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#brexit trade watch
tweetingukpolitics · 2 years
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panelshowsource · 2 months
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saved a few anons asking personal questions not all related to panel shows, spamming answers below the cut :)
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she/her!
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interesting question! first, i think it's very special that you had the opportunity to study at an international university and i am glad to hear you had so many amazing experiences!
i also feel like i need to preface anything i say with... holidays are obviously different from living, and i hope people can trust that i wouldn't base an entire lifestyle decision off, like, being a fan of taskmaster lmao the state of politics, brexit, housing, prejudice, and more make it difficult to say i'd want to commit to life there — plus i really love new york city, where i do feel at home
that said, i would be open to living in the uk for a period of time, yes. i am certainly very motivated to visit a lot of places, particularly in england, and decided last year to start spending a month or two over there every year (this year i think i will be in york! maybe i can post a little about that if people care). the history and motivations behind that decision are really personal to me, but it feels...right. i am really looking forward to my time there this year and treasure being someone who works remotely and can make that happen
living permanently, it's hard to say, but speaking for my interests in history, architecture, art, cinema — it would be wonderful to explore those things more in person, yes!
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i really think in the 6+ years of this blog this is the first i've ever been asked about music! which makes sense ofc it just took me by surprise!
hmmm i think this playlist most accurately expresses what i'm listening to a lot of the time + a lot a lot a lot of classical music, some dad rock, and a few balladeers like judy garland and rufus wainwright
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i don't claim to be the world's biggest comedy buff or keep up the best with all of the comedy coming out of the uk and american industries — even though i do enjoy it so much! — but growing up i was very interested in comedy writing. in high school, i worked at a dvd store where people could trade in their old dvds for store credit to buy new ones, so we had a HUGE selection of not only new releases but older, sometimes nicher stuff that you typically wouldn't see at a suburban american blockbuster-like shop. i can't stress how formative this was! i would always go through the store and "beautify" the shelves (pulling all the spines up neatly, keeping everything alphabetised, etc) just to constantly look through what we had in stock, grab the old black bar criterion films before some movie buff snatched them up, touch all the special editions (physical releases were more than just steelbooks back then, like stuff like this). each of the employees had a little shelf in the back room where you could store dvds you wanted to buy when you eventually had the money, keeping them off the floor so no customer would see and buy them. i was always reserving 30+ dvds at a time and spent my whole paychecks at work hahaha
anyways, that's how i found a lot of the random british films i ended up loving — by people trading them in or me just running across them at the store: a cock and bull story, death at a funeral, this is england, gosford park, monty python, (particularly holy grail and life of brian), confetti (didn't love this one but it had a lot of actors i really liked in it so i remember watching it quite a few times) and more — but especially withnail and i and in the loop. i was fucking obsessed with in the loop, which i watched on a loop (zing!) and was ultimately how i worked my way backwards to the thick of it as well as shows like the office uk, alan partridge, green wing, fry and laurie, peep show, and more. (the thick of it and peep show were particularly everything to me!) i still have all of the dvds from the dvd store i worked at! lol
in terms of american comedy, i was obsessed with the state and then their groups' projects like wet hot american summer and reno 911 (michael showalter is a great example of a writer/director i don't think is one of the greats but follows his heart & vision, and i really respect that; my fave of his, which is genuinely so good, is hello my name is doris! underrated lil treasure). i also really loved it's always sunny, flight of the conchords, party down, arrested development, jackass and wild boys, and house md, and some of the wild characters on bravo lmao. we had this channel called logo that was my lifeline to queer content before i really had full-time access to the internet outside of a shared family computer, so i was always watching reruns of jeffrey & cole casserole, the big gay sketch show, plus the l word and queer as folk, and they also did syndication of reno 911 (but i already had all the box sets of that 😭). i was never heavy into the judd apatow/bro comedy that was so big in the 2000s, and even the 80s–90s american comedy heavily influenced by the talent at snl wasn't particularly engaging to me; of that, my favourites were probably throw momma from the train and a couple of romcoms
+ every panel show i could get my hands on! and i think because i was really engaged with sketch comedy i was also reading a lot of playwrights, especially alan bennett, harold pinter, and edward albee, who i had (and have!) huge collections of
and, yes, so many of these are at the foundation of my very favourite formats and styles of comedy: mockumentaries , black comedy or dark comedy, existential comedy, stories rooted in reality or plausibility / domestic dramedy. i used to be very engaged by sketch comedy and wanted to crack the science behind writing funny sketches, but i do think i've moved away from that format and filled that void with the improv nature of panel shows (it works for me the way i think the format of podcasts work for so many other people... i wonder if anyone will relate to that comparison)
comedy evolves so much by the decade and i appreciate a lot of the ways in which it has grown, so i don't think of it as a then vs now, which is better, whatever. and like you i can't help but revisit my nostalgic faves often!
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i do think eventually he will! but rn he's lapping up that tv money hahaha my very fave is firing cheeseballs at a dog, but they're all genuinely great!
#a
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I think she shouldn't bring any of her granddaughters, that wouldn't be right imo. maybe if it was a wedding or something.
An ambassador would probably be more appropriate to be honest
Who *I* really want to see accompany Jill is Robert Iger. Yes, from Disney. Charles gave him a honorary OBE last year for services to UK/US relations. I want to see the freakout from Sussex Squad after they've spent the last week gloating about Iger is #TeamMeghan since he staked Disney's future on Lilibet.
Since Charles is a passionate environmentalist and with a lot of nature-themed elements for the coronation already, I can see Jill being accompanied by our climate czar, John Kerry (his official title is Special Presidential Envoy for Climate). No idea what he does in the job though. The only time I've heard him speak about climate is when he popped up for Earthshot.
Something to definitely watch with Jill is that whoever accompanies her, that/they will tell us what the US/UK special relationship priorities are. For instance, if it's an ambassador from the State Department, it'll be foreign/diplomatic relations. If it's someone from business or the Commerce Department, it's probably post-Brexit trade agreements. If it's industry people, then it's probably tech.
Ooh very interesting anon, thank you!! John Kerry also has involvement in Earthshort, so that would be quite appropriate, too
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mariacallous · 5 months
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There’s a grim virtue in being funny and right at the same time. As the results of the Dutch elections rolled in late last Wednesday, De Speld, a Dutch satirical website much like the Onion, published a parody that “quoted” People’s Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD) leader Dilan Yesilgozreacting to the results: “We ran a terrific campaign, unfortunately just not for our own party.”
The joke struck at the heart of what many Dutch commentators and political journalists also concluded in the immediate aftermath of the elections. Earlier this year, Prime Minister Mark Rutte’s conservative VVD party opportunistically blew up its own coalition government over what should have been a relatively minor internal disagreement over how to address the recent uptick in the number of war refugees seeking asylum in the Netherlands.
Even before the disagreement over asylum seekers, Rutte’s government was plagued by a number of scandals. For example, under Rutte’s watch, the Dutch tax agency wrongfully prosecuted more than 10,000 families for alleged benefits fraud, driving them into severe financial difficulties. In the process, the Dutch Child Protective Services forcibly separated 1,675 children from their families.
That scandal shocked the Dutch population, while Rutte for a long time refused to take any responsibility for it. (The other election winner, Pieter Omtzigt, leading the new party New Social Contract [NSC], was one of the three members of parliament whose tenacity uncovered the scandal. Omtzigt has now signaled a willingness to govern with Wilders.)
On the refugee issue, Rutte’s coalition faced pressure from opposition parties, civil society and the International Red Cross over the fact that refugees were left to sleep outside without shelter at the asylum processing facility of Ter Apel, in the far northeast of the country. The Red Cross sent aid to Ter Apel as it concluded that conditions were “inhumane and unsustainable”; the VVD argued that the Netherlands had made itself too attractive for refugees and sought to reduce family reunification numbers.
The decision by the VVD leadership to blow up the coalition and force new elections has been likened by political commentators to former British Prime Minister David Cameron’s decision to hold the 2016 Brexit referendum. The VVD expected to capitalize on its strong showing in the polls to get a larger mandate for its restrictive asylum policy and orchestrate a change in its leadership. Rutte announced he would not lead the VVD again, and Yesilgoz, in charge of the Department of Justice, was launched as the new face of the conservatives. Yesilgoz came to the Netherlands as a refugee herself—at age seven, when her Kurdish father, a trade unionist, claimed asylum after the 1980 coup in Turkey.
The optics of a former refugee arguing for a more restrictive refugee and asylum policy might seem strange, but the VVD has a history of politicians who were once refugees being hardliners on migration—most famously Ayaan Hirsi Ali in the early 2000s. Voters and fellow politicians alike would often appear relieved when a politician with a foreign background took a hard line on migration—providing cover for charges of racism.
Because Rutte’s government ended in crisis over the asylum issue, it inevitably became an important topic during the election. Yesilgozherself raised the issue frequently in televised debates, in part to distract from the VVD’s widely rejected record on domestic policy issues such as housing and the cost of living.
Under a previous coalition led by Rutte, the government allowed large portions of the stock of public housing to be sold off. VVD ministers attended international conferences to advertise the investment opportunities to hedge funds. It also levied a new tax on public housing providers, causing an overall reduction of 200,000 available units. As a result, the country is suffering from a severe, and still worsening, housing crisis.
Rutte was also slow to act when inflation hit. Citing the war in Ukraine as a source of high energy prices, the government argued it could do very little to alleviate the problem. When families began facing acute problems paying their bills, Rutte’s government initially signaled that everyone “would simply get a little poorer,” before providing a convoluted relief effort that subsidized energy companies.
While the VVD is not the only party responsible for the policies of Rutte’s government, it has been unique in its attempt to deflect from its failures by blaming asylum seekers and immigrants. Faced with criticism over the fact that the government’s housing policies have led to a major crisis of supply and affordability, the VVD spokesperson in parliament, Daniel Koerhuis, spent much of his time there arguing that newly admitted asylum seekers were assigned public housing with undue preference, at the expense of ordinary Dutch people who had been waiting for years.
Koerhuis’s approach—acknowledge a problem but suggest that the true cause has something to do with foreigners—was standard fare for the VVD in the Rutte era: governing center-right while rhetorically covering the far-right flank. Members of parliament often sought out media appearances, making statements burnishing the VVD’s image on migration and criminal justice in an attempt to court voters tempted to support Geert Wilders’s far-right and racist Party for Freedom (PVV) instead. Journalists and commentators referred to these instances as “being on PVV duty.”
However, as political scientist Cas Mudde aptly pointed out in the Guardian, citing French far-right politician Jean-Marie Le Pen, ultimately “people prefer the original over the copy.”
Until last week, the VVD had always succeeded in maintaining an electoral upper hand over its challengers to the right. Wilders, who defected from the VVD in 2004, has competed with his former party for votes for nearly two decades. Since the experience of a short-lived and ill-fated minority government between the VVD and the Christian Democrats, which Wilders’ party provided with conditional parliamentary support, the VVD has refused to do business with Wilders. During his long stint as leader of the VVD, Rutte quietly maintained a cordon sanitaire, a strategy (also employed in France to keep the Le Pen dynasty out of power) of categorically freezing out parties as possible governing partners.
Yesilgoz, as Rutte’s successor, broke with this policy. Under her leadership, the VVD indicated that it would no longer categorically refuse to govern with Wilders. A direct result of this change seems to have been that a large number of potential Wilders supporters who had not previously voted for him—because it was clear his party would be condemned to its perpetual role in the opposition wilderness—broke away from the VVD to cast their vote for PVV, feeling more confident Wilders would be part of the next government.
But other factors contributed to Wilders’s victory as well. During the campaign, journalists began pointing out Wilders’s appeared less extreme, repeating the quip that he had become “Geert Milders.” As is often the case, the phrase seemed less to reflect an actual change in Wilders’ politics and more to serve as a rhetorical strategy to make the idea of a Wilders-led government seem more palatable.
How palatable that government will be remains to be seen—if it indeed comes into being. During an interview with the Dutch public broadcaster NOS, Wilders urged other parties to “jump over their own shadow” and govern with him. When pressed why he had written that mosques, the Quran, and Islamic schools should be banned by law if he knew that other parties would not support such policies, Wilders cut off the interview. Soon after, Martin Bosma, the PVV’s chief ideologist, “joked” to an interviewer that the journalist would soon be out of a job—as cutting all funding for public broadcasting is another PVV hobby horse.
Wilders has been a fixture of Dutch politics for nearly two decades, and Bosma has been at his side since the very early days. Bosma’s influence is significant. He is considered responsible for introducing terms such as “head rag tax”—a tax on Muslims for aesthetically “polluting” Dutch streets—into the PVV lexicon. In 2015, Bosma published an academically dubious manuscript on the anti-apartheid struggle in South Africa entitled Minority in Their Own Country: How Progressive Struggle Leads to Genocide and ANC Apartheid.
Historians skewered Bosma’s half-truths and distorted use of sources, and the publishing house that had initially acquired the rights to publish it refused the manuscript; a much smaller publisher eventually accepted it. The book recycles the Afrikaner myth that South Africa was an empty area when white settlers arrived, arguing that the white population today has been made into a second-class citizenry in what used to be its own country.
Several chapters in the manuscript are not about South Africa at all, but about the Netherlands and its Muslim population—the true purpose of the book being to argue that Muslims will bring about the end of the Netherlands in the way that Bosma imagines Black people have in a democratic South Africa. In the manuscript, Bosma consistently repeats a central theme: “Those who were called racists turned out to be right.”
The PVV is a party consisting of equal parts Wilders and Bosma. Wilders is often praised for his plain-spoken, no-nonsense style of political communication. His policies are simple and straightforwardly reactionary. Think of anything associated with progressive politics and the PVV will likely oppose it, typically phrasing its opposition to them as “exorbitant madness” while claiming that they come at the expense of ordinary people being able to afford healthcare or groceries. For example, Wilders wants to leave the European Union; reintroduce the pre-Euro currency, the guilder; close the Dutch borders; and cut funding for green energy, arts, higher education, public broadcasting, and development aid.
These elements are the surface level of PVV politics. On a deeper level, the PVV is convinced the Netherlands is ending. By this, PVV politicians mean that the white Dutch population is being actively disadvantaged or discriminated against by the policies pursued by the Dutch government. Bosma’s deceitful and bad-faith history of South Africa is instructive in this regard.
All the PVV’s proposed policies relating to non-white Dutch people generally, and Muslims in particular—banning the construction of mosques, banning the Quran, and threatening to deport dual citizens as punishment—are a response to the imagined imminent replacement of white Dutch people. The theory is a carbon copy of French author Renaud Camus’s theory of the Great Replacement. Call it a preemptive apartheid for the paranoid mind.
Some commentators have suggested that the PVV victory is a Dutch “Trump moment.” This assessment might be too flattering, however. The PVV has already been part of governing coalitions in provinces such as Limburg and Flevoland. Leaders of other right-wing parties have signaled at least openness to the idea of Wilders heading a national government, though it remains to be seen whether he manages to form and lead a government that is stable.
While it may be the case that Wilders will not be able to enact much of the PVV’s manifesto—Wilders himself acknowledged that parties might not want to join a governing coalition that subverts the constitution—a Wilders-led government would undoubtedly leave deep marks.
For two decades, Wilders has had a powerful atmospheric influence in Dutch politics, shifting political attitudes to the far right in major ways even when not in power. He has made it a rarely challenged dogma that the Netherlands is buckling under an influx of asylum seekers, a point casually repeated in a televised debate by the leader of the center-left GreenLeft/Labour coalition and former Vice President of the European Commission Frans Timmermans.
But even if large parts of Wilders’ manifesto will not or cannot be codified in policy, the political ideology and orientation of a government signals something to society: in this case, a permissiveness and encouragement of discriminatory practices in Dutch society at large. It is a well-documented fact that people with non-Dutch sounding names are widely discriminated against by Dutch landlords and employers. Research by journalists and academics has shown that people applying to a job with the same resume are much more likely to get an interview if their name is Jan than if their name is Mohammed.
Similarly, the Dutch police force has come under criticism in the last few years for its excessively violent treatment of protesters against climate change and—darkly ironically—of groups protesting racism and police brutality against non-white people. Wilders has a history of incendiary comments about police violence, at one time encouraging police forces to end riots by Moroccan-Dutch football fans by simply “shooting them in the knee.” A Wilders government would likely add fuel to the fire of police violence, reassuring officers that their actions will be supported by the most powerful politician in government.
A PVV government will not be able to implement anything resembling actual legal apartheid in the Netherlands. But it will without a doubt embolden segments of society to treat the enemies of the PVV—Muslims, immigrants, and people with foreign-sounding names, followed by progressives—as de facto second-class citizens.
Political scientists often distinguish between different types of democratic legitimacy. One type is output legitimacy: Democracies often deliver economic prosperity and social stability. Another type is legitimacy in a more procedural way: Democracies claim legitimacy because of their institutional design, which allows for peaceful transitions of power, checks and balances, and a robust rule of law.
The progressive parties of the center and the center-left which are currently getting ready to mount a defense of Dutch democracy will likely seize onto the symbols belonging to the second strategy. Journalists and commentators, too, seem biased toward that definition. PVV Senator Gom van Strien, appointed to explore possible coalitions, was pressed at his first press conference whether he agreed with Wilders that the two houses of Dutch Parliament were a “fake parliament,” as Wilders has claimed. (Van Strien stepped down on Monday after allegations of fraud surfaced and his former employer Utrecht University filed a police report).
Wilders’s rhetorical rejection of the Eerste and Tweede Kamer (Senate and House) as a symbol of the Netherlands still live in infamy in the minds of many politicians and journalists.
But the focus on these symbols and institutions—even though they are far from meaningless—risks distracting opposition forces from the first way that democracies appear legitimate in the eyes of a population: by delivering on their promise of social and economic wellbeing.
Nearly two decades of neoliberal policy has significantly diminished that legitimacy. A progressive opposition that is coaxed into a wholesale defense of democracy in its symbolic and institutional forms risks inadvertently ignoring, or even identifying itself with, the legacy of social and economic erosion that those institutions have produced for two decades.
Interviews suggest that PVV supporters often connect their hostile dismissiveness of immigrants, “newcomers,” and Muslims to the imagined preferential treatment of those groups in the allocation of resources such as public housing and social security. “Putting the Netherlands first” to these voters appears to indicate a desire to reverse the perceived trend (regardless of whether their assessment of being disadvantaged is borne out by the facts).
But in politics, appearances matter at least as much as facts. A defense of Dutch democracy will only be successful if the progressive parties committed to it also make it unequivocally clear that they will fight to reverse the institutionally entrenched neoliberalism that continues to generate government policy that disciplines its citizens rather than helps them and cloaks the abandonment of those in need with the language of bootstraps and individual responsibility.
It is easier for Wilders to dismiss a parliament committed to austerity and deliberate government retreat as “fake” than one that is committed to helping ordinary folks.
Journalists and legacy media must also look critically at their own role in propelling Wilders to the top spot. In the run-up to the election, journalists, pundits and commentators alike latched onto a repeated talking point downplaying Wilders’ extremism, suggesting he had mellowed out. But they mistook calculated strategy for an ideological shift. In this sense, all the talk of “Geert Milders” indicates less a genuine change in Wilders’s politics, and more a willingness by influential media figures to condone and accommodate the far right.
Political journalists and commentators working for the Dutch public broadcaster in particular have come in for criticism for the part they played making Wilders more palatable and helping him rise in the polls. As Dutch poet laureate Lieke Marsman wryly noted: If the PVV actually ends up defunding the Dutch public broadcaster, and by extension the journalists who enabled Wilders’s rise, the party may have a much harder time doing as well in the elections next time around.
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benisasoftboi · 11 months
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Imagine they made a tv show about me where I'm the prime minister and before the show started, my husband got hit by a lorry. And I'm really upset about this, obviously, especially because I'm the one who asked the lorry driver to go that way, I just didn't know my husband was going to be in the middle of the road right then. So I force a bill through Parliament that will ban lorry driving and also require the state execution of all current lorry drivers. I do a lorry driver genocide. It really jams things up at the Channel crossings because now everyone has to use small vans and that gets a lot of people really mad at me. But I'm the prime minister. My word is law.
Then a few years later I hire this young twenty something to work in my office. I make him my son's PA (my son works here because of blatant nepotism). And I don't know this, but the new young guy is actually secretly an extraordinarily talented lorry driver, and he's been driving lorries in secret. This is really good for me, because all of those people who are mad at me for causing unprecedented queues down in Kent by making the only international trade decision worse than Brexit are now sending assassins after me, except I'm only half aware of this, because the new guy has secretly been using his incredible lorry driving abilities to help run them off. He does like, amazing drift tricks where he takes out three men with a single turn of the steering wheel. It's rad. Also he has major homoerotic tension with my son (it's not really relevant, but I thought I'd mention it). I don't know about any of this. I'd totally kill the new guy if I did, I don't care that he's saved my life a bunch of times, I just hate lorry drivers that much. I also have this daughter who thinks it's really screwed up that I hate lorry drivers and have been tyrannically murdering them, which only gets worse when she starts to realise that she also has hidden lorry driving talents. She winds up joining a group of domestic terrorist lorry drivers and decides she's going to hit me and my son and also the new guy with a lorry, which is of course very evil of her. Other stuff presumably happens after that but I don't know what because I stopped watching the show that this is all a metaphor for around that point, and I haven't seen anything of it in years, so this is all based on vague rememberings and skimming the wiki, but I do know that my son and the new guy don't get to kiss even once, not even a little bit, even though everyone wanted them to :(
Anyway, that's why I could never really get into Merlin.
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ingek73 · 1 year
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Harry and Meghan are right about racist Britain in their Netflix series
Readers on the uncomfortable truths exposed by the Duke and Duchess of Sussex’s Netflix series and media reactions to it
Tue 13 Dec 2022 17.41 GMT
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A still from Harry & Meghan on Netflix.
I couldn’t agree more with Prince Harry’s comment in the Netflix documentary series Harry & Meghan that unlearning racism is a lifelong journey. As a 50-year-old provincial white man, I only hope I live long enough. Nels Abbey (A white lens sees Harry and Meghan as villains – through a Black one, they’ve done Britain a favour, 9 December) is right that Britain needs the catharsis of a serious discussion about racism and our colonial history.
Just as the US has yet to come to terms with the horrors of native American genocide and slavery, the UK has never addressed its role as a builder of the slave trade and brutal conqueror of a hundred or more nations. I love my country, but that love is tainted with the myth of a noble imperial history taught with equal enthusiasm by family, school and jingoistic media that reflect society only too well.
After the second world war, imperial Japan and Nazi Germany were all but erased from their nations’ iconography. It was expected that past atrocities were acknowledged, and a new identity of self-aware nationalism forged.
Perhaps it is no coincidence that Germany is the only European country to pay reparations to a former colony (though it insisted its €1.1bn agreement with Namibia was a gesture of reconciliation rather than reparations). They tore down the statues of their historical monsters. There will be no sensible discussion on race and colonialism as long as we still venerate ours.
Alex Brown
Muscat, Oman
• Nels Abbey is on point when he says that “as Britons of different ethnicities, we are often viewing the same events very differently”. Living as a black woman in Britain is like living in a parallel world to my white counterparts, who are oblivious to my experience. Watching the bigotry and racism towards Harry and Meghan play out in the media has been soul-destroying. The false narrative constructed by the media, and the relentless attacks on the couple to avoid the elephant in the room of media racism being the main factor in their departure from this country, are particularly vexing.
Harry and Meghan were wise to leave. For many people of colour silently enduring this country, leaving is an unrealised dream.
Name and address supplied
• I have been amazed by the vitriol directed at Harry and Meghan after the release of their Netflix series (TV review, 8 December). It is only when one looks under the surface that it starts to make sense. They have poked at the identity of Britain.
Traditionally, British people saw their country as a robust white democracy, with global influence and a beloved queen at the apex of society. But this myth unravelled for many people in 2022. Our democracy was exposed as flaky and, at the moment of greatest political instability, our queen of 70 years died. Underlying all this is that many people in Britain, including the royal family, don’t seem to have got their heads round the fact that we lost our empire long ago.
Britain has been changing for decades, and those in the establishment who have had most to lose attack the changes and cling to the past. For many, though, change is welcome. I believe most white British people now see black Britons as “us” not “them”, Brexit as a chauvinistic disaster, and doing something about climate change as more important than looking at yet more photos of the Sussexes.
Cath Potter
London
• I was saddened but not surprised when Harry and Meghan fled the UK. Vast swathes of our society follow our tabloid press in blind ignorance. They turned Meghan into a villain and the public, like sheep, followed. My family is multicultural, and I have seen my son tread warily around countless subtle racist comments, as well as overt abuse from strangers. In some areas, the UK’s multiculturalism is a source of great pride to me. But we still have a long way to go.
Michaela Harte
Bromley, London
• The backlash from rightwing politicians and media against Harry and Meghan’s documentary amply proves their point.
Kit Jackson
London
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watching the live ITV debate again, dear god
rishi sunak will not stop fucking talking and has not answered a single question AND is making plans to trade with China - yknow those guys who were killing all those muslims hahahaha
liz truss has (apparently) gotten things done at some point and wants to "call putin out" actual quote
climate change - 2050 target comes second to the economy. it has already been proven that 2050 is far too late but here we are
defence spending - during the pandemic was increased? for some reason , but not the NHS budget I love conservatives
penny mordaunt is the most delusional woman alive who thinks she's a household name
general election - they're not going to call one - obviously because yougov polls show that labour would stamp them immediately. 5 no's obviously to that
Let me remind you - the UK did not vote for Boris, for the conservatives - the UK voted for Brexit and that's where that thumping majority came from. Boris hoodwinked the nation with a great fucking bus and funny hair - and now look. I bet by the time the next election comes by the public will have forgotten all of it. Maybe if the great knight Starmer would gain a personality beyond his funny voice he'd win the election
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xtruss · 2 years
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After Clown Johnson, Britain’s Relationship With The EU May Get Worse! Those Hoping For An Improvement Face Disappointment
— Britain, Brussels | Through a Glass Darkly | The Economist | July 08, 2022
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The immediate reaction across Europe to Boris Johnson’s decision to resign was relief. The departing prime minister was a principal architect of Brexit; his chaotic government constantly needled Brussels. Michel Barnier, the eu’s former Brexit negotiator, greeted the news by saying it opened “a new page in relations” between Britain and the bloc. That is too optimistic. Indeed, as Fabian Zuleeg of the European Policy Centre, a think-tank, puts it, relations may deteriorate further rather than improve.
The biggest bone of contention is the bill to allow the government unilaterally to rewrite the Northern Ireland protocol, which by keeping the province (but not Great Britain) in the single market for goods necessitates a customs border in the Irish Sea. Maros Sefcovic of the European Commission says that the bill “illegally rips up the protocol and is highly damaging to mutual trust”. He notes that this part of the Brexit withdrawal treaty was negotiated at Britain’s express wish three years ago. Cheekily aping Mr Johnson’s own election-winning slogan, he has said it is time we “got Brexit done”.
Introducing the bill to Parliament last month, Liz Truss, the foreign secretary, said her preference was to negotiate changes to the protocol; the bill was insurance in case this fails. But Mr Sefcovic detects no appetite among eu leaders to reopen a treaty sealed after years of talks. Diplomats say serious political negotiation is impossible when they see a gun on the table. The eu feels that, were it to concede to unilateral threats, that would weaken it in all international negotiations.
The eu has resumed legal action against Britain for failure to apply the protocol in full. Diplomats in Brussels are also watching the bill’s passage carefully. It has passed its second reading in the House of Commons and is due to go to committee stage next week, where it may be amended. Some question whether the interim government that Mr Johnson still leads has the constitutional authority to push ahead with legislation this controversial; there are also hopes it might be blocked in the House of Lords.
Yet even if there are impediments to the bill’s progress, it is fanciful to expect any new Tory prime minister simply to junk it. Candidates to take over from Mr Johnson must seek support from hardline mps in the European Research Group, a Eurosceptic group of Tory mps. They know that Conservative Party members, who will make the final choice of leader, are more pro-Brexit than most backbenchers. Ms Truss herself is a contender; she is most unlikely to soften her attitude to the eu when canvassing support.
If the bill is enacted, even under a new and more emollient British prime minister, Brussels is bound to respond strongly. Mr Sefcovic has said that nothing is ruled out. The terms of Britain’s trade agreement allow retaliation for a failure to stick to the withdrawal treaty. That could include targeted tariffs and might even extend to scrapping the entire post-Brexit trade deal.
The bill has soured broader relations. Mr Sefcovic says it has made it impossible to strike deals on British participation in the Horizon scientific-research programme or over financial services. Co-operation over Russia’s war in Ukraine is a partial exception to this gloomy picture. But British hopes that their new fans in eastern Europe might stop trade retaliation are overblown: east European leaders are clear that sticking to treaty commitments and protecting the single market are higher priorities.
The eu clearly regrets Brexit, but it also sees some advantages in the absence of a curmudgeonly member. The view that Brexit is causing economic damage is widespread, and may be responsible for a rise in popular support for the club outside Britain. There is no prospect of a reversal even if the opposition Labour Party wins the next election. In a speech on July 4th Sir Keir Starmer, the Labour leader, promised that his party will seek neither to overturn Brexit nor to rejoin the single market or customs union.
Sir Keir has suggested that a more harmonious relationship with the eu could make Brexit work better, however, and diplomats in Brussels agree. Mr Sefcovic thinks more changes could be negotiated without changing the treaty text—he claims to have trimmed the form needed for a mixed-goods lorry to enter Northern Ireland from a theoretical 700 pages to just three—but only if mutual trust is restored. Mr Johnson’s departure may have been necessary for that happen, but it is not sufficient. ■
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cosmicretreat · 2 years
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I feel like Texas Republicans have brought this up every couple of years for their entire history. It’ll never happen, and they never think about all of the implications of losing their American citizenship and how they’re going to survive having to import goods and negotiate treaties and trade agreements for lots of little things and the deals they’d have to make for American companies/chains to keep operating there or fishing rights in the Gulf of Mexico. Look at what’s happening with Endless Brexit. Texas Republicans don’t want to deal with any of that, they just want to grandstand about being against progress and gay rights and equality for women while they fantasize about not having the 13th Amendment anymore. How does an independent Texas economy do when they’re no longer part of the US military or even the NFL?
That said, if they want to actually attempt Texit, I will enjoy watching it blow up in their faces, and I will enjoy being able to have decent American textbooks again. Let’s finally make Puerto Rico the 50th state.
But I know a lot of good people in Texas who are basically being held hostage by their extremist political leaders, and the amount of human rights violations that will occur in a seceded Texas don’t deserve to happen to them.
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firoz857 · 2 months
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Which EU country is the best starting point for construction workers? We have the answer!
Video link :  https://youtu.be/RMZZ7FxpAGc
Explore the vibrant construction industry across Europe in 2024 with our in-depth analysis. This video is your ultimate guide to uncovering non-managerial job opportunities in the construction sector, focusing on key European countries. Discover where the demand for skilled trades like carpenters, electricians, and bricklayers is soaring, and learn about the competitive salaries, from the UK's bustling project sites to Germany's urban developments, and the sustainable building practices in Scandinavia. We've done the groundwork to recommend the best destination for non-EU workers seeking to build their careers in construction.
🔍 Key Insights:
UK Construction Boom: Learn about the resurgence in the UK's construction sector post-Brexit and the demand for an additional 217,000 workers.
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High Salaries in Scandinavia: Understand the earning potential in Sweden and Norway's construction industry, coupled with their focus on sustainability.
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2024 Forex Trends to Watch: JRFX's Analysis
As we step into the year 2024, the Forex market presents itself as a dynamic arena filled with both promise and challenges. With over 12 years of financial market expertise and serving a global clientele of over 4 million, JRFX offers a concise outlook for the year ahead.
Global Economic Rejuvenation: 2024 is poised to witness a Forex market reflecting the ongoing global economic recovery from the aftermath of the COVID-19 pandemic. Vaccination drives and phased reopenings are expected to inject vigor into economies worldwide. As businesses reignite and consumer spending rebounds, currency valuations are primed to respond. Traders utilizing JRFX's expertise are urged to track key economic indicators such as GDP growth, employment statistics, and central bank directives for favorable trading prospects.
Central Bank Policy Dynamics: Central banks wield significant influence over Forex markets through their monetary policies. In the year ahead, JRFX foresees a continuation of accommodative monetary stances in many nations, characterized by persistently low interest rates to support economic resurgence. However, the looming specter of inflation may prompt select central banks to consider policy tightening, potentially impacting currency exchange rates. Traders are advised to remain vigilant, closely monitoring central bank announcements and policy adjustments to adeptly respond to market fluctuations.
Navigating Geopolitical Crosscurrents: Geopolitical events continue to be pivotal determinants of Forex market dynamics, introducing volatility and uncertainty. In 2024, JRFX recommends traders stay attentive to developments ranging from trade tensions to electoral outcomes and regional conflicts. Events like Brexit negotiations, evolving U.S.-China relations, and geopolitical frictions could instigate currency pair fluctuations. Staying informed about geopolitical developments empowers traders to adjust their strategies effectively.
Harnessing Technological Innovations: Technological advancements are reshaping the Forex landscape, enhancing trading efficiency and accessibility. In 2024, JRFX predicts a surge in algorithmic trading, artificial intelligence applications, and blockchain-integrated solutions. Traders are encouraged to embrace these innovations, using automation tools and data analytics to inform trading decisions. Additionally, the rise of cryptocurrencies and central bank digital currencies (CBDCs) presents both opportunities and complexities, emphasizing the importance of adapting to emerging trends.
Mitigating Risk Amidst Volatility: Volatility remains inherent in the Forex market, necessitating adept risk management strategies. In 2024, market volatility may fluctuate in response to economic uncertainties, geopolitical disturbances, or unforeseen shocks. JRFX advocates for robust risk management protocols, including setting stop-loss orders, diversifying portfolios, and diligently monitoring risk indicators. Armed with sound risk management practices, traders are better equipped to navigate the fluid Forex landscape.
In Conclusion: The year 2024 embodies a dichotomy of opportunities and challenges within the Forex market, requiring astute navigation from traders and investors alike. JRFX, a renowned authority in the financial realm, emphasizes the importance of staying informed, adapting to market dynamics, and adhering to prudent trading practices. By leveraging JRFX's expertise and embracing innovation, individuals can position themselves for success amidst the ever-evolving Forex landscape of 2024. Remember, the market is inherently volatile, and prudent risk management is paramount. JRFX remains committed to empowering traders with actionable insights and unwavering support, ensuring a steadfast journey towards financial prosperity.
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onlywaynews · 3 months
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🔴 Цена акций Watches of Switzerland упала более чем на треть за один день, потеряв 516 миллионов фунтов стерлингов. Крупнейши�� в Великобритании продавец часов Rolex и Omega, Watchs of Switzerland последний ритейлер предметов роскоши, пострадавший от изменения расходов амбициозных покупателей. Падение произошло после того, как компания заявила, что годовая выручка будет на 100 миллионов фунтов стерлингов ниже ожиданий, потому что состоятельные клиенты меняют свои приоритеты. Плохие торговые показатели Швейцарии перекликаются с серией предупреждений британских игроков класса люкс, включая Burberry и Mulberry. Перед Рождеством Frasers Group, владелец сети дизайнерской уличной одежды Flannels и универмагов House of Fraser, также заявила, что покупатели высокого класса воздерживаются от предметов роскоши. Рост расходов на предметы роскоши замедлился по сравнению с двузначными показателями предыдущих двух лет, продажи падают, предметы роскоши уступили расходам на элитное гостеприимство, круизы, автомобили и яхты. В плохих продажах британские бренды обвинили правительство Великобритании в отмену налоговых льгот по НДС для туристов после. Помимо сверхбогатых людей, покупатели из США или Азии, ищущие сумочку или роскошные часы, скорее всего, выделят большую часть своего бюджета на бутики в Париже или Милане, а не в дорогом Лондоне. Watches of Switzerland shares dive by a third after revenues warning UK’s biggest Rolex and Omega seller becomes latest luxury retailer to be hit by switch in spending by aspirational shoppers The share price of Watches of Switzerland has dived by more than a third in one day – wiping £516m off its value – as the UK’s biggest seller of Rolex and Omega timepieces became the latest luxury retailer to experience a reining in of spending by aspirational shoppers. The plunge on Thursday came after the company said full-year revenues would be £100m below expectations because well-heeled customers were switching their purchasing power to other categories such as fashion, beauty, hospitality and travel. Watches of Switzerland’s poor trading figures echo a series of warnings by UK-listed luxury players in recent weeks including Burberry and Mulberry. Before Christmas, Frasers Group, the owner of the Flannels designer streetwear chain and House of Fraser department stores, also said high-end shoppers were holding back. UK-based brands have blamed poor sales in Britain on the government’s post-Brexit end to VAT tax breaks for tourists in 2021. Outside of the ultra-rich, US or Asian shoppers looking for a handbag or a luxury watch are more likely to allocate more of their budget to boutiques in Paris or Milan rather than London as a result.
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mariacallous · 2 years
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Hard to believe now, when we’re in the middle of the maelstrom, but one day this too will be the past. And when it is, when we’re out of the hourly psychodrama – no longer staring at the screen, watching Kwasi Kwarteng’s plane do an actual U-turn in the sky en route to his being fired on touchdown, for the crime of doing what his boss wanted him to do – it may not look all that complicated.
Historians will look back and see a point of origin to the current madness, one that explains how a new prime minister could see her administration fall apart in a matter of weeks, even if we struggle to name that cause out loud right now. When the textbooks of the future come to the chapter we are living through, in the autumn of 2022, they will start with the summer of 2016: Brexit and the specific delusion that drove it.
They will point to the obvious impact of Britain’s decision to leave the European Union, and the role that played in upending a country once renowned for its stability. They might begin with the basics. Exit, they will write, shrank the UK economy thanks to a 5.2% fall in GDP,a 13.7% fall in investment and a similar drop in the trade in goods. That self-inflicted contraction helps explain why Britain felt international shocks – surging inflation, for example – harder than most. If your economy is smaller, you either have to tax people more to pay for the services they expect, or you cut those services, or you borrow. There are no other ways out.
Unless you resort to magical thinking. Which brings us to the second causal connection between the craziness of now and the turning point of 2016. Brexit broke the link between governance and reason, between policy and evidence. Until Brexit, politicians only rarely got away with defying the empirical facts or elementary logic. But in 2016 they pretended that a country could weaken its trading ties to its nearest neighbours and get richer, which is like saying you can step in a bath of ice and get warmer. Once the taboo on magical thinking was broken, once fantasy became a Conservative habit, Trussonomics became inevitable – smilingly insisting that you could cut taxes for the richest, make “absolutely” no cuts to public services and control borrowing, all at the same time.
But there is a less obvious way in which Brexit made the current great unravelling a political death foretold. It turns on the idea that powered the urge to leave the EU more than any other: call it the sovereignty delusion.
The leavers’ slogan, “Take back control”, urged Britons to shake off the constraints of Brussels and become a proud, sovereign nation once more – a nation that, alone, would decide its fate. After Brexit, they promised, Britain would be the sole master of its destiny, unburdened by the need to consult or even accommodate anyone else.
The three weeks since Kwarteng delivered his mini-budget have seen the shattering of that delusion. For Truss and her now ex-chancellor were given the rudest of reminders that in our interdependent world there is no such thing as pure, untrammelled sovereignty. No government can do what the hell it likes, heedless of others. In this case, the restraint on sovereignty was not the EU: it was the money markets. But their verdict was as binding as any Brussels edict; in fact it was more so. They ordered the removal of a chancellor after just 38 days in office and the cancellation of the government’s economic strategy. It is the financial markets that have taken back control.
None of these events should be a surprise. There were plenty who warned this would happen, not least Truss’s summer opponent, Rishi Sunak. But Truss and Kwarteng went ahead anyway, issuing their proclamations as if they were the sole actors on the stage, oblivious to the fact that you can’t just announce £43bn of unfunded tax cuts without those whom you expect to lend you the money expressing a view – in this case by triggering an instant spike in the cost of borrowing. You cannot simply bypass the official spending scrutineer, the Office for Budget Responsibility, without the markets concluding that you’ve become unpredictable and, therefore unreliable, a bad risk.
As remainers were mocked for pointing out six long years ago, there is no such thing as unfettered sovereignty in the 21st century: every country has to accommodate its neighbours, the global economy, reality. But the leavers, and their zealous convert Truss, refused to hear it. When Sunak tried to spell out these rudimentary facts, Conservative party members thought he was being a spoilsport. The Treasury permanent secretary, Tom Scholar, was seen as the embodiment of such boring, reality-based thinking, and so Truss fired him.
This week Sanjay Raja, chief UK economist of Deutsche Bank, told a Commons committee that Britain was facing a unique form of trade shock: “We haven’t seen this kind of trade deficit since 1955, since national account records began.” It was odd, because I too had been thinking about the mid-1950s, specifically the Suez crisis of 1956. The failure of that military adventure is now seen as the moment when a bucket of cold reality was thrown into Britain’s face, a humiliation that stripped the country of its imperial delusions, forcing it to accept that it was no longer a global superpower that could act alone. For a while, Britain learned that lesson: just five years after Suez, the country was knocking on Europe’s door, asking to join the club.
But some, especially in the Conservative party, never shook off the old delusion. By 2016, it was back, the Tories high on Brexit talk of a global Britain once again sailing the world’s oceans, free of the constraining hand of the EU, ready to return to its rightful grandeur. The Tories have been breathing those fumes for six years, and the Truss-Kwarteng mini-budget was the result: the Suez of economic policy, a disastrous act of imagined imperial sovereignty.
As several economists have noted, Truss was acting as if Britain were the US, issuer of the world’s reserve currency, with markets falling over themselves to lend it money. Like Anthony Eden before her, she could not accept that Britain’s place is not what it was: it can never be sovereign like a king in a fairytale, able to bend the world to his will. That kind of sovereignty was always a fantasy, one that both fed Brexit and was fed by it.
Now she has had to make a concession to reality, laying down the political life of her friend and abandoning what had been a signature policy. She is not in charge of events; she is not even in charge of her own government. Jeremy Hunt was an appointment forced on her. Her demeanour in her afternoon press conference on Friday – shell-shocked, brittle – suggested she has not absorbed the full meaning of what has just happened.
She is finished, a hollow husk of a prime minister. But this is bigger than that. The Brexit bubble has burst. The country has seen that the Tory hallucination of an island able to command the tides was no more than a fever dream, and a dangerous one at that. We can pronounce Trussonomics dead. Bring on the day we can say the same of the delusion that spawned it.
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iamxinyitrading · 4 months
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Decoding Currency Pairs: Deep Dive into 2024’s Most Promising Trades
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你好 (Hello) fellow ! As a dedicated trader soaking in the brisk January breeze of Taiwan, I’m excited to take you on a journey into the heart of Forex trading in 2024. Today, amidst the chill in the air and the anticipation of the upcoming Lunar New Year, we’ll unravel the mysteries of currency pairs and explore the most promising trades that this dynamic year has to offer.
The Language of Forex: Understanding Currency Pairs
Forex trading is like mastering a new language. The basic building blocks are currency pairs, where one currency is exchanged for another. Understanding how these pairs work is fundamental to success in the Forex market.
Major Currency Pairs
Major pairs involve the world’s most traded currencies, such as the Euro (EUR), US Dollar (USD), Japanese Yen (JPY), and British Pound (GBP). These pairs offer high liquidity and are popular among traders.
Minor Currency Pairs
Minor pairs, also known as cross-currency pairs, do not include the US Dollar. Examples include EUR/GBP or AUD/JPY. Trading minor pairs can provide diversification opportunities.
Exotic Currency Pairs
Exotic pairs involve one major currency and one currency from a developing or emerging-market economy. They tend to have lower liquidity and higher spreads but can offer substantial profit potential.
Promising Currency Pairs for 2024
In 2024, several currency pairs stand out as promising opportunities for traders. Let’s take a closer look:
EUR/USD (Euro/US Dollar)
As one of the most traded currency pairs globally, EUR/USD often presents stable trends. In 2024, watch for potential shifts in monetary policies between the Eurozone and the United States, as they can influence this pair’s direction.
USD/JPY (US Dollar/Japanese Yen)
USD/JPY is known for its sensitivity to global economic events. Keep an eye on factors like interest rate differentials and geopolitical developments that may impact this pair.
AUD/USD (Australian Dollar/US Dollar)
With the Australian economy closely linked to commodities, AUD/USD is sensitive to commodity price movements. Traders should monitor commodity markets and economic data releases.
EUR/GBP (Euro/British Pound)
Brexit-related developments may continue to influence EUR/GBP. Be prepared for potential volatility as negotiations progress.
USD/CNY (US Dollar/Chinese Yuan)
As China’s influence in the global economy grows, USD/CNY is a pair to watch. Keep abreast of trade relations between the US and China and China’s economic policies.
Navigating the Forex Market
Trading currency pairs is akin to exploring the diverse landscapes of Taiwan. Each pair has its unique characteristics, and traders must adapt their strategies accordingly. Here are some essential tips:
Stay Informed
Regularly follow economic calendars, news releases, and geopolitical events that may impact your chosen currency pairs.
Risk Management
Use risk management tools like stop-loss orders to protect your capital and limit potential losses.
Technical Analysis
Utilize technical analysis tools to identify entry and exit points based on price charts, trends, and patterns.
Diversify Your Portfolio
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Conclusion
2024 holds promise for Forex traders, much like the anticipation of the Lunar New Year festivities. Understanding currency pairs and staying informed about global events are crucial for success. Keep an open mind, adapt your strategies, and be prepared to seize the opportunities that arise in the Forex market. May your trades be profitable, and your journey as a trader be filled with learning and growth. 幸運交易 (Happy Trading)!
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niamhtradingtips · 4 months
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Forecasting 2024 with DecodeEx: Key Economic Indicators Impacting Forex Trading
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Greetings, fellow traders, readers, and friends! As we embark on the journey through 2024, I am excited to share insights into the critical economic indicators that will shape our forex trading adventures. Much like the warm ambiance of an Irish pub, I invite you to join me in exploring the financial world and understanding how these indicators can impact our trading decisions.
Understanding Economic Indicators
Before we delve into the indicators, let’s establish a common understanding. Economic indicators are like the compass of a nation’s economy. They provide essential data about a country’s economic health and play a pivotal role in determining currency values.
DecodeEx: Uncovering the Significance of Economic Indicators
DecodeEx, your trusted source for forex insights, recognizes the importance of these indicators in making informed trading decisions. Let’s delve into key indicators and their potential influence on our trading strategies.
DecodeEx: Anticipating 2024 Trends
Inflation Rate
Similar to the lively conversations and banter in an Irish pub, the inflation rate is a topic that remains evergreen. Inflation, or the rise in prices over time, can erode a currency’s value. A rising inflation rate may prompt a central bank to tighten monetary policy, potentially strengthening the currency.
Interest Rates
Interest rates, much like the tunes of traditional Irish music, can set the tone in the forex market. Central banks utilize interest rates to control the money supply. Higher interest rates can attract foreign capital, bolstering the currency, while lower rates can have the opposite effect.
GDP Growth
Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth is akin to the heartbeat of a nation’s economy. A growing economy typically attracts investments and can lead to a stronger currency. Conversely, a contracting economy may weaken the currency.
DecodeEx: Impact on Currency Pairs
EUR/USD
The EUR/USD pair, much like the cultural connections between Ireland and Europe, remains a significant player in the forex world. Keep a close watch on economic indicators from both the Eurozone and the United States, as they can exert influence on the pair’s movements.
GBP/USD
The GBP/USD pair, reflecting the UK’s economic fortunes, is also worth monitoring. Developments related to Brexit and UK economic data will be key drivers for this pair.
Emerging Market Currencies
Don’t overlook emerging market currencies, much like Ireland’s own emergence as an economic force. Economic indicators from countries like India (INR) and China (CNY) can provide trading opportunities.
Strategies for Success
As we navigate the forex market in 2024, let’s keep these strategies in mind, much like the Irish spirit of resilience and adaptability.
Risk Management
Preserve your capital, just as we treasure our heritage. Set clear risk parameters and employ stop-loss orders to safeguard your investments.
Diversification
Diversify your portfolio, much like the rich tapestry of Irish culture. Spread risk across different currency pairs and asset classes to minimize exposure.
Stay Informed
Keep a vigilant eye on economic calendars and news sources. Stay abreast of global events and economic developments that can impact currency movements.
Conclusion
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I’m thrilled to embark on this trading journey with you in 2024. DecodeEx is your trusted companion, providing insights into the economic indicators that will shape our trading decisions. Just as the Irish pub fosters camaraderie and good conversations, let’s embrace the forex market’s opportunities and challenges. Here’s to a prosperous year of trading ahead, filled with the luck of the Irish and informed decision-making! Sláinte (Cheers)!
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two-reflections · 4 months
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Hello, I'm PS. I sometimes paint minis and write fanfic.
I primarily rep the Salamanders, but I also like the Red Corsairs, the Iron Warriors, the Thousand Sons, Vashtorr the Arkifane, my original Dark Mechanicum sect, and several Astartes/Legionary characters from other Chapters/Legions.
This is (unfortunately) a sideblog, so apologies if it's hard to tell whether we've interacted. If it helps, my main is a very old astronomy-related blog!
Asks are always open! I welcome feedback on my painting and writing. I'm trying my best to improve at both. 😅
Ao3
Minis
Meta Posts
Salamanders 6th Company
Thousand Sons Killteam
Asks and Replies
Now, come under the cut and I'll tell you a little about myself and all about my favourite guys. [WIP, please forgive the mess.]
About me:
I live in the UK, but I wasn't born or raised here.
I was an archaeologist, but I'm a copy editor now. Cheers, Brexit. 🙄
My major hobby is LARP. I crew and play quite a lot of small and mid-size games.
My first experience with Warhammer 40k was a Dark Heresy TTRPG Campaign campaign where I played a "pilgrim" (scout equivalent) from a rogue Space Marine Chapter who was part of an Inquisitor's retinue. Still one of the best TTRPGs I've ever played.
Fell in love with the Salamanders due to a plot point in that game. Later read the Tome of Fire books, which only deepened my love.
I wanted to start painting then, but after an uncomfortable experience at what was then my local GW store, I didn't feel like it would be a good idea.
My spouse and I painted minis for a few RPGs and Legacy board games together over the years. We sucked, but it was fun.
Last year, I started watching Warhammer videos while painting Frosthaven minis. Finding Ebay Miniature Rescues was what finally got through to me.
Since then, I've been painting and reading when I can. I've played Killteam a few times with my spouse, loved it every time.
I'm neurodivergent and just absolutely horrendous at communication. I have three modes: enthusiasm, anxiety spiral, and complete hermit. All of these can make me difficult to interpret. I've spent years giving myself hell for it and I'm trying not to do that any more, but please understand that it only takes one brief conversation for me to consider us friends. If I forget to reply, I still think you're amazing and I will genuinely be delighted if you nudge me or randomly get in touch months or years later.
Canon Faves:
ALL THE SALAMANDERS - literally all of them. I'm super hung up on Nick Kyme's Rebirth though, so my favourites are Ur'zan Drakgaard (whom I HC as being a dreadnought in current 40k), Adrax Agatone, and the poor little meow meow x feral massive hiss hiss duo of Exor and Zartath (yes, he counts!!). Also, Chaplain Elysius is always 10/10. Sa'kan from Pariah Nexus is also wonderful and I hope we see him again soon.
All the cool humans around the Salamanders - RIP Makato. Issak and Agatone should kiss once. Shoutout to Tsu'gan's brander, he didn't deserve what happened to him. Colonel Redgage is babygirl and I'll always wonder if he survived.
Non-Salamander OCs:
Kemal Afshar and Setka Radjedef of the Thousand Sons. Technically my spouse's OCs, but they're kind of shared at this point. Despite being on different sides of the Ahriman-Magnus divide, these ancient Terran boys meet often to play sorcerous board games together. You can read more about them here! Also, these lads have minis!
Warsmith Kirakos Neman of the Iron Warriors and Fleet Captain Roscius Sedulius of the Red Corsairs enter into a trade agreement together with personally devastating consequences. You can read more about them (and other characters from their warbands) here!
Skitarius Escher has been requisitioned from Forgeworld Urum by the Inquisition, serving in a team headed by Interrogator Arion Astraeus under the auspices of Inquisitor Griselda Novaria of the Ordo Hereticus. You can read more about them (and the rest of the team) here!
I also have several techmarines-in-training, though there are no available stories for them yet. So far, I have Irran Alto (Dragonspears), Adathan (Blood Angels), and Ganzorig (White Scar).
OC squad: The 6th Company's 3rd Tactical.
(Apologies for the Heroforge pics below, I hope to actually put together my squad's minis this year and then this'll have proper pictures. Or I'll commission some artwork.)
The 6th's 3rd [name TBA] is a squad of Salamanders currently stationed in the rotating garrison at Clymene. Currently eight men + a Sergeant, though they often deploy with the addition of Lexicanum An'terea, an elderly Astartes who was caught up in the Psychic Awakening at the turn of the millennium.
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Brother Lattis (R) describing a creature to Sergeant Te'rien. (L).
Led by Sergeant Benedan Te'rien (~160), a fixture of the 6th. In the forge, Te'rien specialises in fine metalwork. Te'rien has tried to run his squad like a family where he is the paterfamilias, but he's still emotionally compromised after the death of someone he had an intense friendship with in the past. Even though younger Astartes are often seen as more emotional and less detached, Te'rien is an example of how untrue this is. His deep love for the 6th Company stands in contrast with his stubborn refusal to leave Clymene to rejoin the rest of the 6th in Aethonian. Only his current Captain and second-best friend Nehr Ur’Venn knows that his self-imposed exile isn't meant to keep him away from the company, but is based on his need to preserve a status quo that actually died many years ago.
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An'terea (L) and Philo (R) reminiscing.
Pe'tar Philo and Carix An'terea go back like 250 years and are absolutely devoted to each other. It's not that they exclude others on purpose, they're just unrelatably old and are the only ones left from an extremely tight knit squad that died many years before. An'terea isn't technically part of the same squad as Philo any more, but he takes advantage of his new Librarian status (thanks, Psychic Awakening) to attach himself to whatever squad Philo is part of. There are several younger Astartes he cares about like Kea'hi and Val'ten, and both Philo and An'terea have grown closer to Sabinus in recent years.
Philo is a brash, avuncular man who cares deeply about the squad. He was a Sergeant in the 5th many years ago and hated being in charge. Since then, he has rejected promotion. He just wants to fight on and spend the calm parts of his life reminiscing with An'terea. Only bothered crossing the Rubicon because An'terea asked him to.
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Cor'en (L) scanning Bai'keti (R) after an accident with a malfunctioning power sword.
I don't plan to discuss this further in any of my Salamander stories beyond All-seeing Dawn, but pilot and emergency medic Cor'en (~300, claims 75) is an infiltrator. Not from Alpha Legion, but from a homebrew rogue chapter called the Reavers in Metal. He was meant to infiltrate the Deathwatch, but got stuck with the Salamanders by mistake. He genuinely respects Te'rien. Watching the flawed little Sergeant do his best reminds Cor'en of humanity's tenacity. He's not a big fan of the rest of the squad, though. He misses his old squad. He hopes to leave the Salamanders soon. He just this needs to get his hands on one thing, and then he can “die” on the next battlefield and go home. He's the only Firstborn in the squad at first, though more will arrive as young Primaris marines are promoted and older Firstborn marines transfer to the reserve companies.
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Lattis (L) and Keleth (R) having a drink.
Lattis (60s), Keleth(80s), and Kea'hi (~45) are the tight core of the squad. The Themian Lattis thinks he's the ringleader of this group because Te'rien was his Forgefather when he was a child, but it's actually Keleth, a cuddly Hesiodian with many forgechildren of his own. Kea'hi is a bit younger, he is a very normal Salamander. Kea'hi worries that his position might be insecure since he's the youngest in the core and Lattis gives another soldier called Atsen Bai'keti a hard time for being “the baby”, but Kea'hi only thinks that because he doesn't understand what's actually going on between those two. The truth is that Lattis hates people he sees as dishonest, so he saw red when Bai'keti showed up and started swaggering around. Unfortunately, Lattis hasn't noticed that Bai'keti has grown up a lot over the years, so he keeps tormenting him.
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Keleth (L) with one of his forgechildren.
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Sabinus (R) comforting Bai'keti (L).
Sabinus (~65) used to be part of the core group until Bai'keti showed up. His defense of Bai'keti from Lattis's bullying split him off a little from that group, but only Lattis actually lost respect for him. Everyone else still likes him, and Sabinus, Philo and An'terea have become more friendly since then. Sabinus has a heavy, sullen face, but he's actually calm, perceptive and knows the backgrounds of all his squad mates except Cor’en. He has a big heart and a forgiving nature. He would make a good Sergeant, but he's utterly uninterested in command and doesn't know the rest of the 6th Company well on account of being stuck in Clymene for many decades. He may still be promoted someday. Teased Val'ten a little at first because he found him a bit soft and twee.
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Bai'keti (R) discussing his dodgy power sword with Sabinus. (L)
Atsen Bai'keti (~32) was never meant to be in the 6th's 3rd. He was once a special scout, not intended for the companies at all but for Mars. However, he suffered a medical mishap and ended up taking significantly longer than average to ascend, meaning that a different scout who began ascension after him left for Mars in his stead. Unfortunately, all the stress, memory issues, and the fall from star scout to disappointment meant that he was a complete mess when he joined the squad. At first, he acted childishly superior and conceited out of insecurity. He has mellowed over the years, especially now that his body has stabilised. Nevertheless, Lattis still gives him hell. When Sabinus stood up in Bai'keti's defense, this unfortunately created tension in the squad and isolated Bai'keti further. With only two friends and a horrible power sword he is desperately failing to make work, Bai'keti doesn't feel like he's part of the squad. Things will improve tremendously for him once he leaves for Mars and finds that he's older and more experienced than the average Techmarine-in-training. He will probably join the Deathwatch after that and return in his 80's with an actual reason to swagger around.
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Val'ten (R) gets a talking-to from Sergeant Te'rien (L).
Dejan Val'ten (~25) is the newest member of the 6th. He was a PDF orphan from Heliosa before he was apprenticed to a Brother there. He's the opposite of Bai'keti, having had a relatively straightforward ascension. Unlike his Brother Salamanders, he isn't particularly gifted in the forge, but what he lacks in technical skills he makes up for with tenacity, diplomacy and a strategic mind. He's overly aware of his youth and inexperience, so he tries hard to fit in. He makes friends quickly with Bai'keti, which makes Kea'hi avoid him by proxy. Lattis and Keleth, however, treat him relatively well. On the flip side, Sabinus makes fun of him sometimes. Val'ten idolizes Sergeant Te'rien at first, but comes to see his human side. They will have been good friends for many years by the time Te'rien dies and Val'ten replaces him as Sergeant.
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Dal'ris Moloi (~27) is not a Salamander. He was an aspirant who failed to ascend, and is now Val'ten's brander-priest. He requested to be assigned to Val'ten because Val'ten helped his family while he was a scout. The two become very close, working on a secret project together. Val'ten discovers that he enjoys making Dal'ris happy, Dal'ris thinks Val'ten is hot and is flattered that his Lord Astartes pays so much attention to him. They're falling in love.
Drek'tyr (~300) is a very old firstborn who moves down from a higher company when he realizes everyone around him is Primaris now. He replaces Bai'keti. He has a stupid saurian hat and I love him a lot. A little gremlin of a man. He's literally only here because my spouse gave me a very silly mini of a Salamander with a dinosaur head.
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