#Sangh Parivar

[anarchistin]

The founder of Genocide Watch, Dr Gregory Stanton, believes that genocide may occur in India. How far have the stages of genocide already unfolded in the country?

#genocide #islamophobia #hindu fascism #caste apartheid #bjp #rss #sangh parivar #hinduism #Youtube

[indizombie]

Outfits of the ‘Sangh Parivar’, particularly the Bajrang Dal, Hindu Jagarana Vedike, and ABVP, pushed communal hatred and divisive politics into the classrooms, thereby polarising the student community. In recent years, all these groups have brazenly announced that it is their broader project to erase the presence of Muslims from public spaces. They have done this through the Hinduization of education by purging educational institutions and curricula of the values of the Indian Constitution, such as democracy, civil liberties, and equality of opportunity, irrespective of religion, caste, and gender81. As the team has observed, this has especially affected communities of low-income and lower middle-class socio-economic background, who have benefited from increasing education and economic opportunities in recent years (especially in Dakshina Kannada). These opportunities have, at the same time, played a major role in the increased agency exercised by Muslim women with regard to their aspirations. Going further, these groups of the Sangh Parivar are determined to inculcate in a majority of students their own brand of ethno-cultural nationalism in the name of patriotism, Hindu tradition, and spiritualism. In the context of the anti-hijab campaign, their agenda has been two-fold: erasing Muslims from civic life and denying education to Muslim women.

People's Union of Civil Liberties, 'Closing the Gates of Education: Violation of rights of Muslim women students in Karnataka'

#Karnataka #India #PUCL #Sangh Parivar #Bajrang Dal #Hindu Jagarana Vedike #ABVP #Indian Constitution #Dakshina Kannada #Muslim women

[prabodhjamwal]

BJP Rule And Threats To Indian Democracy And Constitution

Dr Ram Puniyani* The leaders of BJP, the ruling dispensation have been claiming to be winning more that 400 (370BJP +30 Allies) seats in the forthcoming parliamentary elections (Char sau paar) of 2024.  This is not based on any psephological analysis but purely propagated for political reasons. Justifying this ‘char sau par’ the Karnataka BJP MP of long standing Anantkumar Hegde explained the…

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#Anantkumar Hegde #BJP #BJP MP #Char Sau Paar #Democracy Index #Freedom of Religion #Hindu Society #Indian Constitution #Indian Democracy #K Sudarshan #Manusmriti #Narendra Modi #Rahul Gandhi #RSS #Sangh Parivar #Umar Khalid #Venkatchaliah Commission

[once-in-a-blue-moon2021]

Accidental "Deaths" (?) of some Hindutvavadi Activists (Morte accidentale di Hindutvavadi Attivisti)

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#BJP #dhfl #dhfl scam #Hindu Nationalism #Hindutva #Hindutva Nationalism #Hindutva Terrorism #Indian Politics #judge loya #RSS #Sangh Parivar #sohrabuddin murder case

[newsupdatesbykiara]

Bajrang Dal to protest nationwide against violence over Prophet row: VHP

Bajrang Dal activists will hold a nationwide protest this week against the recent incidents of violence in parts of the country over remarks against Prophet Mohammad, the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP) announced on Tuesday.

The RSS affiliate said its youth wing activists will hold a sit-in in district administration headquarters across the country on Thursday against the "growing extremist incidents by Islamic Jihadi fundamentalists", and also submit a memorandum to President Ram Nath Kovind.

Protests erupted in several parts of the country, including outside Delhi's Jama Masjid, on June 10 against the controversial remarks on Prophet Mohammad by now-sacked BJP functionaries Nupur Sharma and Naveen Jindal.

#Religion #Hinduism #Hindutva #Sangh Parivar #Anti-Christian sentiment in Asia #Vishva Hindu Parishad #Hindu nationalism #Bajrang Dal #Durga Vahini

[i-am-kind-of-lost]

They will say Ram is a national symbol, a symbol of Hindu pride. But did you consent to being converted to something as banal and nasty as the symbol of an ethnic nationalism? You redeemed your devotees, those you wronged, but your opponents as well. But this temple is a monument to exclusion, a brute majoritarianism subordinating others. Look at the men, both political and spiritual, who speak in your name, and the blood, power and intimidation they have on their hands. Your name will be used to shore up the coarsest forms of personalised power; the entire liturgy is a display of the most corrupt of monarchical power, in a democratic garb. I understand that so many of my fellow Hindus will experience this as a great catharsis, as the weight of history being lifted. But deep down we need to ask: How did we become so insecure that we need a cowardly victory of razing down a monument to satiate out collective narcissism? And is this a kind of insecurity that is never satiated, it expands its circle until it colonises all sentiment? This temple is the first real colonisation of Hinduism by political power. I feel chained like never before.

#go ahead read it #stop pretending that this is separate from politics #and its just about your religion #you cannot keep going fuck modi and not acknowledge anything he or his sangh parivar does #praying for the muslims who will harassed on the streets on 22nd and will be forced to say jai shree ram by hindu mobs #mobs which will gather around mosques to intimidate and threaten

[maqsoodyamani]

سنگھ پریوار کابارسنسکار

سنگھ پریوار کا بار سنسکار ——- ازقلم:ڈاکٹر سلیم خان ——-   ’توتومیں میں‘ نامی ٹیلی ویژن سیریل کی منہ زور بہو کو بی جے پی نے چوری اور سینہ زوری کرنے کے لیے اپنی حکومت میں شامل کرکے انسانی وسائل کے فروغ کا وزیربنادیا۔ آگے چل کر پتہ چلا کہ خود وزیر تعلیم کی ڈگری فرضی ہے۔ انہوں نے گریجویشن کیے بغیر ہی خود کو گریجویٹ کہنا شروع کردیا تھااور ایک ہفتے کی ٹریننگ پروگرام پر اتراتی پھررہی تھیں ۔ ان کی رعونت…

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#sanghparivar #Activism #BarSanskar #daughter #reputation #SmritiIrani #tarnish #teenage #ZoishIrani #Bar Sanskar of the Sangh Parivar

[totamil3]

📰 Thirumavalavan vows to oppose Sangh Parivar

📰 Thirumavalavan vows to oppose Sangh Parivar

இந்தியாவின் தலித் சிறுத்தைகளின் 50வது ஆண்டு விழாவில், “நாங்கள் இந்துக்கள் அல்ல, பண்டைய பௌத்தத்தை சேர்ந்தவர்கள்” என்று கூறுகிறார். இந்தியாவின் தலித் சிறுத்தைகளின் 50வது ஆண்டு விழாவில், “நாங்கள் இந்துக்கள் அல்ல, பண்டைய பௌத்தத்தை சேர்ந்தவர்கள்” என்று கூறுகிறார். Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi founder Thol. Thirumavalavan has reaffirmed his commitment to fight ‘Sangh Parivar’ forces. 50ல் பங்கேற்பு…

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#Oppose #Parivar #Sangh #Thirumavalavan #vows #செய்தி #செய்தி தமிழ் #தமிழ் செய்தி

[queersatanic]

Hindutva's Foreign Tie-up in the 1930s

Archival Evidence

To understand militant Hinduism, one must examine its domestic roots as well as foreign influence. In the 1930s Hindu nationalism borrowed from European fascism to transform 'different' people into 'enemies'. Leaders of militant Hinduism repeatedly expressed their admiration for authoritarian leaders such as Mussolini and Hitler and for the fascist model of society. This influence continues to the present day. This paper presents archival evidence on the would-be collaborators.

By Marzia Casolari

Source: Economic and Political Weekly, Jan. 22-28, 2000, Vol. 35, No. 4 (Jan. 22-28, 2000), pp. 218-228

'Fascist' was in Sumit Sarkar's words, "till the other day a mere epithet" ('The Fascism of the Sangh Parivar', Economic and Political Weekly, January 30, 1993, p 163). It has come to define the ideology and practice of the Hindu militant organisations. It is a common place, accepted by their opponents, as well as by those who have a critical, but not necessarily negative, view of Hindu fundamentalism. Defining the Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh (RSS) and, in general, the organisations of militant Hinduism I as undemocratic, with authoritarian, paramilitary, radical, violent tendencies and a sympathy for fascist ideology and practice, has been a major concern for many politically oriented scholars and writers. This has been the case with the literature which started with Gandhi's assassination and continues up to the present day with works such as Amartya Sen's India at Risk (The New York Review of Books, April 1993) and Christophe Jaffrelot's The Hindu Nationalist Movement in India (Viking, New Delhi, 1996), the latest book published on the subject, or the well known Khaki Shorts and Saffron Flags (Orient Longman, New Delhi, 1993), which came out soon after the destruction of the Babri masjid. As a result, the fascist ideological background of Hindu fundamentalism is taken for granted, never proved by systematic analysis. This is an outcome that is, to a certain extent, explained by the fact that most of the above-mentioned authors are political scientists and not historians.

It is a fact that many of those who witnessed the growth of Hindu radical forces in the years around the second world war were already convinced of the Sangh's fascist outlook. Particularly acute was the perception that the Congress had of these organisations and their character. There is no need to mention the already well known opinion of Nehru, who, right from the beginning, had pointed at these organisations as communalist and fascist.

Less well known is the fact that, as shown by a confidential report circulated within the Congress most probably at the time of the first ban of the RSS, after Gandhi's assassination, the similarity between the character of the RSS and that of fascist organisations was already taken for granted. In fact, the report itself states that the RSS

...Started in Nagpur some sort of Hindu Boys Scout movement. Gradually it developed into a communal militarist organisation with violent tendencies.

The RSS has been purely Maharashtrian brahmin organisation. The non-brahmin Maharashtrians who constitute the bulk of C P and Maharashtra have no sympathy with it.

Even in the other provinces the chief organisers and whole-time workers will be found to be inevitably Maharashtrian brahmins.

Through the RSS the Maharashtrian brahmins have been dreaming of establishing in India 'a Peshwa Raj' after the withdrawal of Britishers. The RSS flag is the Bhagwa Flag of the Peshwas - Maharashtrian rulers [who] were the last to be conquered by the British - and after the termination of British rule in India, the Maharashtrians should be vested with political powers.

The RSS practises secret and violent methods which promote 'fascism'. No regard is paid to truthful means and constitutional methods.

There is no constitution of the organisation; its aims and objects have never been clearly defined. The general public is usually told that its aim is only physical training, but the real aims are not conveyed even to the rank and file of the RSS members. Only its 'inner circle' is taken into a confidence.

There are no records or proceedings of the RSS organisation, no membership registers are maintained. There are also no records of its income and the expenditure. The RSS is thus strictly secret as regards its organisation. It has consequently... (National Archives of India (NAI), Sardar Patel Correspondence, microfilm, reel no 3, 'A Note on the RSS', undated). Unfortunately the document stops abruptly here, but it contains enough evidence of the reputation the RSS already had by the late 1940s.

This document, however, is by no means exceptional. An accurate search of the primary sources produced by the organisations of Hindu nationalism, as well as by their opponents and by the police, is bound to show the extent and the importance of the connections between such organisations and Italian fascism. In fact the most important organisations of Hindu nationalism not only adopted fascist ideas in a conscious and deliberate way, but this happened also because of the existence of direct contacts between the representatives of the main Hindu organisations and fascist Italy.

To demonstrate this, I will reconstruct the context from which arose the interest of Hindu radicalism in Italian fascism right from the early 1920s. This interest was commonly shared in Maharashtra, and must have inspired B S Moonje's trip to Italy in 1931. The next step will be to examine the effects of that trip, namely how B S Moonje tried to transfer fascist models to Hindu society and to organise it militarily, according to fascist patterns. An additional aim of this paper is to show how, about the end of the 1930s, the admiration for the Italian regime was commonly shared by the different streams of Hindu nationalism and the main Hindu leaders.

Particular attention will be devoted to the attitude adopted by the main Hindu organisations during the second world war. During those crucial years, Hindu nationalism seemed to uneasily oscillate between a conciliatory attitude towards the British, and a sympathy for the dictators. This is in fact far from surprising because - as will be shown - in those years, militant Hindu organisations were preparing and arming themselves to fight the so-called internal enemies, rather than the British.

More generally, the aim of this paper is to disprove Christophe Jaffrelot's thesis that there is a sharp distinction between nazi and fascist ideology on one side and RSS on the other as far as the concept of race and the centrality of the leader are concerned.^2

I Hindu Nationalists and Italian Fascism

None of the works mentioned above, Jaffrelot's included, deals with what I consider a most important problem, namely, the existence of direct contacts between the representatives of the fascist regime, including Mussolini and Hindu nationalists. These contacts demonstrate that Hindu nationalism had much more than an abstract interest in the ideology and practice of fascism.

The interest of Indian Hindu nationalists in fascism and Mussolini must not be considered as dictated by an occasional curiosity, confined to a few individuals, rather, it should be considered as the culminating result of the attention that Hindu nationalists, especially in Maharashtra, focused on Italian dictatorship and its leader. To them, fascism appeared to be an example of conservative revolution. This concept was discussed at length by the Marathi press, right from the early phase of the Italian regime.

From 1924 to 1935 Kesari regularly published editorials and articles about Italy, fascism and Mussolini. What impressed the Marathi journalists was the socialist origin of fascism and the fact that the new regime seemed to have transformed Italy from a backward country to a first class power. Indians could not know, then, that, behind the demagogic rhetoric of the regime, there was very little substance.

Moreover, the Indian observers were convinced that fascism had restored order in a country previously upset by political tensions. In a series of editorials, Kesari described the passage from liberal government to dictatorship as a shift from anarchy to an orderly situation, where social struggles had no more reason to exist.^3 The Marathi newspaper gave considerable space to the political reforms carried out by Mussolini, in particular the substitution of the election of the members of parliament with their nomination (ibid, January 17, 1928) and the replacement of parliament itself with the Great Council of Fascism. Mussolini's idea was the opposite of that of democracy and it was expressed by the dictator's principle, according to which 'one man's government is more useful and more binding' for the nation than the democratic institutions (ibid, July 17, 1928).%4 Is all this not reminiscent of the principle of 'obedience to one leader' ('ek chalak anuvartitva') followed by the RSS?

Finally, a long article of August 13, 1929, 'Italy and the Young Generations', stated that the Italian young generation had succeeded the old one to lead the country. That had resulted in the 'fast ascent of Italy in every field'. The article went on to describe at length the organisation of the Italian society according to fascist models. The principal reasons of the discipline of the Italian youths were strong religious feelings, widespread among the population, attachment to the family, and the respect of traditional values: no divorce, no singles, no right to vote for women, whose only duty was to sit at home, by the fireplace. The article focused then on the fascist youth organisations, the Balilla and the Avanguardisti.

One may wonder how the Indian journalists could be so well informed about what was going on in Italy. Very possibly, among their sources there was a pamphlet in English, published by an Italian editor in 1928, entitled The Recent Laws for the Defence of the State (copy in NAI, Foreign and Political Department, 647G, 1927). Emphasised, right from the beginning, was the importance of the National Militia, defined as "the bodyguard of the revolution". The booklet continued with the description of the restrictive measures adopted by the regime: a ban on the "subversive parties", limitations to the press, expulsion of "disaffected persons" from public posts, and, finally, the death sentence.

Significantly, the shift from the liberal phase to fascism is described by the pamphlet in strikingly similar terms to those employed by the above-mentioned articles:

This step [the shift to fascism] has struck a death blow to the thread-bare theories of Italian liberalism, according to which the sovereign state must observe strict neutrality towards all political associations and parties. This theory explains why in Italy the ship of state was drifting before the wind, ready to sink in the vortex of social dissolution or to be wrecked on the rocks of financial disaster.

Another inspiring source of the literature published in Kesari must have been the work by D V Tahmankar, the correspondent of the Marathi newspaper from London and admirer of the Italian dictator. In 1927 Tahmankar published a book entitled Muslini ani Fashismo, (Mussolini and Fascism), a biography of the dictator, with several references to the organisation of the fascist state, to the fascist social system, to the fascist ideology, and to Italy's recent past. An entire chapter, the last, was devoted to description of fascist society and its institutions, especially the youth organisations.

One can easily come to the conclusion that, by the late 1920s, the fascist regime and Mussolini had considerable popularity in Maharashtra. The aspects of fascism which appealed most to Hindu nationalists were, of course, both the militarisation of society and what was seen as the real transformation of society, exemplified by the shift from chaos to order. The anti-democratic system was considered as a positive alternative to democracy which was seen as a typically British value.

Such literature made an implicit comparison between fascism and the Italian Risorgimento. The latter's influence on Indian nationalism, both moderate and radical, is well known.^5 However, whereas the Risorgimento appealed to both moderates and extremists, fascism appealed only to the radicals, who considered it as the continuation of the Risorgimento and a phase of the rational organisation of the state.

The first Hindu nationalist who came in contact with the fascist regime and its dictator was B S Moonje, a politician strictly related to the RSS. In fact, Moonje had been Hedgewar's mentor, the two men were related by an intimate friendship. Moonje's declared intention to strengthen the RSS and to extend it as a nationwide organisation is well known. Between February and March 1931, on his return from the round table conference, Moonje made a tour of Europe, which included a long stop-over in Italy. There he visited some important military schools and educational institutions. The highlight of the visit was the meeting with Mussolini. An interesting account of the trip and the meeting is given in Moonje's diary, and takes 13 pages (Nehru Memorial Museum and Library (NMML), Moonje papers, microfilm, m 1).^6

The Indian leader was in Rome during March 15 to 24, 1931. On March 19, in Rome, he visited, among others, the Military College, the Central Military School of Physical Education, the Fascist Academy of Physical Education, and, most important, the Balilla and Avanguardisti organisations. These two organisations, which he describes in more than two pages of his diary, were the keystone of the fascist system of indoctrination - rather than education - of the youths. Their structure is strikingly similar to that of the RSS. They recruited boys from the age of six, up to 18: the youths had to attend weekly meetings, where they practised physical exercises, received paramilitary training and performed drills and parades.

According to the literature promoted by the RSS and other Hindu fundamentalist organisations and parties, the structure of the RSS was the result of Hedgewar's vision and work. However Moonje played a crucial role in moulding the RSS along Italian (fascist) lines. The deep impression left on Moonje by the vision of the fascist organisation is confirmed by his diary:

The Balilla institutions and the conception of the whole organisation have appealed to me most, though there is still not discipline and organisation of high order. The whole idea is conceived by Mussolini for the military regeneration of Italy. Italians, by nature, appear ease-loving and non-martial like the Indians generally. They have cultivated, like Indians, the work of peace and neglected the cultivation of the art of war. Mussolini saw the essential weakness of his country and conceived the idea of the Balilla organisation...Nothing better could have been conceived for the military organisation of Italy...The idea of fascism vividly brings out the conception of unity amongst people...India and particularly Hindu India need some such institution for the military regeneration of the Hindus: so that the artificial distinction so much emphasised by the British of martial and non-martial classes amongst the Hindus may disappear. Our institution of Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh of Nagpur under Dr Hedgewar is of this kind, though quite independently conceived. I will spend the rest of my life in developing and extending this Institution of Dr Hedgewar all throughout the Maharashtra and other provinces.

He continues describing drills and uniforms:

I was charmed to see boys and girls well dressed in their naval and military uniforms undergoing simple exercises of physical training and forms of drill.

Definitely more meaningful is the report of the meeting with Mussolini. On the same day, March 19, 1931 at 3 pm, in Palazzo Venezia, the headquarters of the fascist government, he met the Italian dictator. The meeting is recorded in the diary on March 20, and it is worth reproducing the complete report.

...As soon as I was announced at the door, he got up and walked up to receive me. I shook hands with him saying that I am Dr Moonje. He knew everything about me and appeared to be closely following the events of the Indian struggle for freedom. He seemed to have great respect for Gandhi. He sat down in front of me on another chair in front of his table and was conversing with me for quite half an hour. He asked me about Gandhi and his movement and pointedly asked me a question "If the Round Table Conference will bring about peace between India and England". I said that if the British would honestly desire to give us equal status with other dominions of the Empire, we shall have no objection to remain peacefully and loyally within the Empire; otherwise the struggle will be renewed and continued. Britain will gain and be able to maintain her premier position amongst the European Nation (sic) if India is friendly and peaceful towards her and India cannot be so unless she is given Dominion Status on equal terms with other Dominions. Signor Mussolini appeared impressed by this remark of mine. Then he asked me if I have visited the University. I said I am interested in the military training of boys and have been visiting the Military Schools of England, France and Germany. I have now come to Italy for the same purpose and I am very grateful to say that the Foreign Office and the War Office have made good arrangements for my visiting these schools. I just saw this morning and afternoon the Balilla and the Fascist Organisations and I was much impressed. Italy needs them for her development and prosperity. I do not see anything objectionable though I have been frequently reading in the newspapers not very friendly criticisms about them and about your Excellency also. Signor Mussolini: What is your opinion about them? Dr Moonje: Your Excellency, I am much impressed. Every aspiring and growing Nation needs such organisations. India needs them most for her military regeneration. During the British Domination of the last 150 years Indians have been waved away from the military profession but India now desires to prepare herself for undertaking the responsibility for her own defence and I am working for it. I have already started an organisation of my own, conceived independently with similar objectives. I shall have no hesitation to raise my voice from the public platform both in India and England when occasion may arise in praise of your Balilla and Fascist organisations. I wish them good luck and every success. Signor Mussolini - who appeared very pleased - said - Thanks but yours is an uphill task. However I wish you every success in return. Saying this he got up and I also got up to take his leave.

The description of the Italian journey includes information regarding fascism, its history, the fascist 'revolution', etc, and continues for two more pages. One can wonder at the association between B S Moonje and the RSS, but if we think that Moonje had been Hedgewar' s mentor, the association will be much clearer.^7 The intimate friendship between Moonje and Hedgewar and the former's declared intention to strengthen the RSS and to extend it as a nationwide organisation prove a strict connection between Moonje and the RSS. Moreover, it makes sense to think that the entire circle of militant Hinduism must have been influenced by Moonje's Italian experience.

II Moonje’s Plans for Militarising Hindus

III Eve of Second World War

IV Savarkar and Nazism

V Waiting for the Right Enemy

VI Conclusions

Notes

#hindutva #Hindutva's Foreign Tie-Up in the 1930s #Marzia Casolari

[anarchistin]

The Hindu Right is a dense network of organizations across the globe that promote Hindutva or Hindu nationalism, a political ideology that advocates for an ethnonationalist Hindu identity and to transform India into a Hindu state governed by majoritarian norms.

Hindutva ideology was first articulated in India in the 1920s, and Hindu Right groups began expanding overseas in the 1940s, coming to the United States in 1970. Collectively, the Hindu Right groups that stretch across dozens of nations in the 21st century are known as the Sangh Parivar (the family of Hindutva organizations).

From within the United States, Hindu Right groups exercise power within the global Hindutva movement and place pressure on American institutions and liberal values. The major interlinked Hindu Right groups in America focus on a variety of areas, especially politics, religion, outreach, and fundraising. Among other things, they attempt to control educational materials, influence policy makers, defend caste privilege, and whitewash Hindutva violence, a critical tool for many who espouse this exclusive political ideology.

The U.S.-based Hindu Right is properly understood within both a transnational context of the global Sangh Parivar and as part of the American landscape, a fertile home for more than fifty years.

Audrey Truschke

#hindutva #capitalism #casteism #hinduism #audrey truschke #india #rss #bjp #modi #genocide #fascism #usa

[indizombie]

If the ‘violence’ around the post-earthquake relief and rehabilitation was ‘invisible’, the violence in ongoing communal conflagration is there for everyone to see. The Sangh Parivar and the state apparatus have once again coalesced, this time to loot, burn and murder, and then shield each other. Citing the Godhra carnage, the entrepreneur class and burgeoning Hindu middle class found no difficulty in justifying open violence, including the lawlessness of the state. It is significant that in the private sphere, the same class has perpetrated violence within their own family in the form of foeticide and infanticide. The 2001 Census reveals that the latest sex ratio in urban Gujarat is 879 females per 1000 males, the lowest figure in the last hundred years. It goes on to add: ‘The overall sex ratio is affected by migration from rural to urban areas in search of employment, education, etc. The sex ratio in the population category of 0-6 years is, however, relatively immune to such bias/aberrations and can be said to be a relatively stable indicator. On this count also, the state of Gujarat has fared badly as the 0-6 year sex ratio has decreased from 928 in 1991 to only 878 in 2001.’ The five worst blocks in this category are Unjha, Mansa, Visnagar, Mehsana and Prantij where the number of females ranges from 781 to 734. The same blocks witnessed communal violence in varying degrees.

Achyut Yagnik, ‘The pathology of Gujarat’ (2002)

#Achyut Yagnik #India #Gujarat #2001 Gujarat earthquake #2002 Gujarat riots #Sangh Parivar #Godhra train burning #entrepreneur class #Hindu middle class #lawlessness of state #foeticide #infanticide #2001 Census #sex ratio #urban Gujarat #Unjha #Mansa #Visnagar #Mehsana #Prantij #communal violence #gender based violence

[once-in-a-blue-moon2021]

HINDUS AGAINST HINDUTVA

Posted on 30th December, 2022 In India, it is observed that politically projected Hindutva is often opposed by the Hindus themselves. Factually speaking, Hinduism is not an organized, institutionalized religion per se. There are innumerable diversities, heterogeneities and pluralities under the umbrella designation of “Hindu”. If anyone tries to define Hinduism as a caste-based religion, that…

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#BJP #Hindu Nationalism #Hindutva #Indian Politics #Sangh Parivar #save the river ganga

[infantisimo]

100 baat ki ek baat:

"A section of the state’s Christian leaders, especially those affiliated with the Oriental Catholic Church segment of the broader Syro-Malabar Church, do not seem averse to establishing closer ties with the Sangh Parivar, both for economic and ideological reasons.

A better price for rubber would benefit the plantation owners of central Kerala who are largely Catholics (largely rich, massive land owners), and then there are those in the community — both in the priesthood and among the laity — who share the Sangh Parivar’s Islamophobia and are in agreement with it on discredited ideas such as “Love Jihad”.

---

That is cheap bargaining politics (The Archbishop of Tellicherry, Mar Joseph Pamplany, promised to back the BJP in the Lok Sabha polls in 2024 if it increased the minimum support price (MSP) of natural rubber to ₹300). He has lost his senses. I have known him for a long time; earlier, he was logical. Now he is making illogical statements on everything ranging from “Love Jihad” to rubber prices. Who is he to decide the political preference of Christian farmers? I, too, had been involved in many farmers’ agitations.

Everybody knows how the Union government’s Exim policies have caused the price of natural rubber to fall. Instead of protesting those policies, these Church leaders are trying to allow a foothold to hate politics in the state.

In Manipur and other states, Christians are getting targeted by the Sangh Parivar. Their faith is at stake. Their life and properties are under constant threat. Here in Kerala, the leadership is forgetting everything. They are spreading fear and invoking the tool of discipline to silence dissent. We have to break our silence. It’s a historic duty."

st. thomas would be fucking ashamed of you lot. not just for this but for every slimy fucking thing you do to consolidate your supposed 'purity' of faith. you have nothing but my scorn. you get by unnoticed, but i know the scum you are.

[ayushbydigital57]

Operation Blue Star

OPERATION BLUE STAR was an Indian Military activity somewhere in the range of 1 and 10 June 1984 to eliminate Damdami Taksal pioneer Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale and his supporters from the structures of the Brilliant Sanctuary, the holiest site of Sikhism, in Amritsar, Punjab, India. The choice to send off the activity rested with the State leader of India, then Indira Gandhi, who had previously approved military groundwork for a showdown at the sanctuary complex a year and a half earlier as indicated by the then-Bad habit Head of the Military Staff, S. K. Sinha. In July 1982, Harchand Singh Longowal, the leader of the Sikh ideological group Shiromani Akali Dal, had welcomed Bhindranwale to move to the Brilliant Sanctuary to sidestep capture by government authorities.: 332

Indian knowledge organizations had revealed that three unmistakable Sikh figures — Shabeg Singh, Balbir Singh and Amrik Singh, alluded to in reports as "noticeable tops of the Khalistan development" — had each made somewhere around six excursions to adjoining Pakistan somewhere in the range of 1981 and 1983. Shabeg Singh, an Indian Armed force official who later abandoned to join Bhindranwale, was recognized as the supplier of weapons preparing at Akal Takht. The Insight Agency asserted that preparation was being given at different gurdwaras all through Jammu and Kashmir and Himachal Pradesh. Amrik Singh answered these claims by expressing that understudy instructional courses with "customary weapons" had existed for a long time at these locations.[26] The KGB knowledge organization of the Soviet Association had warned India's Exploration and Examination Wing (R&AW) about a joint activity between Pakistan's Between Administrations Insight (ISI) and the US's Focal Knowledge Office (CIA) to mix nonconformist turmoil in the Indian territory of Punjab. Bogus cases were likewise made that R&AW had gotten knowledge by examining a Pakistani warrior that more than 1,000 Exceptional Help Gathering commandos of the Pakistan Armed force had been dispatched by the Pakistani government into Indian Punjab to help Bhindranwale in his battle against the Indian government; nonetheless, no indications of commandos were found and no confirmations were given by R&AW. SEE OUR HOME PAGE  

In 1981, the Soviets sent off operation Kontakt, which depended on a manufactured report implying to contain subtleties of the weapons and cash given by the ISI to Sikh assailants who needed to make a free country. In November 1982, Yuri Andropov, the Overall Secretary of the Socialist Faction and head of the Soviet Association, endorsed a proposition to create Pakistani knowledge records enumerating ISI intended to instigate strict unsettling influences in Punjab and advance the production of Khalistan as an autonomous Sikh state. Indira Gandhi's choice to move troops into the Punjab depended on her treating in a serious way the data given by the Soviets in regards to secret CIA support for the Sikhs.

Paving the way to operation Blue star, there were a few fights by Sangh Parivar, including a walk drove by LK Advani and Stomach muscle Vajpayee of the Bharatiya Janata Party to challenge the absence of government activity and to request that the Indian Armed force be sent into the Brilliant Temple.

On 1 June 1984, after exchanges with the assailants fizzled, Indira Gandhi dismissed the Anandpur Goal and requested the military to send off operation Blue Star, all the while going after scores of Sikh sanctuaries across Punjab. Indian security forces started operation Blue Star when they terminated into different structures, which brought about the deaths of eight civilians. Various armed force units and paramilitary powers encompassed the Brilliant Sanctuary complex on 3 June 1984. The authority position of the military was that alerts were made to work with the departure of explorers yet that no acquiescence happened by June 5 at 7:00 pm. In any case, in April 2017 the Amritsar Locale and Meetings Judge Gurbir Singh gave a decision which expressed that there was no proof that the Indian armed force gave admonitions to pioneers to leave the sanctuary complex prior to beginning their assault. The military's attack on the sanctuary complex finished on June 8. A wiping up activity, Woodrose, was then started all through Punjab. Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale

The military had misjudged the capability moved by the aggressors, whose combat hardware included Chinese-made rocket-pushed projectile launchers and ammo with protection penetrating capacities. Tanks and weighty cannons were utilized to go after the aggressors, who answered with hostility to tank and assault rifle shoot from the vigorously sustained Akal Takht. Following a 24-hour firefight, the military dealt with the sanctuary complex. The authority setback figures for the military were 83 dead and 249 harmed. The officially sanctioned white paper expressed that 1,592 assailants were secured and there were 554 joint assailant and regular citizen casualties, much lower than free estimates. As indicated by the public authority, high non military personnel setbacks were credited to aggressors utilizing explorers caught inside the sanctuary as human shields. Notwithstanding, the Indian armed forces had permitted many pioneers and protestors to enter the sanctuary complex on 3 June 1984 and kept them from leaving subsequent to forcing a check in time at 10:00 pm on the equivalent day.  Observers claimed that on 6 June, after the battling had halted, the Indian military executed prisoners who had their arms tied behind their backs and terminated on people who had regarded the declarations of the military to evacuate.

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