam had catastrophic consequences for several southern Ukrainian regions. It destroyed people’s homes, affected the environment, and led to water shortages. The Kyiv Independent went to the affected areas to see the scale of the catastrophe.

The Kyiv IndependentOlena Makarenko

[airasilver]

Parents, sisters join Lancaster Bible College runner Dana Keller in Pennsylvania after fleeing Kyiv, Ukraine

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* JOHN WALK | Sports Writer May 1, 2023

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Dana Keller, a sophomore from Kyiv, Ukraine, during Lancaster Bible College track and field practice at Lancaster Catholic’s Crusader Stadium in Manheim Twp. Tuesday March 28, 2023.

* CHRIS KNIGHT | Staff Photographer

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Dana Keller, a sophomore from Kyiv, Ukraine, talks with a teammate during Lancaster Bible College track and field practice at Lancaster Catholic’s Crusader Stadium in Manheim Twp. Tuesday March 28, 2023.

* CHRIS KNIGHT | Staff Photographer

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Dana Keller, a sophomore from Kyiv, Ukraine, during Lancaster Bible College track and field practice at Lancaster Catholic’s Crusader Stadium in Manheim Twp. Tuesday March 28, 2023.

* CHRIS KNIGHT | Staff Photographer

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Dana Keller, a sophomore from Kyiv, Ukraine, during Lancaster Bible College track and field practice at Lancaster Catholic’s Crusader Stadium in Manheim Twp. Tuesday March 28, 2023.

* CHRIS KNIGHT | Staff Photographer

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Dana Keller, a sophomore from Kyiv, Ukraine, gets some instruction from assistant coach Adam Mathias, during Lancaster Bible College track and field practice at Lancaster Catholic’s Crusader Stadium in Manheim Twp. Tuesday March 28, 2023.

* CHRIS KNIGHT | Staff Photographer

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Dana Keller had to warn her family of impending danger. She was 5,000 miles away on the campus of Lancaster Bible College, but Dana knew her mother, father and two younger sisters were likely still asleep inside their third-floor apartment in Kyiv, Ukraine.

She picked up her phone to alert her dad, Vitaly Keller, who awoke to a call from his eldest daughter.

“Check the news,” Dana Keller said.

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“Wait, I can hear something outside,” he said. “I’ll call you later.”

Windows to the Keller apartment were rattling as Russian bombs rained down on a nearby airport and factory. Vitaly Keller, a Russian national, awoke his wife, Alexandra, a native of Ukraine. Their home countries were now at war.

Within the next 24 hours, the pair made a life-altering decision to flee with their children. But where they would go was a question mark. Desperate to get his family to safety, Vitaly Keller turned to faith-based personal connections established decades earlier and an ocean away in Pennsylvania.

Fleeing Ukraine

“Everyone was running in different directions,” Vitaly Keller recalled of the panic that set in on the streets of Kyiv in the first hours of the war.

Customers in a nearby grocery store ran from shelf to shelf. Long lines formed at banks and ATM machines.

The Kellers returned to their apartment.

“I told my kids to do their homework,” he said. “We didn’t know what else to do.”

He realized that night his family had to leave. They could drive to western Ukraine, where he knew some friends willing to take them in.

“We were thinking we’d go … for a couple weeks and then come back home,” he said.

Before they headed west, though, the Kellers drove east to another apartment complex to pick up a mother and her 11-year-old boy they knew from church. The boy was so frightened Vitaly Keller entered the apartment and carried him out.

Meanwhile, Dana Keller had been left wondering about the safety of her family since alerting her dad of the initial Russian invasion.

“It was scary,” she said. “When I couldn’t hear from them anymore I started crying. My friends were next to me. We all started praying.”

“I had this feeling of guilt,” she recalled. “I wanted to be there and help. But when I think logically, I would not have been able to help much.”

Her dad finally called her back when the Kellers made it to western Ukraine, but only after having been stopped several times on the trip by Ukrainian troops who were suspicious of Vitaly Keller’s Russian roots.

“At all the blockposts in Ukraine I would be interrogated,” he recalled. “I thought it would just be safer to go abroad. And it would be safer for our kids.”

The Kellers drove across the western border of Ukraine to Budapest, Hungary, staying for two days with a friend who had moved from Kyiv to Budapest a few years earlier.

Meanwhile, Dana Keller was back at LBC communicating through the Telegram app with families in Switzerland, where she had studied for a year before she came to LBC. It led to a church near Bern, the capital of Switzerland, taking in the Kellers and finding them a host family and later an apartment.

“I finally felt they were safe when they went to Switzerland,” she recalled.

Dana Keller visited her family in Switzerland last summer before returning to LBC in August. Wanting to join his eldest daughter in the United States, Vitaly Keller reached out to church friends in Pennsylvania he had first met more than 20 years earlier.

Connections in America

After fleeing Ukraine, the Keller family briefly lived in Sweden before coming to the United States. Clockwise from left, Daliah, Vitaly, Dana and Anita. Summer 2022.

Submitted, Vitaly Keller

Born and raised in St. Petersburg, Russia, Vitaly Keller, now 48, came to America for the first time in early adulthood to complete a one-year seminary program as a student at Calvary Baptist Theological Seminary in Montgomery County, Pennsylvania.

With monetary support as a missionary for some American churches, many of them in Pennsylvania, he returned to Russia to plant New Life Baptist Church in St. Petersburg in September 2000. He served as its pastor until 2018, when he felt the urge to move on.

“There was an internal feeling our mission was completed there in Russia,” he said.

The family then moved to Kyiv, Ukraine, the hometown of Vitaly Keller’s wife, Alexandra. The pair met in the late 1990s when Vitaly tagged along with a team of professors teaching at a seminary in Kyiv.

“We went outside and preached on the streets,” he said of the family’s move to Ukraine. “We would then invite those interested into our home. It was more like church-planting through our house. We then built a network of house churches.”

Over the years, Vitaly Keller returned to America to visit the churches who were supporting him as a missionary. Dana Keller learned about LBC on one of these trips, during which she and her father stayed at an apartment next to Calvary Baptist Church in Montgomery County. The apartment is specifically used by missionaries when visiting the church.

The Kellers minus Dana moved into that apartment in September. While their safety was no longer in question and the family was no longer a continent apart, different challenges awaited them as they worked to build a new life in the United States.

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Ukrainian father, son thriving with Lancaster Floorball Club, as home country approaches 1 year of war with Russia

‘They’re overwhelmed’

The Keller family, from left to right, Dana, Vitaly, Daliia, Alexandra, Anita. This photo was taken around Christmas 2021, just a couple months before Russia invaded Ukraine.

Submitted, Vitaly Keller

Dana Keller’s two younger sisters, Daliah, 14, and Anita, 16, are attending Calvary Baptist School in Lansdale, Montgomery County.

“They’re just getting to know English,” Dana Keller said. “The 14-year-old is struggling. She doesn’t understand most of what is going on in school. Every time they come home, it’s homework, homework, homework. They’re overwhelmed.”

“Sometimes they’re up until midnight doing homework,” Vitaly Keller said. “Anita is OK with English. Daliah is still struggling. When she talks she’s not as brave to talk because she is afraid to make mistakes. So when she talks, she talks in a softer voice, so then we can’t hear her and ask her to speak louder, which just discourages her even more from talking.”

Faith Church in neighboring Bucks County raised money to purchase the Kellers a car, a Mazda5.

“On the weekends, sometimes my dad will pick me up,” Dana Keller said. “I also know a girl from school (at LBC) whose family lives next to where my family lives right now, so she’ll drive me back when she goes home.”

Article with images Garden Spot grad Jordan Shewbridge makes an eternal impact with Lancaster Bible College's men's basketball team

At home on the track

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Dana Keller, a sophomore from Kyiv, Ukraine, during Lancaster Bible College track and field practice at Lancaster Catholic’s Crusader Stadium in Manheim Twp. Tuesday March 28, 2023.

CHRIS KNIGHT | Staff Photographer

When she’s not in competitions with LBC’s track and field or cross country teams on the weekends, Dana Keller is with her family in Montgomery County. They’ll often spend the time together by going on long walks.

“Ukrainians walk a lot,” Vitaly Keller said. “We go to different parks, trails. We are always walking somewhere.”

The active lifestyle is ultimately what led Dana Keller to take up running at LBC, where she’s become a standout distance runner.

“With her, the longer the better,” LBC track and field coach Melissa Baughman said. “She loves anything where she has to push the limits.”

In turn, Dana Keller has found an outlet when school and life become too much to handle.

“When I feel bad I tend to go running,” she said. “It’s a good stress reliever.”’

While she is attending LBC on a student visa, the rest of her family is living in the United States through the Uniting for Ukraine program, which provides a pathway for Ukrainian citizens and their immediate family members to stay in the United States for a two-year period.

Vitaly and Alexandra Keller, 47, work as janitors at the school where their younger daughters now attend.

Asked if he feels like his ministry has been put on pause, Vitaly Keller said, “No. The ministry continues. In the morning I work connecting with everyone from our home churches back in Ukraine who are now spread to different countries,” he said. “We also have house churches and Bible studies here. And we are connecting with other Ukrainians here in the United States.”

He’s also connecting with family back home in Russia, although those conversations have become more complicated due to the war.

Love and war

When she’s not in competitions with LBC’s track and field or cross country teams on the weekends, Dana Keller often visits her parents and sisters at their apartment in Montgomery County. From left, Daliah, Dana and Anita.

Submitted, Vitaly Keller

Vitaly Keller has a sister who lives in Russia. That sister has a son, his nephew, who is fighting for Russia.

“Every day I speak to different Russians,” he said. “They don’t understand. Their minds are full of Russian propaganda. … I’m supposed to love them but I don’t know how to talk to them lovingly if all they want to talk about is the war.”

Meanwhile, the bond between the Kellers has grown stronger.

“I can’t take everything that happened as very bad,” Dana Keller said. “There were good parts of it. The good part is now my family is here.”

She is pursuing a bachelor’s degree in criminal justice at LBC, a passion that partly stems from her enjoyment of crime shows.

“I’m leaning on a sphere of policing but I’m not sure yet,” she said of her career choice. “I want it to be as active as possible, physically.”

While Vitaly Keller has expressed interest in returning to Ukraine, his daughter isn’t sure of the future beyond her graduation from LBC in two years.

“I don’t know if there will be something to go back to,” she said. “It’s going to be so ruined. I don’t know if there’s a future in Ukraine.”

Im glad they are all together again but why do we have to worry about Ukraine? You all want us out of your conflicts but now you want our help? Make up your minds!

#russia #ukraine #war #world #pennsylvania

[thelittlebirdblog]

India- Russia Relationship

Russia and India have had a long-standing relationship. Both the countries have strong historical ties that are based on mutual respect and cooperative efforts that benefit both parties. This relationship between India and Russia officially began following the collapse of the soviet Since 1947, India and Russia have had cordial connections. Through investment in heavy machinery manufacturing, mining, energy production, and steel plants, India and Russia has recently commemorated 75 years of diplomatic relations. This has happened in the midst of the battle between Russia and Ukraine.

The two nations are participants in several international organizations and connectivity initiatives. Both countries help each other in many ways .

Defense Relations

India’s nuclear submarine program is reliant on Russia. The only aircraft carrier used by India, INS Vikramaditya, is similarly Russian in origin

Energy relations

India is predicted to have the highest rate of growth in the world’s crude demand.It is necessary to revitalize the oil and gas investments and exports between Russia and India. India is buying more oil from Russia at cheaper prices.

Trade Relations

India, which has one of the fastest-growing economies in the world, is viewed as a potential solution by Russia for its economic woes.Russia’s governmental and corporate sectors would be open to be working with the Make in India initiative.

Cultural Relations

Indian studies have a long history in Russia. In addition to teaching Hindi, Russian educational institutions also teach Tamil, Marathi, Gujarati, Bengali, Urdu, Sanskrit, and Pali.Russians are generally interested in Indian dance, music, yoga, and Ayurveda.To encourage intercultural exchanges between Russia and India, there are ongoing cultural projects.

In order to improve their positions during a period of change in the international order, both India and Russia will need to learn how to manage their relationships in the face of difficulties arising from both bilateral and regional as well as global forces.

Ukraine war

Russia believes Ukraine is moving closer and closer to the West via both the NATO, or North Atlantic Treaty Alliance, and the European Union. 

Ukraine is not a member of NATO but has cooperated with the alliance and frequently expressed its intention to sign up.

Putin, however, is aware Ukraine joining NATO significantly increases the difficulty of bringing Donetsk and Luhansk within his control. He has also frequently accused Ukraine of being a 'puppet' in the hands of the West. Ukraine did nothing to provoke or justify this war of choice, a choice made by Putin.

It is a tragedy for the country, one that has resulted in the death of thousands of Ukrainian soldiers and civilians and enormous material damage to infrastructure, homes and apartments, and commercial and industrial facilities.

The war has also proven a disaster for Russia thousands of soldiers killed and wounded, major equipment losses, international isolation, sanctions that are inflicting real economic pain, NATO that will soon welcome Finland and Sweden into its ranks. Moreover, NATO could well decide to make the presence of alliance forces on its eastern flank permanent rather than rotating.

The war has a clear victim and a clear aggressor. It is in the West’s interest that the Kremlin fail in its attempt to control Ukraine and deny Ukrainians the right to determine their own course. That means continuing to provide the Ukrainians the means to defend their country and drive back the invading Russian army.

In the end, the desired outcome to this war would see the Ukrainians forcing a Russian withdrawal or, at a minimum, getting Moscow to agree to a negotiated settlement on terms acceptable to Kyiv. Ensuring that Russia’s aggression fails and that Ukraine achieves one of these outcomes should be primary goals for the West.

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[swldx]

Voice of America 0342 18 Oct 2022

6080Khz 0257 18 OCT 2022 - VOICE OF AMERICA (UNITED STATES OF AMERICA) in ENGLISH from MOPENG HILL. SINPO = 45333. English, @0257z dead carrier s/on. @0259z male announcer s/on with Yankee Doodle int. @0300z “News via remote” read by Tommy McNeil. Waves of explosive-laden suicide drones struck Kyiv on Monday, setting buildings ablaze and sending people scurrying to shelters. Also, a Russian Su-34 warplane crashed in a residential area in the Russian port of Yeysk, on the Sea of Azov, after an engine failure; killing at least four people on the ground, injuring 25 others and starting a fire that engulfed several floors of a nine-story apartment building. Both crewmembers bailed out safely. A group of major U.S. businesses wants the government to hide key import data; a move trade experts say would make it more difficult for Americans to link the products they buy to labor abuse overseas. The proposal was made by an advisory panel comprised of executives from 20 companies, including Walmart, General Motors and Intel. New UK Chancellor Jeremy Hunt ditches 'almost all' the tax cut measures from last few weeks proposed by Liz Truss. He also said that the energy price guarantee would end in April next year. The Trump Organization appears to have overcharged the Secret Service for stays at Trump-owned properties by agents protecting the then-president. The charges exceeded the government's approved rate, according to the House Oversight Committee, which says Secret Service records show payments totaling over $1.4 million. The United States and Mexico said on Monday they will seek support from the United Nations for a security mission to restore order in Haiti amid a worsening humanitarian crisis, but did not identify who would lead the mission. @0305z dead air until @0306z "Daybreak Africa" begins. 250ft unterminated BoG antenna pointed E/W, Etón e1XM. 100kW, beamAz 350°, bearing 84°. Received at Plymouth, United States, 14087KM from transmitter at Mopeng Hill. Local time: 2157.

[mariacallous]

On December 29, Russia launched the largest missile attack against Ukraine since the start of the full-scale invasion. On January 2, another attack of the same magnitude hit schools, hospitals, and apartment blocks across Ukraine. Early yesterday morning—the day after Orthodox Christmas—the Russians hurled yet another missile barrage at Ukraine. Together, these attacks sent a message: Russian President Vladimir Putin is not interested in negotiations, cease-fires, or swapping land for peace. Although he cannot overwhelm Ukraine militarily, Putin now believes that he can keep up the pressure, destroy Ukraine’s civilian infrastructure, wait for Ukraine’s allies to grow tired, goad the Ukrainian public into turning against the government, and then win by default.

Often, this new phase of fighting is described as a “war of attrition,” as if the only thing that will determine the outcome is the number of bullets. But although the number of bullets does matter, the war has an important narrative and psychological component too. Alongside the bombings, Kremlin officials are now telegraphing to everyone—to Western politicians and journalists, to Ukraine, to the Russian people—that they can absorb 300,000 casualties and massive equipment losses, that their country’s economy is thriving, that they are willing to devote half of the national budget to defense production indefinitely. At the same time, the Russians and their supporters in the United States and Europe describe Ukraine as corrupt, politically divided, and, above all, certain to lose. In Washington, some Republicans justify their (so far) successful attempt to block American aid to Ukraine by using this language. Viktor Orbán, the Hungarian prime minister who courts investment from Russia and China, does the same when blocking European aid.

Ukrainians know that negotiations with Russia are fruitless, and in any case not on offer. They also know that military loss still means the same thing that it meant when Russia invaded in February 2022: occupation, mass repression, concentration camps, and the end of an independent Ukraine. They also know that the Russians are much weaker than they claim. Their soldiers still stumble into traps; their commanders still seem to be improvising. The Russian public is tired of the war and of the falling living standards it has created. Nevertheless, to beat the Russians militarily and psychologically, to undermine the Russian propaganda repeated by Orbán and the MAGA right, to maintain their alliances and defend their territory until the Russians have had enough, they have to change.

Two years ago, in the weeks that followed the full-scale invasion, ordinary people pitched in to buy night-vision goggles, the managers of chic bistros mobilized to feed troops, men drove their children to the border and then went home to fight in the territorial army. Now the volunteerism, chutzpah, and wild energy that carried the army and the society forward for the past two years have to be transformed into systems, institutions, and rules. Ukraine needs not just the most enthusiastic army, but the best-managed. Ukraine needs not just clever engineers who build innovative sea drones, but the most modern defense industry in Europe, if not the world. Finally, Ukraine’s government needs to eliminate any remaining corruption and mismanagement—and convince its allies that it has done so as well.

I did not invent these recommendations. I heard them in Kyiv, late last month, from Rustem Umerov, Ukraine’s new defense minister.

To outsiders, Umerov might seem an odd choice for this job. Born in 1982 in Uzbekistan because Stalin had sent Umerov’s Crimean Tatar family into exile there in 1944, Umerov returned to Crimea with his parents only in 1991, when Ukraine became independent from Moscow’s control. When he was still very young, Umerov told me, he “understood how to be what is now known as a refugee.”

His memories of resettlement and his membership in Ukraine’s Muslim Tatar minority might have led him to feel excluded or alienated. Instead, he drew for me a clear line from his childhood experience of exile to his present role in defending Ukraine. From the time he was a student, he understood that the Tatars are only safe when Crimea is part of a democratic, tolerant Ukraine—but a democratic, tolerant Ukraine is only guaranteed if Ukraine is part of Europe. He was an advocate of Ukrainian membership in NATO and the European Union when that position wasn’t particularly popular. “We want to be a part of the civilized world,” Umerov now says, “part of the rule-of-law world … What Russia proposes is no rule of law, no development, aggression towards all their neighbors.”

Following the Russian occupation of Crimea in 2014, when many Tatars were expelled from their homes once again, Umerov became an advocate for Crimean political prisoners, directly negotiating for their release. Starting in February 2022, he served again several times as one of Ukraine’s intermediaries with Russia, as well as with Turkey and the Gulf States, both formally and informally.

Along the way, he obtained a reputation for competence. When I asked others about him in Kyiv, they mentioned the languages he speaks (which include Turkish as well as English, Russian and Ukrainian) as well as his wide range of contacts, lack of pretension, and absence of drama. I met him in the same featureless conference room where I had previously met his predecessor, Oleksiy Reznikov, a personable lawyer who forged good relationships with his foreign counterparts but retired amid a series of news stories about Defense Ministry corruption. Reznikov was not personally implicated: Since 2022, in fact, there has been no suggestion of misused foreign aid or of high-level corruption in the Ukrainian army. But there has been overcharging and waste, just like in the U.S. military—the difference being that if the Ukrainian army has a shortage of winter uniforms because someone has written a bad contract, people might die.

Ending both the reality and the impression of sloppiness is now Umerov’s second-most important task. It’s also part of a larger problem, he told me. Ukraine needs everything, all the time: artillery rounds, winter shoes, F-16s. Prioritizing the army’s needs, translating that into concrete purchases and coordinating with both Western companies and Ukraine’s growing defense industry is a complicated managerial problem that needs more than one solution. Umerov mentioned several, including the creation of 10-year contracts that will help both domestic and foreign companies plan long term, and investment conferences designed to encourage Western companies to cooperate directly with Ukraine. When talking about these changes, he makes frequent reference to “OECD rules” and “NATO standards.” He also talks about “systems” and “transparency.” These are not buzzwords. Ukraine’s continued existence depends on making them mean something real.

Umerov’s more important task—Ukraine’s most important task—involves people, not shoes and bullets. Ukraine needs to recruit and train more soldiers, as well as to give veterans a rest from combat. Fear and paranoia about military service are growing; there are reports of people being pressed into the army and of others trying to sneak across borders and swim across rivers in order to dodge mobilization. Umerov understands this, again, both as a narrative problem and a real one. He wants to change the tone of the conversation: “This is not a punishment,” he says of military service. “It’s an honor.” But everyone is afraid of the unknown, he told me, and right now military service involves a lot of unknowns. “People should understand how they will be trained, how they will be fed, how they will be taken care of during the operation. And then how they will exit.” The details are still a matter of debate, but he wants to end the uncertainty, negotiate new rules with the military and with Parliament, create a national military-service database and then give all military-age citizens a clear set of options.

For Ukraine to weather Russia’s narrative war, Umerov also thinks that the Ukrainian political debate needs a “decompression.” The purported rivalry between the Ukrainian president, Volodymyr Zelensky, and the chief of the army, Valery Zaluzhny, has had a lot of airtime in the Ukrainian media. Umerov is widely thought to be one of the people who bring the two men together. When I asked him about the friction between them, he replied that he just wants these discussions to become less exciting: “It’s also normal, you know, for there to be disagreements between people. I mean, okay, there’s general unity, everybody wants to win the war, but there can be different opinions.” Instead of politicizing disagreements or making a fetish of them, “we should be focused on the objectives, strategic objectives, military objectives.”

None of these tasks is simple, and any of them could trip up larger, richer, and less embattled countries. Russia has a much larger population but has made a mess of mobilization, which it now does by stealth, forcing ethnic minorities and even foreigners with work visas into their army. European democracies have so far failed to rapidly ramp up domestic military production, even in the face of a growing, existential threat from Russia. The U.S., meanwhile, is incapable of any kind of decompression: Americans have hardly any debates that are calm, apolitical, and “focused on the objectives.” All of our conversations about Ukraine, just to take one relevant example, are now fully politicized: a part of the Republican Party is opposing aid to Ukraine simply because that harms Joe Biden.

But then, we don’t face the same stakes. Ukraine’s battle against Russia has always been a civilizational clash, between an open society and a closed one, a rule-of-law society and a dictatorship. Ukrainians are still betting that their version of democracy is not just more attractive than Russian autocracy but more effective. On the way out of Umerov’s office, I met some of his younger colleagues, who were joking about how confusing expressions like “institutional transformation” can sound to many Ukrainians, especially the older employees of the massive apparatus that is the Defense Ministry. But they weren’t suggesting that they won’t try to explain, or that they won’t eventually implement an institutional transformation and win the war. If they believe in Ukraine’s future, so should we.

[creativemains]

State police the wild at heart series

“I want to be an air force pilot.”īefore the Russian withdrawal from Kyiv and surrounding areas on April 2, suburbs and towns near the city’s airport were pounded by rockets, artillery fire and aerial bombardment in an effort to break the Ukrainian defenses.Įntire city blocks of apartments were blackened by the shelling in Irpin, just 20 kilometers (12 miles) northwest of the capital, along a route where police Lt. My stepfather is a soldier and I will be a soldier,” he says with a look of determination. “My father is a soldier, my uncles are soldiers and my grandfather was a soldier, too. Polite and soft spoken, Danyk says his father and stepfather are both fighting in the Ukrainian army. “This was my bedroom,” he says, standing next to scorched mattress springs that protrude from the rubble of bricks and plaster. On the way, he stops at his old house, most of it smashed to the foundations. 1, Danyk and his grandmother have been joining volunteers several days a week clearing the debris from buildings damaged and destroyed in the Russian bombardment outside Chernihiv. I have to help my grandmother too because she has heart problems,” Danyk said.īefore schools reopen on Sept. “My mother needs surgery and that’s why I have to help her. A handwritten sign wrapped in clear plastic on the front gate reads: “Please buy milk to help my mother who is injured." He sells milk from the family's cow that grazes in the nearby fields. She keeps the piece of shrapnel surgeons removed during one of her many operations.ĭanyk lives with his mother and grandmother in a house near Chernihiv, a town 140 kilometers (nearly 90 miles) north of Kyiv, where a piece of tarp covers the broken bedroom windows. Twenty-two weeks after she was wounded, she’s still waiting to have her foot amputated and to be fitted with a prosthetic. Tears come to Danyk’s eyes as his mother, Luda, recalls being pulled from the rubble, covered in blood, after shrapnel tore through her body and smashed her right foot. Six months after Russia launched its invasion of Ukraine and with no end to the conflict in sight, The Associated Press revisited Danyk Rak, a 12-year-old looking after his wounded mother, as well as a police officer and an Orthodox priest whose lives have been upended by war. Rodrigo Abd/AP Show More Show Less 35 of39 FILE - Orthodox priest Father Andriy prays for unidentified civilians killed by Russian troops during Russian occupation in Bucha, on the outskirts of Kyiv, Ukraine, Aug. The Kentucky State Fair, which began Thursday, is an annual multi-day event held at the Kentucky Exposition Center in Louisville.33 of39 34 of39 FILE - Orthodox priest Father Andriy, left, attends a funeral of local resident Anatoliy Kosyanchuk, 56, who was captured by Russian soldiers on March 29, and found dead with heavy head injuries in Bucha, in the outskirts of Kyiv, Ukraine, April 15, 2022. The fair resumed normal operations on Sunday, officials said. Three adults and six minors were charged with offenses including disorderly conduct, menacing, possession of stolen property and possession of a handgun, police said. Investigators have found no physical evidence that a weapon was fired, but the investigation is ongoing, police said. The initial investigation shows that a group of people “caused panic with noise-making devices, leading fair goers to believe shots” had been fired, police said Sunday in a news release. Police said there were no reported injuries. Saturday to ensure the safety of attendees. Kentucky State Police said in a statement on Twitter that the fair began a “soft close” at about 10 p.m. LOUISVILLE, Ky.-Nine people were arrested at the Kentucky State Fair, which closed Saturday night after suspicious activity was reported to law enforcement, authorities said.

#State police the wild at heart series

[tomorrowusa]

Ukraine’s Ministry of Defense has a public service message via Twitter for Russian tourists who are vacationing in Crimea which was illegally seized by Vladimir Putin in 2014.

It’s never a good idea to vacation in a war zone. But it’s an even worse idea to vacation next to a Russian air base which doesn’t bother to camouflage or hide the planes it uses to launch missiles at Ukrainian schools, hospitals, and apartment buildings.

Russian warplanes destroyed in Crimea airbase attack, satellite images show 

At least eight Russian warplanes appear to have been damaged or destroyed in the recent attack on Saky airbase in Crimea, according to newly released satellite images, in contrast to Russian claims that none were damaged.

Late on Wednesday Ukraine’s air force said at least nine Russian aircraft were destroyed on the ground following Tuesday’s dramatic explosions at the Saky airbase, which Russia said killed one, wounded 14 and damaged dozens of nearby houses.

Kyiv has not publicly claimed responsibility for the attack – although it is doing so in private – while an adviser to the president, Volodymyr Zelenskiy, has suggested partisans might have been involved.

Zelenskiy referred to the attack in his Wednesday evening address. “In just one day, the occupiers lost 10 combat aircraft: nine in Crimea and one more in the direction of Zaporizhzhia,” he said. “The occupiers also suffer new losses of armoured vehicles, warehouses with ammunition, logistics routes.”

Via satellite, here are before and after views of the Russian airbase at Saky. 

The Ukrainians are making excellent use of the weapons they’re getting from NATO and other friendly sources.

One thing this war has revealed is that a lot of Russian military equipment is basically crap. UK military intelligence released this observation on Twitter today.

If you were the defense minister of a country wishing to buy arms and military equipment, would you still be giving serious consideration to Russia after watching all that footage of the turrets easily popping off of their tanks and “precision” missiles which go way off target? This war is an “anti-commercial” for the Russian arms industry.

#invasion of ukraine #crimea #tourists #saky #russian airbase #russian aircraft destroyed #ukraine ministry of defence #uk ministry of defence #russian arms industry #vladimir putin #владимир путин #путин хуйло #россия #это ВОЙНА а не 'спецоперация' #крим це україна! #слава україні!

[igor-sirotov-architects]

So I showed all the photos of our #dm4 (yes, you can see all the photos directly by clicking on the project tag) It was the last apartment that we managed to photograph before the start of the war. I believe in a peaceful sky and that my favorite photographer will soon be able to take pictures of our other completed apartments. In this project we used @leichtkuechen kitchen, @gaggenauofficial appliances, @livingdivani bed and @rimadesio_official sliding systems Ukrainian furniture @delicious_furniture_ Plumbing @ceadesign_official @pavenin pictures Do not forget that any comment, story post or save will help me become a superstar and fly away to live in the deep forest on the island. In the meantime, we need to work, work and work again. We work not only in Ukraine, but all over the world (except Russia). We will help not only to create a project, but also to implement it and buy everything that was used in the design. Great weekend to everyone! By the way, from June 1st we are restoring the work of our salon @concept_you in the Domosfera. We are waiting for you all for coffee. - Вот и показал я все кадры нашего #dm4 (да, все кадры можете посмотреть прямо клацнув по тегу проекта) Это был последний объект, который мы успели сфотографировать до начала войны. Я верю в мирное небо и что мой любимый фотограф скоро сможет отфоткать и другие наши завершённые объекты. В этом проекте мы использовали кухню @leichtkuechen , технику @gaggenauofficial , кровать @livingdivani и раздвижные системы @rimadesio_official Украинская мебель @delicious_furniture_ Сантехника @ceadesign_official Фотографии @pavenin Не забывайте что любой комментарий, пост в сторис или сохранение, поможет мне стать суперзвездой и улететь жить в глухой лес на острове. А пока нужно работать-работать и ещё раз работать. Мы работаем не только в Украине, но и по всему миру (кроме РФ). Мы поможем не только создать проект, но и реализовать его и купить все, что использовалось в дизайне. Всем хороших выходных! Кстати, с 1го июня мы восстанавливаем работу нашего салона @concept_you в Домосфере. Всех ждём в гости на кофе. (at Kyiv, Ukraine) https://www.instagram.com/p/CeEOOukNskd/?igshid=NGJjMDIxMWI=

#dm4