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cntcrtainmcnt-blog · 5 years

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(&wanted connections)

*this will be updated often, as I try to always have at least 2 open connections for each of my characters.

**three asterisks beside a connection means i’m open to having multiple people filling it

Current Disponible Connections: 156

Spreadsheet of currently taken connections

ALESSANDRA “SANDY” CARAVALHO

23, actress, panromantic asexual, Camila Mendes fc.

costars: could be from the past, present or future, and how they get along can be discussed ***

ex: preferably not on good terms, but can be discussed

people trying to sleep with her, but she doesn’t want to ***

ALYSSA MULLINS

24, stripper, pansexual, Carlson Young fc.

childhood acquaintance: maybe someone that lived in the same town, or they met through her dad being mayor of the town

coworkers ***

flirts ***

potentially serious relationship: I’m open to having this happen at one point

AMBER JACKSON

27, vigilante barista, pansexual, Emily Borwning fc.

coworkers ***

vigilante friend: her friends don’t know about this side of her, but I’d love if there was someone who knew, kind of a partner?

ANDREI PETRAN

31, cop, heteroflexible, Sebastian Stan fc.

coworkers ***

drinking buddy(ies) ***

know through work ***

someone trying to help him kick his alcoholism

wife or ex-wife

ANGELICA CAIN

30, criminal company owner, bisexual, Crystal Reed fc.

allies: people she helps, or helping her ***

enemies ***

relationship: not saying anything precise, but i’m imagining she’s seeing someone, but she’s scared if she gets too close, they might get hurt, that kind of deal

subordinates: she is the leader of a crime ring, so I suppose she has a few people she bosses around ***

ANNA TAYLOR

32, high school teacher, bisexual, Emilia Clarke fc.

childhood/school friends: she grew up in Kola, but then moved to NYC, so any friends she met while still in Kola ***

coworkers ***

NYC friends/acquaintances: people she met while in NYC ***

ANTHONY POWELL

44, criminal, heteroflexible, Skeet Ulrich fc.

neighbor: he lives in a small house, but I just think it’d be interesting if he had a prying neighbor, that might get too close to his business?

people in the Russian mafia with him ***

BEATRIZ OLIVEIRA

36, tattoo artist, bisexual, Morena Baccarin fc.

customers ***

gang members: she’s not part of the gang, exactly, but she does pretty much all of their tattoos now ***

BEVERLY JORDAN

24, cashier, pansexual, Vanessa Morgan fc.

boss

coworkes: she’s a cashier in a clothing shop ***

regulars: people who come to the shop often ***

BIANCA RUTHERFORD

25, hacker, homosexual, Caitlin Stasey fc.

customers: she really does any kind of hacking job, so whatever you need, she might be your girl ***

non-serious flirts: probably just girls she flirts with for fun ***

serious flirt: she doesn’t like commitment but maybe there’s one girl she could be serious with?

targets: she loves to seduce men and later on destroy their reputation, so bring me all the men you want destroyed ***

BRADLEY HINES

30, assassin/spy to hire elementary school teacher, bisexual, Zane Holtz fc.

covers: I’m thinking people he pays to make his cover as an elementary school believable ***

employer: the one that hired him for that job

CAROLINA TANNER

23, literature/cinematography double major, pansexual, Freya Mavor fc.

classmates ***

crush ***

friends of her deceased twin ***

party buddies ***

semi serious crush: she’s still a fightened virgin, but she feels it might be seirous enough with that person for her to give it up? but she’s very scared

CATHERINE WOLFE

30, event planner, bisexual, Leighton Meester fc.

best friend

customers ***

ex see wc on the main

younger sister see wc on the main

CECELIA ROSE

26, writer, pansexual, Shailene Woodley fc.

crush/flirt

ex mentor see wc on the main

fans ***

high school friends ***

writer buddies ***

CHARLES MYERS

29, police officer, bisexual, Matthew Daddario fc.

ex: maybe from high school, or college, or whatever

geek buddies: he doesn’t show it often anymore but bring me a bunch of geek friends and they just talk movies and series and comics together ***

CLARITA “CLARA” ESTEVEZ

34, criminal investigator, bisexual, Melissa Fumero fc.

best friend: maybe recent? maybe since they were kids?

coworker/flirt/crush: like... Peraltiago kind of thing

roommate: she’s very clean and organized, I just want someone that... isn’t

CLINT FRAZIER

37, zoologist, bisexual, Chris Pratt fc.

coworkers: anyone who might work at the zoo with him, or other zoologists ***

friends: most likely ex friends since he’s dissociated himself from most human relationships ***

siblings *** see wc on the main

CORA STEVENSON

27, unemployed, pansexual, Summer Bishil fc.

best frienemy: bring the Nicole Richie to her Paris Hilton

ex ***

flirt ***

frenemy ***

party buddy(ies) ***

CORDELIA PARKINSON

26, hairdresser, bisexual, Sarah Hyland fc.

co workers ***

crush

customers ***

step brother see wc on the main

DARLENE HART

26, nurse, heterosexual, Aimee Teegarden fc.

brother see wc on the main

coworkers ***

ex see wc on the main

friend: someone she would’ve met after arriving in Kola and it’s probably her closet friend here

DARREN BATES

23, model, homosexual, Ryan McCartan fc.

friends: he’s very sociable despite being sometimes “boring”, I imagine he has a bunch of friends ***

model buddies ***

on/off boyfriend see wc on the main

EBONY NASSRY

23, camgirl, pansexual, Jade Thirlwall fc.

flirt

rival: bring me another camgirl/boy? and they’re fighting for the number one spot

roommate

watchers ***

EDWARD “EDDIE” HALE

23, confectionery co-owner, bisexual, Luke Benward fc.

tba

ELENA RICHMOND

21, unemployed, pansexual, Alycia Debnam-Carey fc.

close friend

past foster siblings: she was in and out of families because she was a brat, so I imagine she had a good amount of foster siblings ***

someone she could possibly develop feelings for

someone training her so she could prove herself and join the mafia like her brother

EMELY LINDNER

31, model, pansexual, Alexandra Daddario fc.

close friend

crush

dance buddy: someone she would occasionally do ballet with

half sister see wc on the main

model friends ***

EMMA VELAZQUEZ

26, sports shop owner, bisexual, Lindsey Morgan fc.

ex teammates: she played at a high level in soccer, so people she played with or against ***

flirt: she rarely opens up, but someone that tries to get to her heart please and thanks

regulars at her shop ***

ETHAN DUNN

25, underground boxer unemployed, bisexual, Gregg Sulkin fc.

bar fights: I just imagine he gets into bar fights often ***

drinking buddies ***

EVAN RENDALL

32, motel owner, bisexual, Harry Lloyd fc.

customers ***

ex: I dunno, I just... I kinda want that? Probably happened and ended before his father’s murder so now he’s much different

high school classmates: he never really had friends, but acquaintances for sure ***

people who do their “business” at his motel ***

possible victims ***

FELICIA PORTER

26, journalist, pansexual, Elizabeth Olsen fc.

best friend

coworkers ***

FINLAY AINSWORTH

28, waiter, pansexual, Jack Falahee fc.

coworkers ***

ex: probably someone he was with just before going to rehab

regular customer(s) ***

FLORENCE KNEEN

22, film director, bisexual, Madelaine Petsch fc.

anyone in the film industry that could’ve worked with her: producers, editors, actors, music, etc. ***

bad influence

crush ***

flirtationship: not quite a friendship, not quite a crush?

friend ***

movie buddies ***

GAIL ERICKSON

35, artist, bisexual, Katie McGrath fc.

clients: either for her legal or illegal work ***

employees: probably people she hires to help at her gallery ***

flings ***

flirt: could be serious or not, but she’s been single for a long time

GENESIS FERRER

37, company owner, bisexual, Zoe Saldana fc.

business partners: people who employ her ocmpany to protect their business, house, whatever ***

employees: security guards working for her firm ***

flirt

GENEVIEVE “G” BAKER

25, receptionist, pansexual, Kaya Scodelario fc.

coworkers: I’m thinking she works as a receptionist for a company, so anyone who works there? ***

crush/flirt: something that could be serious? also someone that’s very kind and caring, unlike her ex

roommate: she arrived not long ago and really needed a place to stay, and your muse had an open room or something

GREYSON KALUA

37, landscape architect, bisexual, Jason Momoa fc.

customers ***

friends: from school, through work, any way they could’Ve met, bring them all ***

JANET MONTROSE

38, secretary/thief, pansexual, Evangeline Lilly fc.

high school friends: could be interesting since she doesn’t go by her real name anymore ***

past teammates: so before going solo, she had a small group and they worked together to scam people, so those teammates ***

previous victims: people she scammed and stole from, ya know? ***

target: the one she’ll try to scam next

JANICE WINTHROPE

27, lawyer, pansexual, Brie Larson fc.

crush: she doesn’t believe in love so I want this to build slowly

employees: she’s opening a new branch for her parents’ law firm ***

ex see wc on the main

JASMINE WRIGHT

31, philanthropist, heterosexual, Blake Lively fc.

best friend: mayb a friend she met while she was still a model, or maybe not, I don’t mind

fans: I imagine there was a bunch of people fans of her work as a model, and her few roles ***

husband see wc on the main

JEFFREY BOWEN

28, unemployed, pansexual, Finn Wittrock fc.

cousin: someone who was next in line to get the company, and so took the lead position while he was gone/still acts as leader for now

employees: he hasn’t announced publicly he is back in the company, but he does still work in the shadows until it’s announced. So either people who know he’s back because they hold higher position in the company, or people who don’t know and think he just quit or got fired. ***

JESSICA LAYTON

33, socialite, bisexual, Olivia Wilde fc.

best friend: I want it to be someone she met prior to marrying rich, so when she was still poor and struggling

husband see wc on the main

socialite friends ***

JIAN CHANG

24, businessman, bisexual, Charles Melton fc.

tba

KAVIA DESAI

23, singer, homosexual, Naomi Scott fc.

tba

KIERAN DOYLE

33, forensic pathologist/irish mafia, demiromantic bisexual, Aidan Turner fc.

tba

LAURENCE JUNEAU

35, fashion designer, bisexual, Bryce Dallas Howard fc.

celebrities she might’ve been asked to design something for ***

crush: someone who flirts a lot and isn’t one for commitment, but she’s just under their charm

ex: I’m thinking maybe there could be some lingering feelings from her side still

regulars: people who often buy from her brand ***

LEA COLE

23, on-set assistant, pansexual, Billie Lourd fc.

coworkers: anyone who might work on set of movies, shows, shootings ***

crush see wc on the main

friends: she’s not really good at expressing her feelings, but definitely people she’s connected with enough to call them friends ***

LENA DAVIES

36, floor manager, bisexual, Olivia Munn fc.

employees: people working at her restaurant ***

regulars: people who often come to the restaurant ***

LEO BURGESS

32, bar/club owner, heterosexual, Chris Pine fc.

tba

LIONEL RUBIO

38, CEO, bisexual, Oscar Isaac fc.

building relationship see wc on the main

employees: maybe in his company, or at his house(like housekeepers, butlers, all that) ***

rival: I haven’t specified what kind of company, but a rival company, ya know? I’m really down for mostly any kind of company so yeah

MITCHELL WOODS

23, cook, bisexual, Josh Hutcherson fc.

friends ***

NADIA BARTON

27, history professor/adventurer, bisexual, Alicia Vikander fc.

tba

NATALIE CALLOWAY

33, detective, heteroflexible, Jenna Louise Coleman fc.

ally(ies): I’m thinking people who are working with her husband, and that she secretly works with to protect him. ***

coworkers ***

NATASHA GRIMES

21, languages student, bisexual, Danielle Campbell fc.

best friend she tells everything to

classmates ***

someone who has a crush on her: the Sid Jenkins to her Michelle Richardson

the Tony Stonem to her Michelle Richardson

NOAH SALVADOR

30, unemployed, bisexual, Bob Morley fc.

tba

PHOEBE NEWTON

22, med student, bisexual, Abigail Breslin fc.

tba

PRESTON WAGNER

21, kinesiology student, bisexual, Cody Christian fc.

close friend: only person he talks to about how he feels

friend of his ex: maybe her best friend or something, and when he sees that person, he thinks of her

teammates: other lacrosse players on the college team ***

RAPHAELLE DELONG

23, personal assistant, bisexual, Zoey Deutch fc.

tba

RICHARD WADE

36, plastic surgeon, pansexual, Ryan Reynolds fc.

tba

ROBERT JEFFERSON

36, politician, bisexual, Tom Hiddleston fc.

tba

SAMUEL PETERS

24, theater director, homosexual, Casey Cott fc.

anyone in the theater industry that could’ve worked with him: actors, playwright, tecnicians, etc. ***

crush

ex: this would’ve been his first and only boyfriend, so fairly recent

maybe a girl he dated in high school to make it look like he was straight? can be plotted more

SERAPHINA BRISBANE

22, journalism major/criminology minor, heterosexual, Willa Fitzgerald fc.

tba

STYLES MCKINLEY

28, oncology resident, bisexual, Beau Mirchoff fc.

tba

TAMI SULLIVAN

20, student, bisexual, Shannon Purser fc.

tba

TAYLOR LOWNDES

24, cook, demiromantic pansexual, Tom Maden fc.

coworkers: he’s a cook in a restaurant, so anyone who can fit that bill ***

girlfriend/boyfriend: probably faked on his part, why can be plotted with you

TERRENCE HALE

29, confectionery co-owner, bisexual, Glen Powell fc.

tba

THEODORE KENYON

29, bouncer, bisexual, Aaron Taylor-Johnson fc.

tba

TIERRA CHADWIN

30, pharmacist, bisexual, Rose Leslie fc.

tba

TIMOTHY WATTS

25, mechanics, bisexual, Landon Liboiron fc.

acquaintances: people he might have met through his ex friends, so not so recommended people ***

close friend: quite possibly the only one who knows he’s not like his old friend and believes in him

regulars ***

TRACEY “TRACE” MACK

22, security guard, homosexual, Bex Taylor-Klaus fc.

tba

TYLER OAKS

27, hitman, bisexual, Nicholas Hoult fc.

tba

VALDA BLAKE

24, barmaid, bisexual, Chloe Bridges fc.

best friend: I can see her having ONE best friend she tells everything, how she feels and all

flirts: she flirts a lot, and whether it goes further or not can be discussed ***

rival(s): people who were in pageants, maybe models she resents because she should be one, anything ***

WILLA ZHAO

34, FBI, bisexual, Kristin Kreuk fc.

tba

#wanted connections #too lazy to put some now but it will come

2 notes · View notes

trecblog · 4 years

Text

Coronavirus and Race Attacks: Racial Violence and Racial Terror in a British Historical Context

“In our own time, the steady erosion of the inherited privileges of race has destabalised western identities and institutions – and it has unveiled racism as an enduringly potent political force, empowering volatile demagogues in the heart of the modern west...Today, as white supremecists feverishly build transnational alliances, it becomes imperative to ask, as Dubois did in 1910: 'What is whiteness that one should so desire it?”.[i]

“When white men are shooting black people, some of it is malice and some an out-of-control image of blackness in their minds. Darren Wilson told the jury that he shot Michael Brown because he looked “like a demon”. And I don’t disbelieve it. Blackness in the white imagination has nothing to do with black people”.[ii]

“Neither civilized reason nor Christian love would cause any of those people to treat you as they presumably wanted to be treated; only the fear of your power to retaliate would cause them to do that, or to seem to do it, which was (and is) good enough. There appears to be a vast amount of confusion on this point, but I do not know many Negroes who are eager to be “accepted” by white people, still less to be loved by them; they, the blacks, simply don’t wish to be beaten over the head by the whites every instant of our brief passage on this planet. White people in this country will have quite enough to do in learning how to accept and love themselves and each other, and when they have achieved this—which will not be tomorrow and may very well be never—the Negro problem will no longer exist, for it will no longer be needed”.[iii]

This paper explores the enduring phenomenon of racial violence against Black[iv] people in the White western world in general and in the United Kingdom, in particular. This engages the historical antecedents of violence against Black people and the convergence of social phenomena such as race, class and gender in the everyday lived experiences of ordinary, everyday Black people. Our exploration begins its focus on the current racial violence, engendered by the coronavirus pandemic, which has dramatically increased in Britain and the White western world. We place this phenomenon within the broader context of racial terrorism and racist harassment and attacks against Black people, which have been historically endemic to British society, in particular and the wider western world in general. In our review, we see that current manifestation of racial violence is in fact a continuation of over 500 years of racial oppression and violence which has been central to concepts of White identity. We see that the coronavirus inspired violence is but the tip of the iceberg of a deep enduring legacy of violence against Black people and crucially, a crisis and fracture in foundation of the mirage of a multinational non-racial society.

The coronavirus pandemic has inspired and inflamed racism and racial attacks and harassment in the United Kingdom, placing people of East Asian origin[v] in the cross hairs of violence which has historically been directed at and targeted people of African Caribbean and South Asian origin. In this regard, it has been argued by a British-Chinese Journalist that the “coronavirus panic” has made Britain a “more hostile environment”, with the virus being “racialised as a Chinese virus”.[vi] Many people seem to have “pinpointed the virus” as a Chinese virus, with people “seeming to have put a whole race behind it”, exposing underlying prejudices towards Chinese people or anyone looking Chinese.[vii] Many of the racial attacks have been stimulated or triggered by a kind of “maskaphobia” or fear of masks, with the majority of victims wearing masks and being called “virus” when attacked.[viii] This has led to an exodus of Chinese students in British universities “fleeing back to China” amid concerns about the British government's “handling of the spread of the virus” and the increase in racist attacks “triggered by so called maskphobia”.[ix]

This contagion of racist attacks and harassment of Chinese and East Asian people has in fact been taking place globally,[x] including the United States,[xi] Australia,[xii] Germany,[xiii] Italy,[xiv] Belgium,[xv] Canada[xvi] and India.[xvii] In France, despite laws outlawing the collection of racial and ethnic data,[xviii] there is growing evidence of racial attacks and harassment against Chinese and East Asian peoples.[xix] Ironically, China itself has not been immune to the contagion racial violence, harassment and abuse in the wake of the coronavirus pandemic, with Africans being targeted in an outbreak of a spew of race attacks and harassment in China.[xx]

In a British context, the Director of London Services at Stop Hate UK, Mike Ainsworth, has indicated that his organization has seen a “spike in hate crimes and incidents” being reported by Asian communities and individuals in the UK, with a “significant increase” in calls to his organization's help line from the Chinese community, with incidents ranging from “name calling”, to “spitting”, to “someone being pushed in the road in the path of oncoming vehicles”.[xxi] Ainaworth called the increase a “modest but marked one”, given that his organization “traditionally didn't receive calls whatsoever” from the Chinese community.[xxii] He asserts that:

“There’s a narrative that happens with hate crime from the perpetrator which says, ‘I am attacking you, but actually lots of people agree with me.’ Where hate crime becomes really dangerous is if victims start to believe that....I’ve talked to victims of hate crime in London, and one of the things they say is ‘being racially abused on the tube station is horrible, but having two hundred people stand there saying nothing is the bit that starts to really upset me and corrode my trust in society”.[xxiii]

This complicity is reflected in the failure of Prime Minister Boris Johnson to condemn this alarming rise of racial terrorism, with it being asserted that the “lack of official condemnation” is likely to come as a “missed opportunity for many Asians living in the UK”, a group that in 2017 reported the country’s highest level of discrimination”.[xxiv] It also represents a failure to tackle what “both anecdotal evidence and research” have long described as a “serious but hidden and under-reported problem” in British society, “especially for the UK’s Chinese population”.[xxv] It has been pointed out that the Chinese community is “prone to under-reporting” incidents of racially motivated attacks due to a “significant lack of confidence in the police”.[xxvi]

This failure of the British government to address the phenomenon of racial terrorism, race attacks and racial harassment is of particular concern, given the indication that, in the “aftermath of the EU referendum”, there was a marked increase in incidents of racist abuse,[xxvii] which “began to be shared on social media almost immediately”, with “long-established advocacy and campaigning organisations” also noting “sharp increases” in the number of incidents being reported to them, as well as requests for support in a “hostile and racially charged Britain”.[xxviii] Similarly, Bristol-based Stand Against Racism and Inequality (SARI) have revealed that more people had been approaching it for advice, with another organization, Just West Yorkshire having called for an audit of “race hate crime arrangements” because of “concerns about the response to violence and abuse in the region”.[xxix] Research by the Institute of Race Relations of some 134 post-Brexit incidents, the majority of which were “incidents of racist abuse”, including “physical assaults, arson attacks, death threats and stabbings” with several people being “hospitalised”, with the “most frequent ‘targets” being “European migrants”, particularly “eastern European migrants” and “Muslims”. But there were also were “incidents against Black people” and “Jewish people”. People were “singled out for attack” on the basis of “speaking a foreign language”, or “presumptions about their ‘right’ to be here” with children being among those who “received abuse”, sometimes “traveling to or from school”.[xxx]

This official ambivalence is nothing new, as it has been earlier indicated that “too many people in power” condemn racism because they “pass it off” as the actions of an ”insecure, badly-educated and thuggish minority”, with verbal and physical abuse being treated “almost like an act of nature” or some “inexplicable force”, the “explosive reaction of inadequate individuals”. But when “laws, policies and procedures” are “related back” to explain the “baseline for hateful acts”, British legislators have not been “so keen to listen”.[xxxi] More crucially, it has been contended that the “spike in race hatred” has had a “direct impetus” from the “divisive approach to race, religion and migration” which is now “official policy” and that, if a “hostile environment is embedded politically”, why should we be “surprised” when it “takes root culturally?”.[xxxii] In this regard, hate crimes are intricately linked to the “culture” of British society, with it being possible to trace a relationship between “hate’, media frameworks, government policy and institutional practices”.[xxxiii]

In this respect, it has been asserted that the “dominant narrative of racist violence” following the referendum consequently becomes one of “individualised hate, divorced from any political context” and that, “at best”, the context is the “language of the referendum itself”.[xxxiv] In this respect, racist violence was generally framed simply as part of a “spike” following the referendum, which in turn portrayed racism as some kind of “aberration in an otherwise tolerant” country, a sentiment “echoed again and again” by “political figures and criminal justice representatives”, and “reproduced in the media”.[xxxv] Burnett contends that, without in any way “downplaying” the level of racist abuse and violence following the referendum, its “roots” have to be sought in the way that a “much broader political context”, including the “policies and practices” of successive governments, had been its “pump primer”. But “unable or unwilling” to acknowledge this, political figures have “articulated” racist violence as the “domain of isolated thugs’ or ‘yobs” with the implications of this being that racism becomes defined as something “rooted in the actions of a few”, often already “marginalised” communities.[xxxvi]

During the Referendum campaign, a report by the European Commission against Racism and Intolerance (ECRI) found a “number of areas of concern” over “political discourse and hate speech”, as well as “violent racial and religious attacks”.[xxxvii] The ECRI Chair, Christian Ahlund, pointed out that it is no coincidence that racist violence is on the rise in the UK at the same time as there were “worrying examples” of intolerance and hate speech in the “newspapers, online and even among politicians”.[xxxviii] The commission noted “considerable intolerant political discourse in the UK”, particularly focusing on “immigration, discrimination against Roma, Gypsies and Travellers”, and a “spike in online abuse and violent racist incidents”.[xxxix] The ECRI report singled out statements made by Mr Cameron during his tenure as Prime Minister as examples of degrading terms towards refugees that “contribute needlessly to an increase in xenophobic sentiment” and joined human rights groups in condemning his description of asylum seekers risking their lives to reach the UK as a “swarm” in 2015.[xl] The report also criticised Nigel Farage and the UKIP Party for comments claiming there was “public concern” about immigration partly because “people believe” there are some Muslims who want to form a “fifth column and kill us”.[xli]The ECRI also condemned some British media outlets, particularly tabloid newspapers, for “offensive, discriminatory and provocative terminology”.[xlii]

In order to place this reality in proper context, it is important to trace the origins of racial terror and wider racism to its seminal roots in the early eighteenth century, when Britain had emerged as the “biggest and most prosperous” slave trading nation in the world and the “number one slave carrier for European countries”.[xliii] Lorraine White points out that the development of racism in its “modern sense” traces its origins to the 'role” slavery played in the “rise of capitalism”. She indicates that it was during this period that all kinds of “pseudo-scientific theories” were put forward to justify the brutalities of slavery. These theories purported that Black people were “inferior beings”, that Africans were in the “late stages of the evolution line”, that they were “half man and half ape, primitive, inferior and without intellect”, with the use of science to “legitimize and justify slavery” paving the way for racism to become a “lasting tool of capitalist exploitation”.[xliv]

It is quite clear that racial violence is a phenomenon that has existed in Britain since at least the end of World War One[xlv] and that racial attacks and harassment against the Black community have remained a pervasive and constant feature of British society to the present day.[xlvi]

After World War one, in which people from Asia, Africa and the Caribbean enlisted to fight for Britain, a number of Black people, primarily sailors, settled in the “port towns” of London, Liverpool, Bristol, Cardiff, Glasgow and Hull.[xlvii] Many of these Black settlers were soon confronted with extreme prejudice, discrimination and racist violence.[xlviii] 1919 provided a flash point of racial terrorism which has become known as the “Red Summer”. It has been pointed out that Liverpool may have been the “epicentre of the violence” but it was in Glasgow that the contagion of racist violence and unrest that “plagued” 1919 began,[xlix] from January 23 to 30, when the British Seafarers Union and the National Sailors’ and Fireman’s Union (NSFU) held “anti-immigrant” labour meetings blaming foreigners for “undercutting” white British employment. It has been pointed out that, at one dock, in January 1919, Black and White seamen, waiting to see if they would be hired, started “jostling each other” and soon a fight broke out and spilled into the yard, with White bystanders joining in, using “knives and makeshift weapons” to attack Black labourers.[l]

This signaled the beginning of a long hot “red summer” of racial violence in the British coastal seaports of Liverpool, Cardiff, Newport, Barry, Glasgow, South Shields, London, Hull and Salford. reaching its peak in 1919, with racist White thugs attacking Black workers, their families and their communities.[li] This has been described as one of Britain's “most violent periods of racial upheaval in the 20th Century[lii] and reflected a “global wave” of political violence throughout Europe, the United States, the Caribbean and South Africa in the year following the Armistice.[liii] In May 1919, the Strangers Home for Asiatic Seamen, in West India Dock Road in the Isle of Dogs in London, was surrounded by a hostile crowd and Black people were subjected to racial abuse, with it being necessary to “bar the doors” of the home at times.[liv] Around this time, in Cardiff, a Malay boarding house and a shop of one Abdul Satar were “devastated”,[lv] which was followed with three nights of racial terror in June, with murder and mayhem on the streets of the City, in the wake of which three people were killed, hundreds injured and homes looted.[lvi]

Liverpool, one of the areas of concentration of Black population, was said to have experienced the most “ferocious and sustained” rioting in June 1919. Charles Wooton, an African Caribbean youth, was lynched by the savage White mob.[lvii] Liverpool’s rioting crowd reached up to 10,000 and, out of fear from their safety, 700 Black people were temporarily removed from their homes seeking police protection.[lviii] It has been pointed out that Black workers were also fired during the riots, while black, Arab, and Chinese homes and businesses were damaged or set ablaze by the angry white rioters.[lix]

By mid-June, Black people in Salford were attacked and their properties damaged or destroyed.[lx] Police intervention in the riots was also slow, with them often standing by and allowing the violence to proceed unhindered. However, when Black people “retaliated” in self defence against white rioters, the police intervened and arrested them. At the end of the riots, five people were killed, many were injured, and at least 250 were arrested.[lxi] Hunter points out that further rioting also ensued in 1920 and 1921 and that “sustained racism”, “post-war economic hardship”, and the “reclassification” of Black people and Arabs as “aliens” with the “1920 and 1925 immigration mandates”, further made life difficult for African, African Caribbean, Arabs, and Asian people, particularly in seaport areas after the 1919 riots.[lxii]

It has been indicated that, in the aftermath of the June riots, the British government, which had been “monitoring Black communities”, intensified its “repatriation scheme”, with the move to repatriate colonial citizens in Britain being launched in February 1919.[lxiii] However, after the June riots, the government began removing colonial citizens from Britain out of “fear of a Black backlash.” Between 1919 and 1921, an estimated 3,000 black and Arab seamen and their families were removed from Britain under the “repatriation scheme”. Shipping companies that employed Caribbeans also “aided the state” by firing black labourers and returning them to the West Indies.[lxiv]

In the United States, between late 1918 and later 1919, there were ten “major race riots”, “dozens of minor, racially charged clashes”, and almost 100 “lynchings”, as White Americans tried to “enforce the continued subjugation of Black Americans” in the postwar era.[lxv] Again, as in Britain, there was apparent complicity of law enforcement agencies in the reign of terror being perpetuated against Black people. It has been indicated that in almost every case, law enforcement either “failed to quell” white violence, “sided with white attackers”, “disproportionately disarmed and arrested” Black defenders, or “blamed” Black people for the violence. Key federal agencies, particularly the “Military Intelligence Division” and the “Bureau of Investigation” (forerunner of the FBI), “reacted” to the Red Summer by Intelligence officers, certain that socialists and communists were “urging” African Americans to take up arms, “mistakenly” believed that a revolution was imminent and that that Black people across the country were “conspiring to attack whites”. In their eyes, the “Red Summer was a Red Scare”. Ignoring the indisputable evidence that white mobs were initiating the violence, the Military Intelligence Division and the Bureau of Investigation began working with local authorities and gun dealers across the country to “block the sale of weapons to African Americans”.[lxvi] This paranoia that has consumed American law enforcement is reflected in the development of Cointelpro, a program designed to subvert Black leadership and to destabilize the Black community.[lxvii] It is also reflected in the countless unarmed Black youth shot, brutalized and killed by law enforcement officers, with Black youth viewed as a “menacing threat to be eliminated”.[lxviii]

Despite the concerted effort to repatriate Black People, migration from the Caribbean and South Asia increased in the wake of the end of World War Two, when Britain had a significant demand for labour due to the toll that the war had on the British population which had been significantly diminished in the conflict. Black people were actively recruited to fill key posts in the transport industry, factories and the NHS. The immigrants from the Caribbean became known as “the Windrush Generation”.[lxix] With this flow of migration from the Caribbean, India, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka, there was a substantial increase of the Black population in Britain, with relatively large concentrations in London, Bradford, Leicester, Birmingham, Manchester and other towns.[lxx] Despite the crucial utility of this Black presence in the rebuilding of Britain, so diminished by the war, Black people continued to be subjected to racial terror, attacks and harassment, including attacks by thugs known as “Teddy Boys”, whose acts of terrorism against the Black communities were inspired by organizations such as Oswald Mosely's Union Movement and other xenophobic right wing groups, including the White Defence League.[lxxi] These right wing political groups sought power on a platform of racial intolerance, with the “Union for British Freedom” establishing a presence in Notting Hill and the founder of the “British Union of Fascists,” Sir Oswald Mosely, rallying the local population with the cry of “Keep Britain White” at meetings in West London.[lxxii] Despite an atmosphere of “menace and fear” pervading the area,[lxxiii] with repeated concerns being raised by Caribbean community leaders about this “flourishing prejudice” and the potential it had to develop into conflict, they were ignored by government officials who took no action.[lxxiv] Violence broke out on August 20, 1958, in what has been described as “short but vicious” outbreak of “anti Black rioting”,[lxxv] with a explosion of attacks on Black people by rampaging White mobs. It began with property owned by “Caribbean immigrants” being vandalized and the owners subjected to physical harassment. The racial terrorism escalated on August 24, when nine “Teddy Boys” attacked five black men in Shepherd’s Bush, and Notting Hill, leaving three seriously injured. On August 30, a mob of some 400 white youths, some armed with “iron bars and butcher's knives” chased the Caribbean population in the area. It has been indicated that “petrol bombs and milk bottles” were “launched as missiles”. There were “counter-attacks” by black youths, “similarly armed”, in self defense. The rioting lasted for a week but the “wave of unrest” spread up to the Midlands city of Nottingham, where there was rioting for two weeks.[lxxvi]

The riots sparked an ongoing debate about race discrimination and the levels of immigration to urban areas. In 2002, it was “discovered” that contemporary government commentary on the events dismissed assertions that the attacks were racially motivated, preferring instead to frame the disturbance as “hooliganism from both sides”.[lxxvii] The authorities were similarly reluctant to acknowledge the Nottingham events as being “racially motivated”. The Chief Constable at the time, “Captain Athelstan Popkess”, dismissed claims that the rioting was caused by prejudice and the Nottingham Constabulary published a report as late as 1989 that blamed “generic hooliganism for the violence”.[lxxviii] This reflects, a “chronic reluctance to recognise the racism that pervades every level of British society”,[lxxix] which is a consequence of what has been described as the “socially destructive impact of neoliberalism and government policies”.[lxxx]

Rather than the racial outrages being the isolated acts of a rogue minority, it is crucial to consider that the “thugs” possessed an extraordinarily large vocabulary of racist language inspired by the rhetoric of Enoch Powell, extreme right wing organizations like the National Front and popular television programs like “Till Death Do Us Part” and “Love Thy Neighbour” and the pervasive White racism of Jim Crow in the United States.[lxxxi] Benjamin Bowling, recounting his experience growing up in Britain, indicates that among his bullies “repertoire” were words like “Sambo” “Coon”, “Boy”, “Wog” and “Nigger”, with such verbal abuse being accompanied by “kicks, jostles and punches”.[lxxxii] He indicates that a “core idea” of the “new right political discourse” is that the British people “constitute a race” or “ethnic group” of which “non White dark skinned people” from “Britain's former colonies and elsewhere”, in this formulation, have no “legitimate claim to belong to the island” or to live on it.[lxxxiii]

This mindset, which views “racialism as patriotism”, advocates the “humane resettlement or repatriation” of “socially, culturally racially incompatible people” to their countries of “ethnic origin”. This was hardly the prejudice of a rogue element but reflected the ethos of the wider White British society. Bowling asserts that the “key race issue” in the 1960s and 1970s was “which political party was most likely to keep immigrants out” and that. as late as 1978, one in five electors regarded immigration as “one of the two most urgent problems” in the country, with the “adoption of a strong stance” against immigration seen to be the “main reason for the success of the Conservative Party from 1978 onwards”.[lxxxiv] In the wake of the racial violence confronting Black people, their presence was viewed as “the problem”, and this desire for ethnic cleansing was evident in the repatriations after the 1919 racial terrorism inflicted on the Black community and was reflected in the enactment of restrictive immigration legislation, which placed severe limits of the flow of Black migration to the country. It has been argued that these enactments all sent a “misleading message” that Britain could not support any increase in the number of migrants, and that the “indigenous population” had to be protected from an “imagined migrant threat”.[lxxxv]

There is a growing body of research which demonstrates that successive governments have attempted to “regulate and eventually halt” the arrival of Black migrants through legislation and “other means”.[lxxxvi] As we are advised by John Solomos, “supposed problems” created by the arrival of “too many Black migrants” have been used to “legitimize” legislative measures which have had the effect of “institutionalizing controls” on Black migrants, thereby excluding potential migrants on the basis of the colour of their skin.[lxxxvii] In the post-World War Two period, there was a relatively liberal attitude to to the arrival of White European workers, which “contrasted sharply” with the arrival of Black colonial workers, who were “British subjects”, with both the Labour Government of 1945-1951 and the Conservative Governments throughout the 1950s considering various ways to “stop or reduce” the number of Black migrants arriving and settling in Britain.[lxxxviii] In this regard, the period 1948-1962 involved the State in “complex political and ideological racialization” of immigration policy.[lxxxix] As pointed out by Solomos:

“Although much publicity was given to the arrival of 437 Jamaicans on the Empire Windrush in May 1948, and subsequent arrival of large groups of West Indian workers, the focus on coloured immigration helped to obscure the fact that the majority of immigrants continued to come from the Irish Republic, from white Commonwealth countries and other European countries”.[xc]

Race Relations became intricately linked with concerns about the migration of Black people to Britain. In this regard, it has been pointed out that the State “accepted responsibility” for “promoting the integration” of those already in the country, but only while moving towards a “stricter regime” to keep others out.[xci] This ethos is reflected in Roy Hattersley's “infamous” declaration that “integration without control is impossible, but control without integration is indefensible”.[xcii] Immigration control was seen to be “essential to integration measures” and it was a move to “manage domestic race relations” while “legitimising the institutionalisation of racist restrictions” on entry and “vigorous efforts” to deport those who broke “conditions attached to their entry”.[xciii] This ethos underscores the ever evolving landscape of British immigration laws and the current “Windrush crisis”, in the scandal of the disenfranchisement and disempowerment of Black people by successive governments, in tandem with the discriminatory implementation and abuse of Immigration law, to deport and otherwise disadvantage many of the Windrush generation and their descendants.[xciv]

In this context, the British Government instituted race relations legislation alongside immigration enactments, to “rectify the patent discrimination against Black migrants from the Caribbean, with the The Race Relations Act 1965 being passed shortly after the Commonwealth Immigrants Act 1962, the Race Relations Act 1968, passed alongside the Commonwealth Immigrants Act 1968, the Race Relations Act 1976 in tandem with the Immigration Act 1976 and the Immigration (Variation of Leave) Order 1976, the Race Relations (Amendment) Act 2000 with the Immigration Act 2006 and the Equality Act 2010 enacted shortly after the Criminal Justice and Immigration Act 2008. Despite this focus on race relations, race attacks, violence and harassment have persisted against Black people unabated to the present day.[xcv]

Analysis by the Institute of Race relations indicates that in 2013/14, there were 47,571 “racist incidents”, an average of 130 per day, recorded by the police in England and Wales.[xcvi] The statistics also show that, in the same period, there were 44,480 “hate crimes” recorded by police. Of these, 37,484 were recorded as “race hate crime” and 2,273 as religious hate crimes. Further, Home Office statistics, demonstrate that, from 2012-2015, there has been, on average, 106,000 racially motivated ‘hate crimes’ per year.[xcvii] Of concern, is the indication in the 2012/13 and 2014/15 Crime Survey for England and Wales (CSEW) that victims of hate crime are “less likely to think the police had treated them fairly or with respect”, compared with victims of CSEW crime overall. Of hate crime incidents (not exclusively those motivated by ‘race) reported to the police, 59 per cent of victims “believed the police treated them fairly”, compared with 81 per cent of CSEW crime overall.[xcviii]

The Institute of Race Relations research indicates that in the twenty years after April 1993 that there were at least 105 racially motivated murders in the UK. Of these, the vast majority (85) were in England, with five in Wales, 12 in Scotland and 3 in Northern Ireland. Within England, 28 murders took place in London. 20 people were killed whilst at work as taxi-drivers, as shopkeepers and at pubs or clubs. Whereas the majority of the murders that recorded by the Institute of Race Relations involved attacks in the street, 8 came from attacks on people in their homes. Of these, several were arson attacks.

According to the Home Office, the number of hate crimes reported to police in England and Wales has more than doubled since 2013, with the majority of recorded hate crime offences being racial in nature, with 78,991 and an increase of 11 % in 2018. 47 % of religious hate crime offences (3,530) targeted Muslim people, with religious hate crimes against Jewish people doubling to 18 % (1,326).[xcix]

However, in independent research by faith and community groups, it has been indicated that the Home Office figures “potentially showed only the tip of the iceberg”, after 7 in 10 participants said “they never reported hate crimes” to the police.[c] The independent research indicates that, in 2018, there were 103,379 hate crime offences recorded by the police, the majority of which (76%) were race related. More than half (54%) of the hate crimes recorded by the police were for public order offences, a third (36%) involved violence, while 5% were recorded as criminal damage and arson.[ci]

Twelve per cent of hate crime offences were estimated to have more than one motivation, with the majority of these being both race and religion. In response to this alarming data, the executive director of Citizens UK, Matthew Bolton, stated that:

“Political, media and institutional decision-makers need an action plan to stop the toxic mix of scare stories on social media and a divisive political environment, which is providing a breeding ground for hate”.[cii]

Dr Farhan Samanani, an academic who oversaw the study, indicates that an example was the use of the word “letterboxes” by hate crime perpetrators after Boris Johnson had used it in a Daily Telegraph column to describe women wearing the burqa.[ciii] In his article, Johnson called the burqa “oppressive” and said that women who wore it looked like “letterboxes and bank robbers”. In this regard, despite the fact that this patently racist comment by the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom has inspired and accentuated a spate of Islamophobia and hate crimes in the wider community and his being challenged in Parliament over the comments, prior to the recent general election, he has refused to apologize for his racially tinged injudicious language, declaring that “So much of this stuff is disinterred with a view to distracting from the basic issues of this election”.[civ] Boris Johnson has made similar racist and sexist comments, including calling Black people “piccaninnes” with “watermelon smiles” and women being “naturally fickle” and portraying some as “feeble”, “blubbing blonds” and “collapsing with emotion”.[cv] Incredulously, Boris Johnson brushed aside his comments as “wholly satirical” and “taken out of context”.[cvi] These racist comments follow a pattern of racist language, as in 2004, when he published a novel entitled “Seventy Two Virgins”[cvii] in which he utilized a number of racist stereotypes including references to “hooked nosed Kosovar Muslims”, “Jews who control the media”, “half caste characters”, a “Chinaman”, “hunter gatherer African immigrants” and a number of other “racist tropes”.[cviii]

This pattern of racist antecedents is again reflected when one of his advisers, Andrew Sabisky, was forced to resign after it was revealed that he had made past comments to the effect that Black people have a “lower IQ than whites”, and that “enforced contraception could prevent creating a permanent underclass”.[cix] Aggravating the situation, the British Prime Minister refused to indicate that he was against “eugenics”.[cx]

As the “Grime star” Stormzy has pointed out the UK is “definitely racist” and Boris Johnson has made it “worse”. He asserted that the Prime Minister was a “figurehead” whose comments “encourage racism”. He declared that:

“If the top person can openly say this racist thing – the 'piccaninnes' remarks, 'watermelon smiles' comparing Muslim women to a letterbox – if that is our figurehead, the top man, the leader we have to follow, and he openly says these things, he encourages hate among others....Since Mr Johnson entered Downing Street, racism in Britain was worse as people who hold racist views felt emboldened to express them...Before people had to hide their racism. If you felt something bad about Black people, about Muslims you had to shut up. Now these people have the confidence to come out in public to say everything. This is scary to me, that scares the s*** out of me”.[cxi]

In response to the comments, then Chancellor, Sajid Javid, in a “pithy reply” stated on Twitter that “the rapper is 100% wrong”.[cxii] In similar damning comments, “award winning rapper” Dave has accused Boris Johnson of being a “racist” during a “politically charged performance onstage” at the 2020 Brit Awards. Performing a “reworked song” 'Black' from the album 'Psychodrama', which explores the experience of Black Britons “while celebrating Black excellence”, he chanted that “it is racist whether or not it feels racist, the truth is our Prime Minister is a real racist”.[cxiii] He proceeded to “highlight the disparity” in the media's treatment of the Duchess of Sussex and the Duchess of Cambridge, he declared that:

“Now if you don't wanna get it, then you're never going to get it. How the news treats Kate versus how they treat Meghan.....Equality is a right, it doesn't deserve credit”.[cxiv]

He called for “way less hatred, more conservation” and criticizing the Government's handling of the “Grenfell Tower Tragedy” and the “Windrush Scandal”, he declared:

“We want rehabilitation, now that would be amazing, but Grenfell victims still need accommodation and we still need need support for the Windrush generation“.[cxv]

In response to these damning comments, Home Secretary, Priti Patel, denied that Boris Johnson was a racist. In response to a question about Dave's comments on Sky News, she asserted that:

“That's utter nonsense, it really is. I don't know what those comments are based on ... He is not a racist at all. I just think those comments are highly inappropriate”.[cxvi]

However, Shadow Home Secretary, Diane Abbott, stated that:

"I thought it was extraordinary how that resonated with so many people online and on social media. And coming days after the Government was embarrassed by recruiting a policy adviser who thought that Black people were less intelligent than white people, I think the Government has to be really careful how it's perceived by Black and minority ethnic people....I think that the Prime Minister needs to be much more careful about how he is seen by Black and minority ethnic voters. It's partly his record, the kind of things that he wrote in the past, but also the kind of things he's going forward to do....Being Prime Minister is about leadership and he needs to offer leadership on issues of social cohesion".[cxvii]

Similarly, the MP for Brent Central, Dawn Butler, made reference to the “enormous responsibility of this Tory Government to stand up against racism and sort out their own party”.[cxviii] She asserted that:

“Sadly, the Tories are governing the country, which means they must set the highest of examples – yet Johnson and those defending him have failed this test with their own behaviour. The media also bear some responsibility too – and they, like Johnson and his party, are failing”.[cxix]

As we are advised by Teun A. van Dijk, “racism remains one of the most pernicious problems of white society”.[cxx] Though often “less blatantly and overtly” than in the past, it continues to “permeate” racial and ethnic relations in Europe, North America and other westernized countries.[cxxi] Resistance and protests against this “social, economic and cultural oppression” of minorities have brought about “limited civil rights gains” during the past two decades, but the “fundamental relations of inequality” have hardly changed.[cxxii] As van Dijk contends:

“Indeed, one of the main strategies of the ideological framework keeping white dominance in place is precisely to deny or to play down the prevalence of racism and to blame its victims for the persistent inequalities that are its outcome. Many white people may no longer believe in white racial supremacy. They may in principle even endorse values of social justice. However, massive legal and scholarly evidence, as well as the available accounts of the personal experiences of minorities, also show that white people and institutions still engage in the many daily practices that implement the system of white dominance, and seldom challenge its underlying beliefs and ideologies...This continued existence of the ideological and structural dimensions of racism presupposes complex processes of reproduction...Discourse, language use and communication play a prominent part in this reproduction of the ethnic consensus of white groups. This is particularly true for all forms of elite discourse, including that of the mass media in general, and that of the daily press in particular....Ethnic and racial minority groups always have been, and continue to be, portrayed negatively or stereotypically by the press, for example, as a problem, if not as a threat. Similarly, ethnic minority group leaders and institutions are still considered less credible sources, while minority journalists are seriously discriminated against in hiring, promotion and story assignments. Again, in these respects the press is hardly different from most other institutions and organizations in white society”.[cxxiii]

More crucially, it is important to consider that the official reaction in criminalizing the Black victims as hooligans reflects the stereotyping of young Black men as criminals, which has been a defining feature of the British criminal justice system. In this regard, it has been asserted that the “underlying logic of control” may explain why police powers were exempt from the Race Relations Act between 1965 and 2000. The British police were the “de facto guarantors” of the security of the general population in the face of what were perceived to be the dangers of post-war immigration. To make the police liable, in law, “to be held to account” for allegations of racism and racial discrimination might have undermined them in this role.[cxxiv] The “exemption” of policing illustrates the “basic contradiction” in the government’s race relations policy. On one hand, it “accepted” that racial prejudice and discrimination were “social ills” that had to be legislated against and that the “exclusion” of a large section of society from access to basic public services “purely on the grounds of colour” was unacceptable, while, on the other hand, the government continued to use “racist criteria” to police the entry of Commonwealth citizens into the country and relied upon the police to carry out immigration control on the “basis of these criteria”.[cxxv]

The “effect of this contradiction” has been instrumental in shaping the “domestic policing of minority ethnic communities”. Paul Gordon indicates that, ‘since it is

impossible to tell a “legal” immigrant from an “illegal” one, the “answer” is to suspect all who “appear” to be immigrants. In this context, the police, “under the imperatives of the state”, used their powers “disproportionately” to stop, search, question, and detain black people. In this frame of reference, Black people in Britain were not to be “protected” but ominously British society was to be “protected from black people”.[cxxvi] In this regard, it has been pointed out that:

“Using powers in the Immigration Act 1971 (which drew a distinction between those immigrants with a right to work but no right of settlement) to detain and question those suspected of breaching immigration law, the police carried out extensive ‘passport raid’ operations on workplaces, places of entertainment and homes in search of ‘illegal immigrants’ in the 1970s and 1980s. The level of harassment borne by the black community led the general secretaries of the Transport and General Workers’ Union and the General and Municipal Workers’ Union to compare life for black people in 1980s Britain with apartheid in South Africa. ‘Sus’, in its targeting of black youths, was an important part of the process by which the police criminalised black people through disproportionate use of these powers. In comparison with white people, black people are six times more likely to be stopped and searched while Asian people are twice as likely to be. PACE gives the police the power to stop and search, but does not penalise actions taken without these powers (i.e. a stop without reasonable suspicion). While a person who refuses to submit to a stop and search commits a criminal offence (obstruction of a police officer in the course of his duty), the legislation does not penalise police officers who act outwith the law. The police exemption from the provisions of ‘race relations’ legislation meant that racially discriminatory acts could not be challenged on grounds of discrimination, and the use of stop and search to criminalise minority ethnic communities continued well after the passage of the first two Race Relations Acts. Figures presented to Parliament in 1980 indicated a rise in documented incidents of racist violence

against black victims from 2690 in 1975 to 3827 in 1979........real numbers are likely to be higher as research by the London Region of the West Indian Standing Conference and the Runnymede Trust noted the police tendency to play down attacks as mere delinquency, and to dismiss or deny the racist motives. The general picture of the police response to racist violence is a failure to provide adequate protection”.[cxxvii]

In 1978, a report by the Bethnal Green and Stepney Trades Council stated that Bengali victims of attacks “frequently expressed no confidence” in the police, considering them to be “indifferent or actively prejudiced”.[cxxviii] A Home Office study of race attacks in 1981 revealed that Black people were “between 50 and 60 times more likely” than white people to be victims of racial attacks.[cxxix] Despite the alarming statistics in these reports, they had little, if any, “demonstrable effect”.[cxxx] In a a survey by the Runnymede Trust a year after the Home Office study, to “assess its impact”, it was concluded that police forces had not yet shown that they “fully understood the significance and seriousness of racial violence”.[cxxxi]

Critically, It has been argued that it would be hard to “overstate” the effect of police “action or inaction” on relations between the police and Black people and that in the eyes of many Black people, the police have “singularly failed” to afford them the basic protection a police force is supposed to offer the public, while at the same time it has enforced the law in a biased manner against them.[cxxxii] In this respect, “victims of racial attacks”, as “consumers” of police services, continued to be less satisfied with the police response,[cxxxiii] with the “most common complaints” amongst those dissatisfied with police response being that the police “did not do enough”, “failed to keep the victim informed”, and “seemed uninterested”.[cxxxiv] Further, there were “indications” that many police officers were “unsympathetic” to the victims of racist violence, “tended to blame them” for their own “misfortune”, and “minimised” the role of racism in the

violent attacks that targeted minority communities.[cxxxv]

Bowling, Iyer and Solanke point out that failure to bring police powers into the “ambit” of anti discrimination legislation, between 1965 and 2000, allowed police the “impunity to discriminate”, with no law which required them to use their powers “fairly”, either in their response to racist violence or in the use of the power to stop and search.[cxxxvi] Faced with this dire reality, “Minority ethnic communities” were forced to defend themselves against racist violence and were “subjected to discriminatory treatment” at the hands of authorities. Police failures to respond to victims from a “minority ethnic background” or to protect them from racist violence is a “clear case of a failure in service provision”, one that could not be “remedied by law” since they were “excluded” from the scope of race relations legislation.[cxxxvii]

The critical breaking point was the Lawrence Inquiry, chaired by Sir William Macpherson, into the racist killing of a Black teenager, Stephen Lawrence, by a racist mob in the Isle of Dogs in London. The report by Macpherson concluded that the investigation into the murder was “marred” by “professional incompetence”, “institutional racism” and a “failure of leadership”.[cxxxviii] Institutional racism was reflected in the “collective failure” of an organization to provide an “appropriate and professional service” to people because of their “colour, culture, or ethnic origin”, which was seen in “discriminatory attitudes and behavior”, and in processes amounting to “discrimination” through “prejudice, ignorance, thoughtlessness and racist stereotyping”, which had the effect of

“disadvantaging minority ethnic people”.[cxxxix] The inquiry recommended that the “full force” of Race Relations legislation should apply to all police officers, and that Chief Officers of Police should be made “vicariously liable” for the acts and omissions of their officers “relevant to that legislation”.[cxl]

The Government accepted this recommendation, bringing the police within the “scope of anti discrimination law” with the Race Relations (Amendment) Act 2000, which placed a “general duty” on “specified public authorities” to promote

race equality, and, “importantly”, made Chief Officers of Police “vicariously liable” for acts of discrimination carried out by officers under their direction and

control, providing for compensation, costs or expenses awarded as a result of a claim to be paid out from police funds. It placed a “positive duty” on Chief Officers of Police to ensure that officers under their direction and control did not racially discriminate.[cxli] However, it has been pointed out that the development of anti-discrimination legislation and policies “aimed at promoting greater equality

of opportunity” for all British citizens has been a “contradictory process”. At the outset, race relations’ legislation was part of a “dual strategy” that combined “racist immigration laws” with “measures to reduce discrimination”.[cxlii]

In consequence, the police found themselves in the “paradoxical position” of being required to enforce racist laws yet somehow expected to be “guardians of fairness and equality”.[cxliii] In this regard, Bowling, Iyer and Solanke contend that, that the police were “exempt” from anti-discrimination legislation for the first

35 years of the Race Relations Act. Much damage was done in the two generations between 1965 and 2000, and the legacy of impunity can be seen

in “persistent disproportionality” in the use of police powers, “criminalised minority ethnic communities” and a “”troubling lack of confidence and trust” in the police.[cxliv] They point out that the Lawrence Inquiry may have “set the context” for policy change, and The Race Relations (Amendment) Act (2000) can be seen as “an important step forward” but there is as yet little evidence that this law has “contributed to change much”. Rather, it is “cultural and political change” that has “slowly begun to alter the way” the police service functions in our society.[cxlv] They question whether the law is “too little too late”, to reverse the “iniquitous effects” of half a century of discriminatory policing? If the “full force” of anti-discrimination legislation is “insufficient” to bring about “fundamental change in police practice”, how can the government, police leaders, lawyers

and activists ensure that the “police act with fairness, justice and equality”?[cxlvi]

In essence the Police force has in many ways represented one of the faces of racial terrorism for the Black community. This is reflected in the alarming rate of deaths of Black people in custody, with a disproportionate number dying in

police custody and by police shootings, with as many as 183 since 1990.[cxlvii] In the period 2002–2012, the statistics are even “more striking”[cxlviii]: of 380 deaths in police custody in England and Wales (or as a result of contact with the police), 69 were from BME communities – 18 %.

The Institute of Race Relations in an analysis from its database of cases indicated that of the 509 cases of BME deaths in custody in “suspicious circumstances”, between 1991 and 2014, the majority, 348, took place in prison, 137 in police custody and 24 in immigration detention.[cxlix] One in three of the total deaths was as a result of “self-harm”, and in 64 cases the person was known to have “mental health problems”. “Medical neglect” was a contributory factor in 49 cases, and in 48 the “use of force” appears to have contributed to a person’s death.[cl] According to the Institute of Race Relations, of the 137 deaths in police custody, 126 were male, 11 were female, 78 were Black or Black British, and 31 were Asian or Asian British. Sixty-one % of all such deaths occurred in the London area: 51 people died while in a police station or cell; 49 died on the street; and 17 died in their homes. In terms of contributory factors to deaths in police custody, only 61 people had actually been arrested before their

death; 9 had been detained under the Mental Health Act; 34 died following a police chase; and 6 died after a stop and search. The use of force contributed

to the deaths of 39 people, and 29 deaths were linked to the use of physical restraint; 7 deaths were linked to the use of CS gas; and in 10 cases people

died after falling from balconies after police had called at their homes. One of the most disturbing findings is how “lessons are not being learned”. The same mistakes regarding “dangerous restraint techniques” or the “detention of the mentally ill” are repeated over and over again, despite repeated recommendations from coroners at inquests or from official bodies such

as the Prisons and Probation Ombudsman or the Independent Police Complaints Commission.[cli]

Harmit Athwal and Jenny Bourne point out that it is true that no police officer has been successfully prosecuted over a BAME death in custody, but the last six months have seen two (unsuccessful) prosecutions. The first prosecution, mentioned above, was over the death of Azelle Rodney. Then, at the end of 2014, three G4S guards were prosecuted for and subsequently cleared of the manslaughter of Jimmy Mubenga, who died on board a plane at Heathrow in October 2010.[clii] But the families of Rodney and Mubenga had to fight “tooth and nail” to see that charges were brought – they lodged a number of legal challenges, participated in hearings at the European Court of Human Rights, and challenged the Crown Prosecution Service over its failure to prosecute at lengthy inquest proceedings where “unlawful killing verdicts” were returned.[cliii]

In this socio-legal, political, sociological and historical frame of reference, the violence, attacks and harassment engendered by the Coronavirus pandemic, is seen not to be isolated anomalies, but rather as part of an ongoing pattern of racial terrorism by White racist thugs and the organs and institutions of the State, that has characterized the lives of non-White peoples in British society and indeed, in the societies of the White western world, for over five hundred years and underscores the inherent persistence of endemic institutional and structural racism, floating in a sea of historical amnesia and cognitive dissonance. In an American context, but equally relevant to our present discourse, it has been pointed out that viruses don’t tend to discriminate against “people of certain racial backgrounds” but that people “obviously” can.[cliv] He indicates that racism is “kind of like bad body odor” and that people can hide both for a while with some “political correctness” or some “deodorant”. However, these things only “cover up racism or body odor” and never really gets rid of either.[clv] Lee contends that, when “anti-Asian attitudes” remain, it can only take a little event, such as a “politician’s rhetoric”, a “stressful situation”, or even just a TV show to bring “bullying and harassment” back out into the open and that you see “people’s true natures under times of duress”.[clvi]

In a similar vein, it has been asserted that there are the “more obvious” racist incidents that take place but that there are “hidden types such as micro-aggressions”, “implicit bias and prejudice”. Which all act as “proxies for race and class”.[clvii] In this regard, Hussain argues that structural racism is the “exertion of power and privilege based on race and class” and that, when power and privilege “dominate the boardrooms and influential positions”, it has a “huge impact” on working culture and on working people’s lives.[clviii]

In an Italian frame of reference, but highly pertinent to our discussion, it has been asserted that Coronavirus has become a “political instrument” reproducing the idea of racism as “prejudice” and another opportunity to use racism as a “political instrument”.[clix] In this respect, it is essential to consider that something was “triggered” by the pandemic that is always “latently” there, “under the surface”, which is this “fear of the other” and the idea that “bad things come from elsewhere”.[clx] It also echoes “old prejudices”, such as when in the 10th century, Europeans feared a so-called “yellow peril”, brought about by “primitive” people with “emerging global power”.[clxi]

As Nancy Spiegel and Tam Huynh point out, the COVID-19 pandemic has placed “our families, communities and the world in a state of uncertainty” and that, during “times like these”, we must be “especially vigilant” in combating the “age-old viruses of hate and prejudice”, which “reassert” themselves throughout history in “times of fear”.[clxii] We see them on “display” as the COVID-19 pandemic is “racialized and weaponized”, with a a “glance” at the news or social media, and you will see how “hate and prejudice creeps” into our daily lives, oftentimes without us even noticing. The language we use and the actions we take during this crisis will have “lasting impacts”. History teaches us that pandemics bring out the “worst in some people”.[clxiii] As we have seen in our review, it also engages deep seated endemic structural and institutional racist tropes which underscore modern British and White western societies and exposes the essence of the racist foundations underscoring the neo-liberal myth of multiracial and multicultural societies and the illusion of equality of opportunity. As we are poignantly reminded by Aniruddah Pathak:

“Thinking was I of this newest scare That has stolen away people's dare— The deadly virus COVID nineteen For which we may soon find a vaccine. But doubt I've of racism virus, That has been one of most vicious, Nor is there a vaccine known to fight, Nor may one sooner come to fair light. Nor ever an antibiotic To defeat the devil's lethal kick— A virus that's proved as dangerous As has been one of most infectious— A virus that took its roots so firm, Thanks our endemic indifference To take a solid action at once, This virus alas of racism!”.[clxiv]

[i] Pankaj Mishra (2017): “How Colonial Violence Came Home: The Ugly Truth of the First World War” In the Guardian, Friday November 10. Available online <https://www.theguardian.com/news/2017/nov/10/how-colonial-violence-came-home-the-ugly-truth-of-the-first-world-war >

[ii] Claudia Rankine quoted in Kate Kellaway (2015): “Claudia Rankine: Blackness in the White Imagination Has Nothing to do With Black People” In the Guardian, Sunday, 27 December. Available online <https://www.theguardian.com/books/2015/dec/27/claudia-rankine-poet-citizen-american-lyric-feature >

[iii] James Baldwin (1962): “Letter From a Region in My Mind” In the New Yorker, November 10. Available online <https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/1962/11/17/letter-from-a-region-in-my-mind >

[iv] In this paper the term “Black” is used in a political sense to include all non-White peoples. Aamna Mohdin (2018): “Political Blackness: A Very British Concept With a Complex History” In the Quartz Website, March 3. Available online <https://qz.com/1219398/political-blackness-a-very-british-concept-with-a-complex-history/> ; Mohan Ambikaipaker (2018): Political Blackness in Multiracial Britain. University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia

[v] Lucy Campbell (2020): “Chinese in the UK Report 'Shocking' Levels of Racism After Coronavirus Outbreak: Asian Community Faces Verbal and Physical Abuse in Aftermath of First Recorded Cases of Virus in Britain” In the Guardian, February 9. Available online <https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2020/feb/09/chinese-in-uk-report-shockingC-levels-of-racism-after-coronavirus-outbreak>; Michael Moran and Sanjeeta Bains (2020): “Woman Knocked out Cold in Racist 'Coronavirus Rage' Attack Outside Bar” In the Star, 25 February. Available online <https://www.dailystar.co.uk/news/latest-news/woman-knocked-out-racist-coronavirus-21559038>; Inae Oh (2020): “The Coronavirus is Inflaming the UK's Violence” In Mother Jones, March 4. Available online <https://www.motherjones.com/politics/2020/03/the-coronavirus-is-inflaming-the-uks-racism/>; CNN (2020): “Student of Chinese Ethnicity Assaulted in 'Racist' Coronavirus Attack” In the CNN Website,March 4. Available online <https://citizentv.co.ke/news/student-assaulted-in-racist-coronavirus-attack-325091/>; David Layde (2020): “UK Student in Racist Attack Over Coronavirus” In the Radio Nova Website, March 21. Available online <https://www.nova.ie/uk-student-in-racist-attack-over-coronavirus-175903/ >; Stephanie Cockcroft (2020): “Teenage Girls Arrested After 'Coronavirus Racial Attack' in Southampton” In the Evenong Standard, March 22. Available online <https://www.standard.co.uk/news/crime/teenagers-arrested-coronaviruslinked-racial-attack-southampton-a4394111.html>; Bethany Reilly (2020): “Teens Arrested Over 'Racist Attack' on Chinese People” In the Morning Star, March 23. Available online <https://morningstaronline.co.uk/article/b/teens-arrested-over-racist-attack-on-chinese-people>; Emma Downey (2020): “Staff at Runcorn Takeway Injured by 'Racist' Coronavirus Attack” In the Runcorn and Widnes World, March 18. Available online <https://www.runcornandwidnesworld.co.uk/news/18312218.staff-runcorn-takeover-injured-racist-coronavirus-attack/>; Emily Jane Heap (2020): “We preach anti-racism but it won’t make a difference to some people: students assaulted in racist coronavirus attacks” In a Blog Post in the Exeter Tab. Available online <https://thetab.com/uk/exeter/2020/03/08/we-preach-anti-racism-but-it-wont-make-a-difference-to-some-people-exeter-students-assaulted-in-racist-coronavirus-attacks-47080>

[vi] Tom Swarbrick (2020): “Coronavirus Panic is Making the UK More Racist, Argues British-Chinese Journalist” In the LBC Website, February 2. Available online <https://www.lbc.co.uk/radio/presenters/tom-swarbrick/coronavirus-panic-uk-more-racist-british-chinese/>

[vii] Lucy Campbell (2020) supra.

[viii] Sally Weale (2020): “Chinese Students Flee UK After 'Maskphobia' Triggered Racist Attacks” In the Guardian, March 17. Available online <https://www.theguardian.com/education/2020/mar/17/chinese-students-flee-uk-after-maskaphobia-triggered-racist-attacks>

[ix] Ibid.

[x] Quentin Fottrell (2020): “ No Chinese Allowed: Racism and Fear Are Now Spreading Along Withe the Coronavirus” In the Market Watch Website, February 3. Available online <https://www.marketwatch.com/story/no-chinese-allowed-racism-and-fear-are-now-spreading-along-with-the-coronavirus-2020-01-29>; Laurie Chen (2020): “Coronavirus: Outbreak Has Stoked a rise in Xenophobia, Chinese Living Abroad Say” In the South China Morning Post, February 7. Available online <https://www.scmp.com/news/china/society/article/3049423/coronavirus-outbreak-has-stoked-rise-xenophobia-chinese-living>; The Economist (2020): “The Coronavirus Spreads Racism Against and Amongst Ethnic Chinese” In the Economist, February 17. Available online <https://www.economist.com/china/2020/02/17/the-coronavirus-spreads-racism-against-and-among-ethnic-chinese>; Charissa Yong (2020): “Growing Wave of Racism and Hate Crimes as Coronavirus Spreads” In the Strait Times, April 27. Available online <https://www.straitstimes.com/world/united-states/growing-wave-of-racism-and-hate-crimes-as-virus-spreads >

[xi] Sabrina Tavernese and Richard A. Oppel Jr. (2020): “Spit on, Yelled On, Attacked: Chinese Americans Fear For Their Safety” In the New York Times, March 23. Available online <https://www.nytimes.com/2020/03/23/us/chinese-coronavirus-racist-attacks.html >; Lauren Aratani (2020): “'Coughing While Asian': Living in Fear as Racism Feeds Off Coronavirus Panic” In the Guardian, March 24. Available online <https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/mar/24/coronavirus-us-asian-americans-racism >; Caitlin Yoshiko Kandil (2020): “Asian Americans Report Over 650 Racist Acts Over the Last Week, New Data Says” In the NBC News Website, March 26. Available online <https://www.nbcnews.com/news/asian-america/asian-americans-report-nearly-500-racist-acts-over-last-week-n1169821 >; Emily Liu (2020): “COVID-19 Has Inflamed Racism Against Asian Americans: Here's How to Fight Back” In the CNN Website, April 11. Available online <https://edition.cnn.com/2020/04/10/opinions/how-to-fight-bias-against-asian-americans-COVID-19-liu/index.html >; Li Zhao (2020): “How the Coronavirus is Surfacing America's Deep Seated Anti-Asian Biases” In Vox, April 21. Available online <https://www.vox.com/identities/2020/4/21/21221007/anti-asian-racism-coronavirus >

[xii] Lin Evlin (2020): “Victims of Coronavirus Fuelled Racism in Australia are Speaking Out About its Impact” in the SBS News Website, March 17. Available online <https://www.sbs.com.au/news/victims-of-coronavirus-fuelled-racism-in-australia-are-speaking-out-about-its-impact>; Diane J. Cho (2020): “Racist Attacks Against Asians Continue to Rise as the Coronavirus Threat Grows” In the People Website, March 17. Available online <https://people.com/health/coronavirus-racist-attacks-against-asians/>; ABC News (2020): “South Australian Councillor Spat at in Racist Coronavirus Attack” In the ABC News Website, April 8. Available online <https://www.abc.net.au/news/2020-04-08/salisbury-councillor-targeted-in-racist-coronavirus-attack/12133078>; Brett Mason (2020): “Scott Morrison Says Asian Australians Led Coronavirus Response, Condemns Racist Attacks Against Community” In the SBS News Website, April 14. Available online <https://www.sbs.com.au/news/scott-morrison-says-asian-australians-led-coronavirus-response-condemns-racist-attacks-against-community>; Naaman Zhou (2020): “Survey of COVID-19 Racism Against Asian Australians Records 178 Incidents in 2 Weeks” In the Guardian, April 17. Available online <https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/apr/17/survey-of-covid-19-racism-against-asian-australians-records-178-incidents-in-two-weeks>

[xiii] Markus Zeiner (2020): “German and Other European Media Fan Coronavirus Fears and Sinophobia” In the Straits Times, February 5. Available online <https://www.straitstimes.com/world/europe/german-and-other-european-media-fan-coronavirus-fears-and-sinophobia>; Megha Rajagopalan (2020): “Man Yelling 'Chinese' Tried to Punch Her Off Her Bike: She's the Latest Victim of Racist Attacks Linked to Coronavirus. In the Buzz Feed News Website, March 4. Available online <https://www.buzzfeednews.com/article/meghara/coronavirus-racism-europe-covid-19>

[xiv] Stefano Pitreili and Rick Noack (2020): “A Top European Musical School Suspended Students From East Asia Over Coronavirus Concerns Amid Rising Discrimination” In the Washington Post, February 3. Available online <https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2020/01/31/top-european-music-school-suspended-students-east-asia-over-coronavirus-concerns-amid-rising-discrimination/>; Yeubai Liu (2020): “Coronavirus Prompts 'Hysterical, Shameful' Sinophobia in Italy. In the Aljazeera Website, February 18. Available online <https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2020/02/coronavirus-prompts-hysterical-shameful-sinophobia-italy-200218071444233.html>; Keegan Elmer (2020): “Has Coronavirus Prompted Rise in Racist Incidents Across Europe?” In the South China Morning Post, February 29. Available online <https://www.scmp.com/news/china/society/article/3052961/has-coronavirus-prompted-rise-racist-incidents-across-europe

[xv] The Brussels Times (2020): “Belgians With Asian Roots Report Increased Racism Amid Coronavirus Fears” In the Brussels Times, February 13. Available online <https://www.brusselstimes.com/belgium/94859/belgo-asians-report-increased-racism-amid-coronavirus-fears-covid-19-xenophobic/>; (2020): “They Spat on Me: Chinese-Belgian Targeted by Coronavirus Harassment in Brussels” In the Brussels Times, March 4. Available online <https://www.brusselstimes.com/brussels/98367/they-spat-on-me-chinese-belgian-targeted-by-coronavirus-harassment-in-brussels/>; Meghan Wray (2020): “Corona time: Belgian School Under Fire For Racist Class Photo” In the Global News website, March 12. Available online <https://globalnews.ca/news/6666678/students-racist-coronavirus-photo/>

[xvi] Leyland Cecco (2020): “Canada's Chinese Community Faces Racist Abuse in Wake of Coronavirus” In the Guardian, January 28. Available online <https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/jan/28/canada-chinese-community-battles-racist-backlash-amid-coronavirus-outbreak>; J. N. Chien (2020): “Discrimination Isn't Helping to Contain the Coronavirus” In the Nation, February 7. Available online <https://www.thenation.com/article/world/coronavirus-xenophobia-hong-kong/>; CBC (2020): “Montreal Police Suspect Hate Crimes After Vandals Hit Buddhist Temples, Chinatown” In the CBC News Website, March 4. Available online <https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/montreal/vandalism-temples-1.5485151>; (2020): “Vancouver Police Investigate Alleged Racially Motivated Attack Against Elderly Asian Man With Dementia” In the CBC News Website, April 23. Available online <https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/british-columbia/vancouver-police-investigate-racially-motivated-attack-against-elderly-asian-man-with-dementia-1.5541378>; Daniel J. Rowe (2020): “COVID-19: Korean Consulate Issues Warning After Violent Attack in Montreal” In the CTV News Website, March 17. Available online <https://montreal.ctvnews.ca/covid-19-korean-consulate-issues-warning-after-violent-attack-in-montreal-1.4856453>; Ian Young (2020): “Coronavirus: Asian Women in Canada Are Abused, Punched and Spat On: Is it Maskaphobia?” In the South China Morning Post, May 13. Available online <https://www.scmp.com/news/world/united-states-canada/article/3084090/coronavirus-asian-women-canada-are-abused-punched>

[xvii] Mohammad Ibrar (2020): “Students From Northeast Complain of Racism at Kirori Mal College” In the Times of India, February 11. Available online < https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/delhi/students-from-northeast-complain-of-racism-at-kmc/articleshow/74071475.cms>; Abha Goradia (2020): Coronavirus Outbreak: NE Students at TISS Reports Incidents of Racism, Harassment” In The Indian Express, February 18. Available online <https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/mumbai/coronavirus-outbreak-northeastern-students-at-tiss-report-incidents-of-racism-harassment-6272973/>; Akshita Jain (2020): “Coronavirus is Now a Racial Slur in India: What Can Govt. Do to Prevent This” In the Huffpost WebBlog. Available online <https://www.huffingtonpost.in/entry/coronavirus-racism-northeast_in_5e844d9cc5b6a1bb76502923?guce_referrer=aHR0cHM6Ly93d3c%E2%80%A6&guccounter=2>; Archana More (2020): “Northeast Community Fends of Racist Attacks With Coronavirus Label” In the Pune Mirror, March 9. Available online <https://punemirror.indiatimes.com/pune/cover-story/northeast-community-fends-off-racist-attacks-with-coronavirus-label/articleshow/74542293.cms>; Sumir Karmakar (2020): “Coronavirus Outbreak Has Increased Racial Attacks on People From the Northeast: NGO Report” In the Deccan Herald, March 26. Available online <https://www.deccanherald.com/national/east-and-northeast/coronavirus-outbreak-has-increased-racial-attacks-on-people-from-the-northeast-ngo-report-817899.html >; Debarshi Dasgupta (2020): “Coronavirus Scare Prompts Racist Attacks on 'Chinese Looking' Indians” In the Straits Times, March 28. Available online <https://www.straitstimes.com/asia/south-asia/coronavirus-scare-prompts-racist-attacks-on-chinese-looking-indians>; Murali Krishnan (2020): “Coronavirus: Chinese Looking Indians Targeted in Racist Attacks” In the DW Website, 30 March. Available online <https://www.dw.com/en/coronavirus-chinese-looking-indians-targeted-in-racist-attacks/a-52956212>;

[xviii] Jeremie Gilbert and David Keane (2016): “How French Law Makes Minorities Invisible” In the Independent, November 14. Available online <https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/politics/how-french-law-makes-minorities-invisible-a7416656.html>

[xix] BBC (2020): “Coronavirus: French Asians Hit Back With I'm Not a Virus” In the BBC News Website, January 29. Available online <https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-51294305>; Joe Gamp (2020): “Chinese Nationals 'Racially Abused' by People Fearful of Catching Deadly Coronavirus” In Yahoo News, 30 January. Available online <https://uk.news.yahoo.com/coronavirus-outbreak-racist-abuse-chinese-nationals-italy-france-newspapers-184500834.htmlguccounter=1&guce_referrer=aHR0cHM6Ly93d3cuYmluZy5jb20vc2VhcmNoP3E9Y29yb25hK3ZpcnVzK3JhY2UrYXR0YWNrcythZ2FpbnN0K2NoaW5lc2UraW4rK2ZyYW5jZSZxcz1uJnNwPS0xJnBxPWNvcm9uYSt2aXJ1cytyYWNlK2F0dGFja3MrYWdhaW5zdCtjaGluZXNlK2luK2ZyYW5jZSZzYz0xLTUxJnNrPSZjdmlkPTA2RDI2Q0VDMkVGMDRFQjI4NTU3RjU0QjlBMEIwODhBJmZpcnN0PTExJkZPUk09UE9SRQ&guce_referrer_sig=AQAAAH09mTSFPPgOwzClSIi6PR1Xf-K_ambHerkvJtGXsuuHiumvSQJe3RcOKGTp10-6HAEn-QdT3tO3UWp-ow47n39BlmSsvlSe170GoU24EK7v1NNpRLdgjHCefiDurROVIcMnRCe6AV_ShbkCpcjc5BSqjt1Eer_zbyLjkUvj_N8t>; Tamara Thiessen (2020): France in Grips of Racism Epidemic as Coronavirus Fans Anti-Asian Hysteria” In the Forbes Website, February 11. Available online <https://www.forbes.com/sites/tamarathiessen/2020/02/11/france-in-grips-of-racism-epidemic-as-coronavirus-fans-anti-asian-hysteria/#1e54349752d7>;

[xx] Richelle Carey (2020): “Coronavirus: Why Are Africans in China Being Targeted?” In the Aljazeera Website, April 13. Available online <https://www.aljazeera.com/programmes/insidestory/2020/04/coronavirus-africans-china-targeted-200413185723311.html >; Alice Su (2020): “No Blacks: Evicted, Harassed and Targeted in China For Their Race Amid Coronavirus” In the Los Angeles Times, April 16. Available online <https://www.latimes.com/world-nation/story/2020-04-16/china-coronavirus-black-african-evictions >; Alice Chamber and Guy Davis (2020): “How Foreigners, Especially Black People, Became Unwelcome in Parts of China Amid COVID Crisis” in the ABC News Website. Available online <https://abcnews.go.com/International/foreigners-black-people-unwelcome-parts-china-amid-covid/story?id=70182204 >;

[xxi] Anna Russell (2020): “The Rise of Coronavirus Hate Crimes” In the New Yorker, March 17. Available online <https://www.newyorker.com/news/letter-from-the-uk/the-rise-of-coronavirus-hate-crimes >

[xxii] Ibid.

[xxiii] Ibid.

[xxiv] Inae Oh (2020) supra.

[xxv] Ibid.

[xxvi] Ibid.

[xxvii] Mark Piggott (2016): “Hate Crimes Soar By 400% in First Week After Referendum Result Following Brexit Result” In the International Business Times, 30 June. Available online <http://www.ibtimes.co.uk/brexit-aftermath-hatecrimes-soar-by-400-first-week-after-referendum-result-1568353> ; Press Association (2016): ”Race Hate Crime On Uk Railways Soared After Brexit Vote, Figures Show” In the Guardian, 22 August. Available online < https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/aug/22/race-hate-crime-uk-railways-soared-afterbrexit-vote-figures-show> ; Hayden Smith and Clare Hayhurst (2016): “Three Race Hate Crimes Ever Hour Since Eu Referendum, Says Met Police” In the Independent, 5 July. Available online <http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/crime/brexit-racehate-crime-eu-referendum-met-police-a7121401.html > ; BBC (2016): “Met Police Deputy Chief Links Brexit Vote To Hate Crime Rise” In the BBC News Website, 20 July. Available online <http:// www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-london-36835966>

[xxviii] The Monitoring Group (2016): “ Brexit, Racism and Xenophobia: Listen to the Event Here” In the Monitoring Group Website, July 16. Available online <http://www.tmg-uk.org/brexit-racism-and-xenophobia-listen-to-the-event-here/ >; Jon Burnett (2016) supra.

[xxix] Jon Burnett (2016): Racial Violence and the Brexit State. Institute of Race Relations. Available online <http://www.irr.org.uk/app/uploads/2016/11/Racial-violence-and-the-Brexit-state-final.pdf >

[xxx] Ibid.

[xxxi] Ibid.

[xxxii] Jon Burnett (2016) supra. C/F Lizzie Dearden (2016a): “Theresa May's Government Condemned For Driving More Austerity and More Racism After Integration Review” In the Independent, Tuesday, December 6. Available online <https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/integration-review-dame-louise-casey-british-muslims-division-segregation-racism-islamophobia-a7458126.html >

[xxxiii] Rob Mawby (2010): “Police Corporate Communications, Crime Reporting And The Shaping Of Policing News” In Policing & Society, Vol. 20 (1); Jon Burnett (2016) supra.

[xxxiv] Jon Burnett (2016) supra.

[xxxv] BBC (2016): “Hate Crime is Still Far Too High Post Brexit – Police” In the BBC News Website, July 22. Available online <https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-36869000 >; Jon Burnett (2016) supra.

[xxxvi] Jon Burnett (2016) supra.

[xxxvii] Lizzie Dearden (2016b): “Damning Report Condemns Rising Racist Violence and Hate Speech by Politicians and Press in Post Brexit Britain” In the Independent, Tuesday, October 4. Available online <https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/brexit-david-cameron-nigel-farage-council-of-europe-report-racist-violence-intolerance-hate-speech-a7345166.html >

[xxxviii] Ibid.

[xxxix] Ibid.

[xl] Ibid.

[xli] Ibid.

[xlii] Ibid.

[xliii] Lorraine White (1994): “The History of Blacks in Britain: From Slavery to Rebellion” Talk Given by Lorraine White to the Panther Branch Meeting in London. In the Socialist Alternative Website. Available online <https://www.socialistalternative.org/panther-black-rebellion/history-blacks-britain-slavery-rebellion/>

[xliv] Ibid.

[xlv] Peter Fryer (2018): Staying Power: The History of Black People in Britain. Pluto Press, London

[xlvi] Institute of Race Relations (1981): “Background: British Racism” In Race and Class, October 1, Vol. 23 (2-3); Stephen Small (1994): Racialised Barriers: The Black Experience in the United States and England in the 1980s. Routledge, Abingdon; Florin Shyllon (1996): “The Black Presence and Experience in Britain: An Analytical Overview” In Ian Duffield and Jagdish S. Gundara (eds.) Essays on the History of Blacks in Britain: From Roman Times to the Mid Twentieth Century. Avebury, Brookfield Vt.; Max Taylor, P. M. Currie and Donald Holbrook (eds.) (2013): Extreme Right Wing Political Violence and Terrorism. Bloomsbury, New York/London

[xlvii] Ibid.

[xlviii] Ibid.

[xlix] Clifford Williamson (2019): “1919: Britain's Red Summer” In the BBC History Magazine, June 13. Available online <https://www.historyextra.com/period/20th-century/1919-britain-red-summer-race-riots-strikes-violence-revolution/>

[l] Virgillo Hunter (2018): “Britain's 1919 Race Riots” In the Black Past Website, November 28. Available online <https://www.blackpast.org/global-african-history/britain-s-1919-race-riots/>

[li] Jacqueline Jenkenson (2009): Black 1919: Racism and Resistance in Imperial Britain. Liverpool University Press, Liverpool

[lii] Virgillo Hunter (2018) supra.

[liii] Ibid.

[liv] Jacqueline Jenkenson (2009) supra.

[lv] Rozina Visram (2002): Asians in Britain: 400 Years of History. Pluto, London

[lvi] Neil Evans (1980): “The South Wales Race Riots of 1919” In Llafur Vol. 3; Aamir Mohammed (2019): “The Notorious Race Riots of 1919 in Cardiff That Shamed Wales” In the Wales Online Website, June 16. Available online <https://www.walesonline.co.uk/news/wales-news/race-riots-cardiff-1919-butetown-16428953>

[lvii] Roy May and Robin Cohen (1974): “The Interaction Between Race and Colonialism: A Case Study of the Liverpool Race Riots of 1919” In Race and Class, Vol. 16 (2); Lorraine White (1994) supra.; Virgillo Hunter (2018) supra.

[lviii] Virgillo Hunter (2018) supra.

[lix] Ibid.

[lx] Ibid.

[lxi] Ibid.

[lxii] Ibid.

[lxiii] Ibid.

[lxiv] Ibid.

[lxv] David F. Krugler (2015): 1919, The Year of Racial Violence: How African Americans Fought Back. Cambridge University Press, New York

[lxvi] Ibid.

[lxvii] Nelson Blackstock (1988): Cointelpro: The FBI's War on Political Freedom. Pathfinder, New York; Chris Bratton and Annie Goldstein (1990): Framing the Panthers in Black and White. Video Data Bank, Chicago; Ward Churchill (2002): Cointelpro Papers: Documents From the FBI's Secret Wars Against Dissent in the United States. South End, Boston; United States Congress (2011): The FBI, Cointelpro and Martin Luther King Jr.: Final Report of the Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations With Respect to Intelligence Activities. Red and Black Publishers, St. Petersburg, Fla.

[lxviii] Matt Taibbi (2017): I Can't Breathe: A Killing on Bay Street. Spiegel and Grau, New York; Wesley Lowery (2017): They can't Kill Us All: The Story of Black Lives Matter. Penguin Books, London; Sybrina Fulton and Tracy Martin (2017): The Enduring Life of Trayvon Martin: Rest in Power. Spiegel and Grau, New York; Benjamin Crump ( 2019): Open Season: Legalized Genocide of Colored People. Harper Collins

[lxix] John Belcham (2014): Before the Windrush: Race Relations in Twentieth Century Liverpool. Liverpool University Press; Colin Grant (2019): Homecoming: Voices From the Windrush Generation. Jonathon Cape, London; Kenny Monrose (2020): Black Men in Britain: An Ethnographic Portrait of the Post Windrush Generation. Routledge, Abingdon/New York

[lxx] R. B. Davison (1964): Commonwealth Immigrants. Institute of Race Relations, London; Institute of Race Relations (1965): Coloured Immigrants in Britain. Institute of Race Relations, London; Nicholas Deakin, Brian Cohen and Julia Mac Neal (1971): Colour, Citizenship and British Society. Panther Modern Society, London; Gus John and Derek Humphrey (1972): Because They're Black. Penguin, Harmondsworth; Rudy Narayan (1977): Black England. Descarta Publications, London; Nigel File and Chris Power (1995): Black Settlers in Britain: 1555-1958. Heinemann, London/Paris; Peter Fryer (2018): Staying Power: The History of Black People in Britain. Pluto Press, London

[lxxi] Richard Thurlow (1987): Fascism in Britain, A History: 1918-1985. Basil Blackwell, Oxford; David S. Lewis (1987): Illusions of Grandeur: Mosley, Fascism and British Society: 1941-1981. Manchester University Press, Manchester; Hans-Georg Betz and Stefan Immerfall (1987): The New Politics of the Right: Neo-Populist Paerties and Movements in Established Democracies. Palgrave Macmillan; Ray Hill and Andrew Bell (1988): The Other Face of Terror: Grafton Books, London

[lxxii] Emily Cousins (2010a): “The Notting Hill Riots (1958)” In the Black Past Website, June 8. Available online <https://www.blackpast.org/global-african-history/notting-hill-riots-1958/>

[lxxiii] Ron Ramdin (2017): The Making of the Black Working Class in Britain. Verso Books

[lxxiv] Emily Cousins (2010a) supra.

[lxxv] WCML (n/d): “Black and Asian Struggles: 1960s – 1980s” In the WCML Website. Available online <https://www.wcml.org.uk/our-collections/protest-politics-and-campaigning-for-change/black-and-asian-struggles/>

[lxxvi] Emily Cousins (2010a) supra.

[lxxvii] Ibid.

[lxxviii] Emily Cousins (2010b): “Nottingham Riots (1985)” In the Black Past Website, August 30. Available online <https://www.blackpast.org/global-african-history/nottingham-riots-1958/>

[lxxix] Peter Jackson (1988): “Beneath the Headlines: Racism and Reaction in Contemporary Britain” In Geography, June, Vol. 73 (3)

[lxxx] Jon Burnett (2013): “Britain: Racial Violence and the Politics of Hate” In Race and Class, March 28, Vol.54 (4)

[lxxxi] Benjamin Bowling (1998): Violent Racism: Victimization, Policing and Social Context. Oxford University Press, New York

[lxxxii] Ibid.

[lxxxiii] Ibid.

[lxxxiv] Ibid.

[lxxxv] James Southern (n/d): “Black Skin, Whitehall: Race Relations and the Foreign Office, 1945-2018” In the Foreign and Colonial Office, History Notes, Issue 21. Available online <https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/745663/Race_and_FCO_History_Note.pdf >

[lxxxvi] A. Sivanandan and Cheryl Kelly (1972): Register of Research on Commonwealth Immigrants in Britain. 6th edn. Institute of Race Relations, London; A. Sivanandan (1978): From Immigration Control to 'Induced Repatriation'. Institute of Race Relations, London; Refugee Forum (1986): The Refugee Challenge: A Rejection of the Home Affairs Committee Report on Refugees and Asylum Seekers. Refugee Forum, London; Robert Miles and Annie Phizacklea (1987): White Man's Country: Racism in British Politics. Pluto Press, London; Jon Solomos (1992): “ The Politics of Migration: 1945” In Peter Braham, Ali Rattansi and Richard Skellington (eds.) Racism and Anti-Racism: Inequalities, Opportunities and Policies. Open University, London; Robin Cohen and Zig Layton-Henry (1997): The Politics of Migration. E. Elgar, Cheltenham UK/Northampton MA; Ian A. McDonald and Ronan Toal (2010): Immigration Law and Practice in the United Kingdom, Vol. 2. LexisNexis, London;

[lxxxvii] John Solomos (1992) supra.

[lxxxviii] Bob Carter, Clive Harris and Shirley Joshi (1987): The 1951-55 Conservative Government and the Racialisation of Black Immigration. Centre for Research in Ethnic Relations, Coventry; John Solomos (1992) supra.

[lxxxix] Bob Carter, Clive Harris and Shirley Joshi (1987) supra.

[xc] John Solomos (1992) supra.

[xci] Ben Bowling, Shruti Iyer and Iyiola Solanke (2015): “Race, Law and the Police: Reflections on the Race Relations Act at 50” In Nadine El-Enany and Eddie Bruce Jones (eds.) Justice, Resistance and Solidarity: Race and Policing in England and Wales. Runneymede Trust, London

[xcii] Ibid.

[xciii] Ibid.

[xciv] Wilf Sullivan (2018): Apologies, Empty Promises And No Change - The Windrush Immigration Fiasco Continues”. In the TUC WebBlog, April 27. Available online <https://www.tuc.org.uk/blogs/apologies-empty-promises-and-no-change-windrush-immigration-fiascocontinues > The Editor (2018): “The Government Must Come Clean On The Depth Of The Windrush Crisis” In the Independent, June 21. Available online < https://www.independent.co.uk/voices/windrush-scandalcompulsory-deportations-theresa-may-sajid-javid-immigration-a8410576.html >; Gus John (2018): “Why I’m Turning Down Theresa May’s Invitation To Celebrate Windrush” In The Guardian, Thursday, June. 21 Available online <https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2018/jun/21/turning-down-theresamay-windrush-reception-caribbean-hostile-environment >

[xcv] Newham Monitoring Project (1990): Racism and Racist Violence in Schools: Towards Establishing Effective Anti-Racist Policies and practice in Newham. Newham Monitoring Project, London; The Racial Equality Centre and tThe St. Matthews Tenants Association (1994): Sorry I Can't Come Out to Play: Racial Attacks and Harassment on the St. Matthews Estate. The Racial Equality Centre and The St. Matthews Tenants Association, Leicester; Yvonne Dhooge and Jill Barelli (1996): Racial Attacks and Harassment: The Response of Social Landlords. HMSO; Helsinki Watch (1997): Racist Violence in the United Kingdom. Helsinki Watch, New York; Dept. of the Environment, London; Omar Khan (2002): Perpetrators of Racial Violence and Harassment: A Runneymeade Research Report. Runneymede, London; Liz Dixon and Larry Ray (2007): “Current Issues and Development in Race Hate Ceime” In Probation, Vol. 54 (2); David Gadd and Bill Dixon (2011): Losing the Race: Thinking Psychosocially About Racially Motivated Crime. Karnac, London; Rob Witte (2017): Racist Violence and the State: A Comparative Analysis of Britain, France and the Netherlands. Routledge, New York;Wendy Laverick and Peter Joyce (2019): Racial and Religious Hate Crime: The UK From 1945-Brexit. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham

[xcvi] Institute of Race Relations (n/d): “Racial Violence Statistics” In the Institute of Race Relations Website. Available online <www.irr.org.uk/research/statistics/racial-violence/>

[xcvii] Hannah Corcoran and Kevin Smith (2016): Hate Crime, England and Wales: 2016/2016. Home Office, London

[xcviii] Office of National Statistics (2015): “Crime in England and Wales: Year Ending December 2014”. In the Office of National Statistics Website. Available online <https://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/crimeandjustice/bulletins/crimeinenglandandwales/2015-04-23 >; Office of National Statistics (2016): “Crime in England and Wales: Year Ending December 2014” In the Office of National Statistics Website. Available online <https://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/crimeandjustice/bulletins/crimeinenglandandwales/yearendingseptember2015 >

[xcix] Home Office (2018): Hate Crime, England and Wales: 2017/2018. Home Office, London. Available online <https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/748598/hate-crime-1718-hosb2018.pdf>

[c] Ben Quin (2019): “Hate Crimes Double in Five Years in England and Wales” In the Guardian, 15 October. Available online <https://www.theguardian.com/society/2019/oct/15/hate-crimes-double-england-wales>

[ci] Ibid.

[cii] Ibid.

[ciii] Ibid.

[civ] Aljazeera (2019): “Boris Johnson Refuses to Apologise For Racist 'Burka' “ In the Aljazeera Website, 29 November.

[cv] Adam Bienkov (2019): “Boris Johnson Called Gay Men 'Tanked Top Bum Boys' and Black People 'Piccaninnes' with 'watermelon smiles'” In the Business Insider Website, November 22. Available online <https://www.businessinsider.com/boris-johnson-record-sexist-homophobic-and-racist-comments-bumboys-piccaninnies-2019-6?r=US&IR=T>

[cvi] Ibid.

[cvii] Boris Johnson (2004): Seventy Two Virgins. Harper Collins, London

[cviii] Boris Johnson (2004) supra.; Jonny Diamond (2019): “Reminder: Boris Johnson Wrote a Racist Novel in 2004” In the Hub Website, December 10. Available online <https://lithub.com/reminder-boris-johnson-wrote-a-racist-novel-in-2004/>

[cix] Stephen Castle (2020): “Boris Johnson Aide Quits After Furor Over Racial Comments” In the New York Times, February 17. Available online <https://www.nytimes.com/2020/02/17/world/europe/boris-johnson-andrew-sabisky-dominic-cummings.html>

[cx] Ibid.

[cxi] Sky News (2019): “Stormzy Says UK is 'Definitely Racist' and Boris Johnson Has mad it Worse' In the Sky News Website, December 22. Available online <https://news.sky.com/story/stormzy-says-uk-is-definitely-racist-and-boris-johnson-has-made-it-worse-11892070>

[cxii] Ibid.

[cxiii] Toyin Owoseje (2020): “Brit Winner Dave Makes Political Statement in Performance, Calling Boris Johnson Out on Racism” In the CNN Website. Available online <https://edition.cnn.com/2020/02/19/entertainment/brit-awards-dave-2020-highlights-intl-scli-gbr/index.html>;

[cxiv] Ibid.

[cxv] Ibid.

[cxvi] Kevin Schofield (2020): “Priti Patel Denies Boris Johnson is a Racist After Rapper Dave Criticises Prime Minister” In the Politics Home Website, 19 February. Available online <https://www.politicshome.com/news/article/priti-patel-denies-boris-johnson-is-a-racist-after-rapper-dave-criticises-prime-minister>

[cxvii] Ibid.

[cxviii] Dawn Butler (2020): “Why I Will Continue to Call Boris Johnson a Racist” In the Metro, Wednesday, March 11. Available online <https://metro.co.uk/2020/03/11/will-continue-call-boris-johnson-racist-12383387/>

[cxix] Ibid.

[cxx] Teun A. van Dijk (1991): Racism and the Press. Routledge, London/New York

[cxxi] Ibid.

[cxxii] Ibid.

[cxxiii] Ibid.

[cxxiv] Ben Bowling, Shruti Iyer and Iyiola Solanke (2015) supra.

[cxxv] Ibid.

[cxxvi] Paul Gordon and Penny Smith (1981): Passport Raids and Checks: Britain's Internal Immigration Controls. Runneymede Trust, London; Paul Gordon (1985): Policing Immigration: Britain's Internal Controls. Pluto Press, London;

[cxxvii] Ben Bowling, Shruti Iyer and Iyiola Solanke (2015) supra.

[cxxviii] Bethnal Green and Stepney Trades Council (1978): Blood on the Streets: A Report by Bethnal Green and Stepney Trades Council on Racial Attacks in East London. Bethnal Green and Stepney Trades Council, London

[cxxix] Home Office (1981): Racial Attacks: Report of a Home Office Study. Home Office, London

[cxxx] Ben Bowling, Shruti Iyer and Iyiola Solanke (2015) supra.

[cxxxi] Francesca Klug (1982): Racist Attacks. Runneymede Trust, London

[cxxxii] Paul Gordon (1985) supra.; Paul Gordon, Anne Newnham and Francesca Klug (1986): Different Worlds: Racism and Discrimination in Britain. Runneymede Trust, London; Ben Bowling, Shruti Iyer and Iyiola Solanke (2015) supra.

[cxxxiii] Ben Bowling, Shruti Iyer and Iyiola Solanke (2015) supra.

[cxxxiv] Ibid.

[cxxxv] Ibid.

[cxxxvi] Ibid.

[cxxxvii] Ibid.

[cxxxviii] William Macpherson (1999): The Stephen Lawrence Inquiry. Home Office Cm 4262. Available online <https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/277111/4262.pdf>

[cxxxix] Ibid.

[cxl] Ibid.

[cxli] Ben Bowling, Shruti Iyer and Iyiola Solanke (2015) supra.

[cxlii] Ibid.

[cxliii] Ibid.

[cxliv] Ibid.

[cxlv] Ibid.

[cxlvi] Ibid.

[cxlvii] Inquest (2020): “BAME Deaths in Police Custody” In the Inquest Website. Available online <https://www.inquest.org.uk/bame-deaths-in-police-custody>

[cxlviii] Harmit Athwal (2015): “Dying For Justice” In In Nadine El-Enany and Eddie Bruce Jones (eds.) Justice, Resistance and Solidarity: Race and Policing in England and Wales. Runneymede Trust, London

[cxlix] Institute of Race Relations (1991): Deadly Silence: Black Deaths in Custody. Institute of Race Relations, London; Harmit Athwal (2002): “Black Deaths in Custody”, November 11. Available online <http://www.irr.org.uk/news/black-deaths-in-custody/>; (2015) supra.; Harmit Athwal and Jenny Bourne (2015): Dying For Justice: Institute of Race Relations, London

[cl] Ibid.

[cli] Ibid.

[clii] Harmit Athwal and Jenny Bourne (2015) supra.

[cliii] Ibid.

[cliv] Bruce Y Lee (2020): “How COVID-19 Coronavirus is Uncovering Anti Asian Racism” In Forbes, February 18. Available online <https://www.forbes.com/sites/brucelee/2020/02/18/how-covid-19-coronavirus-is-uncovering-anti-asian-racism/#6f6f356529a6>

[clv] Ibid.

[clvi] Ibid.

[clvii] Riz Hussain (2018): “Shining a Spotlight on Structural Racism in Britain Today” In the TUC Website. Available online <https://www.tuc.org.uk/blogs/shining-spotlight-structural-racism-britain-today>

[clviii] Ibid.

[clix] Domiziana Turcatti (2020): “Coronavirus A (Missed) Opportunity to Rethink Racism?” In the Compas Website, March 18. Available online <https://www.compas.ox.ac.uk/2020/coronavirus-a-missed-chance-to-rethink-racism/>

[clx] Eleanor Cummins (2020): “The New Coronavirus is Not an Excuse to be Racist” the Verge Website, February 4. Available online <https://www.theverge.com/2020/2/4/21121358/coronavirus-racism-social-media-east-asian-chinese-xenophobia>

[clxi] Eleanor Cummins (2020): “The New Coronavirus is Not an Excuse to be Racist” the Verge Website, February 4. Available online <https://www.theverge.com/2020/2/4/21121358/coronavirus-racism-social-media-east-asian-chinese-xenophobia>

[clxii] Nancy Spiegel and Tam Huynh (2020): “Racism is a Virus Too” In the BDN Website, May 27. Available online <https://bangordailynews.com/2020/04/19/opinion/contributors/racism-is-a-virus-too>

[clxiii] Ibid.

[clxiv] Aniruddah Pathak (2020): “The Virus of Racism” In the Poem Hunter Website, March 3. Available online <https://www.poemhunter.com/poems/racism/page-1/57811491/>

0 notes