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#Joshua Annex
flashfuckingflesh · 2 years
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The Devil Is Never Pretentious with His EVIL! "Satan's Little Helper" reviewed! (Synapse Films / Blu-ray)
The Devil Is Never Pretentious with His EVIL! “Satan’s Little Helper” reviewed! (Synapse Films / Blu-ray)
Bluray is Currently Cheaper than DVD!  Grab “Satan’s Little Helper” Fast! Obsessed with his new video game Satan’s Little Helper, where a little boy helps the Satan dispense murderous bloody mayhem, naïve Dougie, sporting his own hot red Satan costume and mask, swears he’ll have a chance to meet Satan himself during Halloween.  Who Dougie believes he stumbles upon is the master of darkness but,…
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zonetrente-trois · 2 months
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brightwanderer · 9 months
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A phoenixflare idea I may or may not explore in fic at some point: Joshua falls first.
By, oh, give or take 20 years or so.
It’s hero-worship when they meet as children. Joshua is painfully aware that Clive is the one the Phoenix should have chosen, while he’s a frail pile of embers terrified he can’t live up to expectations. Dion, meanwhile, is the strong, brave, perfect heir, who bears Bahamut’s strength so easily, so chivalrous and noble. Everything Clive should have had, everything Joshua wishes he could be - and yet beneath it all, the compelling hint of a loneliness and uncertainty Joshua knows well.
Then, Phoenix Gate. Joshua loses everything. He spends his adolescence being raised in secret and shuffled around by a cult that worships him as something close to a god. Even his closest companion cannot treat him as an equal. I’m sure he’s lonely, and as he learns more of Ultima, I’m sure he longs for someone else to share the burden.
Imagine Joshua drinking in every story he hears of Dion the Bold. Maybe he daydreams about the handsome prince sweeping in to take him away from this stressful, secretive life. Maybe he imagines them joining forces to save the world. Maybe as he gets older, other thoughts creep in, fuelled by everything he hears about how handsome Prince Dion is as an adult.
(Maybe he hears rumours that the prince does not care for women, and maybe it makes his heart flutter with ridiculous hope.)
(Maybe he also has some fairly intense thoughts about what a man with a body like Dion’s could do to him in, on, or anywhere near a bed, but let’s keep this relatively PG.)
Imagine Joshua nursing this crush for years, for more than a decade. Clinging to it like a long-lost keepsake, finding it changes with him as he grows: from something innocent to something heated to something complicated and deep.
Because when he’s old enough and strong enough to travel on his own, of course his ears still prick up at every mention of Dion’s name. The battles he’s fought for the Empire. The orders he’s been given, sometimes less than honourable. The Empire’s growing greed, first glimpsed in the treachery at Phoenix Gate, now writ large in its annexation of Rosaria - then later in the invasion of the Crystalline Dominion. The people all say Dion is a good man, a thoughtful leader, a true prince. Is he uneasy with the change in his country and his father? Does he see the shadows lengthening too? Or is he complicit, no longer the shining idol of Joshua’s youth?
And Joshua is smart enough to doubt his own motives. He wants to approach Dion as a potential ally, but can he trust his own judgement? Does he really believe, in objective terms, that Dion will help him - or is he still in love with the stories he told himself all those years?
(And can he bear it, if it turns out Dion isn’t who Joshua wants him to be?)
So he hesitates. He waits. He waits until events make it clear that the Emperor intends to pass over Dion in favour of Olivier. Joshua knows then that whatever else, Dion is not a part of his father’s scheming. Approaching him is a risk worth taking now, as long as Joshua can put aside his childish daydreams and unrequited longing, meet the man as he truly is, see past the fantasy.
No wonder he’s tight as a wire when he steps into that tent. No wonder he keeps his hands gripped out of sight behind his back. No wonder he moves like every step, every breath, every word, is one he considered beforehand. No wonder he buys himself a few seconds picking up the fallen flower, restoring it, keeping his eyes off Dion as he fights his pounding heart.
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And no wonder Joshua blames himself, after the fall of Drake’s Tail, that he didn’t go to Dion sooner.
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oldshowbiz · 1 year
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1846-1848.
Historians concur that President James Polk invaded Mexico to attain Texas in order to expand the slavocracy. President Polk’s politics had been described as “Southern Oriented.” 
The war ended with the Americans claiming Texas, California, and New Mexico as their own.
The invasion was highly controversial.
Senator R.F. Pettigrew said, “We invaded Mexico without any provocation and stole from Mexico half her territory and annexed it to the United States.”
Senator Garrett Davis of Kentucky said, “I charge and arraign James K. Polk with having, as President of the United States, during the present session, usurped the power of Congress by making war upon Mexico, a nation with whom the United States were at peace.” 
Abolitionist Joshua Giddings called it a “war of plunder and conquest waged to secure and extend the influence of the Slave Power.” 
New England reformers called it an “aggressive, unjust, and unholy war to extend the heinous institution of slavery.” 
The Whig Party said President Polk’s invasion “represented a criminal attempt by the Slave Power to extend its power and institutions.” 
Ulysses S. Grant wrote in his memoirs, “The occupation and annexation of Texas was, from the inception of the movement to its final culmination, to acquire territory out of which slave states might be formed for the American slave-holders … the war was one of conquest in the interest of an institution.”
Poet philosopher Henry David Thoreau stopped paying taxes to protest the invasion “as it would ... enable the State to commit violence and shed innocent blood.” 
The poet Walt Whitman, however, was in favor of the invasion, exclaiming, “Mexico must be thoroughly chastised!” 
President Polk argued that the United States needed to capture the bay of San Francisco “because it was the best harbor on the Pacific Coast.”
In response, the Whig leader Thomas Corwin said, “I have never yet heard a thief, arraigned for stealing a horse, plead that it was the best horse that he could find in the country.” 
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semi-imaginary-place · 10 months
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ffxvi
Congrats on 13 years on T Clive, pop off king.
hrreeklwnnfdddddcchhhhh so many names. ok ok so iron and dhalmek are fighting. and woeld(??) got asked to help dhalmek and they said lol no. and empire?? (which empire???) sent assasins after iron's shiva. i'm having to pause every 10 seconds. shiva's ice and cape and stuff could have been more translucent.
I do think its interesting how the entire backdrop of this game is resource scarcity driven political conflict. like rosaria is invading iron for resources because it itself is in threat of collapse. also nice to see that the "good" king isn't all that good.
wait wait the crusaders and empire are different factions?? ugggg im so confused. i heard crusaders and holy kingdom and put those together but the crusaders are from iron kingdom? wait if iron hates dominants how'd they get shiva.
did rosaria invade and annex jill's kingdom too?
wow they family dinners these people must have. brother's love and admire each other and are also a little jealous of each other. mom hates clive and dotes on joshua but is also trying to appeal to dad. dad is tired.
sanbrequois? they're french??? ah so this is the empire
oh shit. clive is ifrit? so the one he wants revenge on is himself??? thats juicy. so those indestructible ancient ruins can be destroyed by eikons. hmm i cant tell there was definitely something up with clive and the hooded figure and ifrit but then we got a 3rd person pov of ifrit killing pheonix.
yikes
i was wondering how he ended up an imperial slave. given he was the archduke's son he could have been a political prisoner and he's important enough for his name and face to be known, but nah anabella sent him to the frontlines.
one tattoo is for the magic people, what the other for? clive still has his pheonix abilities even though joshua is dead is he actually a bearer or did people just think he was because of the pheonix abilities.
kill those soldiers or we'll kill these children. sounds like a terrible deal
for supposidly being his dog we don't see enough of clive interacting with togul. its always jill carrying him around or that old woman petting him.
this si starting to remind me of smt neutral/genocide route where you kill everyone from every faction. factions are still confusing me are royalists sabrque or waleod
i lost the plot. we're searching for some dominant in a village in imperial territory and getting attacked by... waleod? iron? thank you ign so royalist are waloed
ooooh i was getting branded and bearer confused which is easy to do
why's cid after the dominant? recruitment? counter to clive's revenge. stir up a bit of trouble for the bigger nations? well benedrikta has been harassing this one village and kidnapping the bearers
cid's going to die isn't he. he's too good. and he has mysterious japanese coughing blood disease aka fantasy tuberculosis
ok the titan dude. the woe.. woelda?? king dude. cid. damn girl keep them wanting. this game is just benedrikta and every man she's had sex with. i never even watched game of thrones and im starting to get why everyone is comparing this game to it. gotta milk that M rating.
i have ... reservations about benedrikta's character writing. also cid's right why do you have to go and fight garuda clive. leave her be. you start hearing voices and your instinct it to listen to them. bruh.
the environments are really pretty I'd totally mod out combat and have a nice walking simulator
ok damn clive did you have to kill her for the crime of being in your way
ok yeah i was starting to wonder if the hooded flame man clive was seeing and the one benedrikta captured were different people
the devs didn't hold back huh sex scenes. clive bare ass naked in a dungeon. why is he naked you found him with clothes on.
cids into men. thats 2 comments now one from a villager who thought clive was warming cid's bed and now cid calling clive pretty but not his type.
on one hand before ifrit killed pheonix i was thinking oh maybe the brothers reunite after 13 years. and then ifirit stuck his hand through phoenix and beat him to a bloody pulp and i was like yup dead. it would make some narrative sense if joshua was the hooded man but eh i dont know if i like it but i also dont know if i like having joshua just die like that.
it is joshua. joshua main character moment. evil cursed brother with the potential to destroy the world. well phoenix did revive his entire health bar once during the battle.
either testing for bearers at birth is an imperial tradition. or clive wasn't a bearer when he was born. both interesting implications. 3rd option is anabella decided to make clive's life even more miserable.
martha reminded me does clive look hella like his dad. people in ros...e...lin? might actually recognize him.
cid how old are you that you're calling clive lad and boy or was clive originally scripted to be younger?
squeenix... its ok for a woman to look middle aged. she's still beautiful.
wait wait wait. normal people cast cast magic in the deadlands but i thought the whole thing with bearers was that their powers weren't tied to the mothercrystals. also ... jill and clive are both dominants. are all those powers dependent on the land's aether?
xiv pulls a kingdom hearts. this i wasn't quite sure but now im pretty sure. clive seems to think the hooded man he's seeing is the same as the one everyone else is seeing (joshua) but theres really two of them. the one he saw 13 years ago speaking a strange language is not joshua.
the writers make jill's entire character motivation for 13 years protecting the women taken from rosaria by the ironmen but then drop that on the ground the moment she meets clive?? Those Women didn't stop being captive just because they stopped being on screen.
cid took credit for benedrikta's death? ooh politics!
joshua phoenix fire, jill shiva ice, benedika garuda wind, forgot that guys name titan earth, cid ramuh lightning, prince dude bahamut light, eastern king guy odin dark. who is the 8th? no water leviathan?
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brokehorrorfan · 2 years
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Satan's Little Helper will be released on Blu-ray on October 25 via Synapse Films. Wes Benscoter designed the new cover art for the 2004 slasher film.
Jeff Lieberman (Just Before Dawn, Squirm) writes and directs. Katheryn Winnick, Alexander Brickel, Stephen Graham, Joshua Annex, and Amanda Plummer star.
Satan's Little Helper is presented uncut in high definition with DTS-HD MA English 2.0 Original Stereo sound. Special features are listed below.
Special features:
Audio commentary by writer-director Jeff Lieberman
The Devil in the Details: Making Satan's Little Helper
Behind-the-scenes featurette
Mr. Satan's Neighborhood - Filming location tour with director Jeff Liebermanr
Promotional trailer
Nine-year-old Douglas Whooly (Alexander Brickel) is obsessed with the handheld video game “Satan’s Little Helper,” and annoyed that the attention of his big sister Jenna (Katheryn Winnick) is being distracted by her new boyfriend Alex (Stephen Graham). These two concerns collide on Halloween, when Douglas witnesses a serial killer in a devil mask (Joshua Annex) posing his victims like outdoor All Hallow’s Eve displays. Not comprehending how real the carnage is, Douglas becomes this Satan’s little helper—and that’s very bad news for Alex, for Douglas and Jenna’s mom Merrill (Amanda Plummer), and ultimately for their entire town.
Pre-order Satan’s Little Helper.
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clark0628 · 21 days
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Blog for Creative Non-Fiction
Pamatian, Clark, D.
Autobiography:
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My name is Clark Devera Pamatian. I am currently 17 years old. I was born on June 28, 2006. I already lived in Metro Manila, in Western Mindoro, and am now living here in Imus, Cavite. I have seven siblings, including me. I am the fourth of all of us. The first oldest child is my brother Joshua Pamatian; the second first child is my older sister Angelica Pamatian; and the third first child is my other oldest sister Trisha Pamatian. Here am I, the first middle child, or the fourth child in short. The one that followed me is the 5th child, Angelina Pamatian, or the second middle child, and the one that followed her is the first youngest child, or the 6th child, Steven Pamatian, and the last and last youngest of all of us, Angelou Pamatian.
That's all of us siblings, and my father's name is Larry Laroza Pamatian. Born on March 29, 1976, his first job was as a custom truck driver. After being a truck driver, he switched to being a fitness instructor in Philippine women's clubs, a part-time bartender, and a full-time bouncer. After that, in 2001, my father joined the enlisted personnel in the army until 2006, and after retiring from the army, he switched to VIP security for either politicians or Korean people here in the Philippines. And after that, he came back to the fitness industry in 2008, continuing his job until now as a fitness instructor at Anytime Fitness Binondo. And here's my mother, Jenny Devera Pamatian, born on November 8, 1976. Her first job was as an assistant dentist; after that, she worked as a cashier at Jollibee and cahier at Kenny Rogers Cahier; and lastly, she worked as a barista and bartender at Cafe Breton and cahier again.    
That's all the history about my family, and back to myself, my hobby is riding a motorcycle, exercising, and eating. I studied in Guerrero elementary school in Manila until grade 4; in grade 5, I transferred to Occidental Mindoro due to family circumstances; in grade 6, I transferred here to Malagasang 2b Imus Cavite elementary school; and in high school, I enrolled here in Green Gate Phase 3 Annex High School, now known as the General Tomas Mascardo National High School, until grade 10. And in senior high, I enrolled in General Pantaleon Senior High School, and I am currently in grade 12 in the section of Dulungan. Our section's current adviser is Ma'am Jasmin Pakingan.
Biography:
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My father’s name is Larry Laroza Pamatian currently now he is 47. He was born on march 29, 1976 in Chinese general hospital in manila they are 3 siblings including him he is the middle child the eldest one is Lanie Laroza Pamatian she is already 52 years old and he’s younger brother is Jeffrey Laroza Pamatian he is now 41 years old. Now that is the history of his siblings. Now let’s move on to his parents his mother is Terisita Cabalyero Laroza she is now currenly 80 years old born on September 6, 1943 and his husband name is Oscar Navarete Pamatian born on December 24, 1948 he passed away at the age of 74 on September 16, 2023.
Now that’s is the background of his family. He only finished a 2nd year in high school. After that he started working already. His first job was as a custom truck driver. He is like a Jack of all trades. Because after being a truck driver, he switched to being a fitness instructor in Philippine women's clubs, a part-time bartender, and a full-time bouncer. But did you know he is also a former warrior of our beloved country because in 2001, He joined the enlisted personnel in the army until 2006, and after retiring from the army, he switched to VIP security for either politicians or Korean people here in the Philippines. And after that, he came back to the fitness industry in 2008, continuing his job until now as a fitness instructor at Anytime Fitness Binondo.
But any other people he’s just a normal person for every one but for us his family he is like Superman because. He is the one who got all of us his through the hardships every step of the way even now he is still the bride winner of the Pamatian family.
Personal Narrative:
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Do Not Doubt God
There was this time that happen to me back in 2020. That change my faith in God forever. So it was already December in that month if I remember I forgot the specific date but I’m sure it’s December because it’s almost Christmas. So just like I always do in the pandemic I am delivering some foods to our customer, Oh by the way I was a delivery rider back then because that is our only source of income because obviously no work no pay and almost establishment are all close so online stuff are the commonly source of income of any other people. So back to my story I was almost done with my delivery and I suddenly remember my father said before I leave the house earlier that day that I have to pick-up my mother in the coastal before I Go home but only after I finished all of my deliveries.
So I was on my way to pick up my mum because I already finished my deliveries and I was already on the intersection of road going to the road then I turned right because the traffic enforcer already sign to us driver to go but after I turned right the officer there blocked me saying I was beating the red light. But I replied to him calmly how was I beating the red light? Me0 and the other riders turned right together at almost the same time when the officer back there said so. The officer replied no! with a little bit of a high voice. Feels like I was like no match for his reason and voice. Oh and at that time I have no license but I do have the ORCR of my bike.
Back to the story so the officer ask me for my license and registration but I only have the registration so the officer hold my motor cycle talking about impounding Of course I begged them that not to do that because just like I said in the beginning of the story that deliveries are only source of our income. I tried to borrow someone else phone to try and call my father but I had a hard time borrowing one but suddenly there’s this one grab rider who lend me his phone and let me call my father. I was so thankful that finally somebody helped me hoping when call my father maybe he can talk to the officer and let me go just this one.
Then I called my father while the phone is ringing I had this teary eye that I just can’t stop because I know my father will be very dis appointed and angry at the same time and also I know that we don’t have the money to redeem my bike if ever it was impounded. After a several call my father finally answer’d his phone and in a raspy voice I tried explaining what happen and you know what happen he said it’s fine don’t worry about that it’s not your fault you didn’t do anything wrong you don’t have to beg to them just so to let your bike go let them take it if they want to and I suddenly cried like some kid there because it felt like I remove some kind of burden in my chest and after I cried like kid I said good bye to my father on the phone telling him I’m sorry again.
Just after I hung up the phone and gave the phone back to the rider I saw my mother running toward me with a worried look in his face asking me what happen because she was worried why I didn’t pick her up and when she got home I was not there she only knew what was happening when my father called someone in our house and explain the situation. And also my mother tried to talk to the officer begging to let me go just this one he agreed but he said my mother need to leave some money for all of the officer that is duty on that day that’s the only way he can let me go. But of course we don’t have that kind of money at that moment I felt like god is cursing me or something asking myself why did I do for you to give me these kind of challenges, telling him that I didn’t even do anything to offend you or anyone and cursing him again and again. Then suddenly my cousin pat my back saying don’t blame the god for what’s happening it’s a challenge for us human to overcome it and it will make us even stronger because I know that he will not give it to us if we can’t do it know he has a plan for everything and I replied well he’s giving us a lot of challenges that’s for sure.
And when we were about to leave suddenly a tricycle stop’ ed In front of us, looking at the face of the driver it seems familiar to me and when I realize it’s Big brother loy he use to be my mothers coworker in the hardware there working with. He ask us what are we doing there because we look like so exhausted. Then I explained what happen and suddenly he said I can help you with that just like that he walk to the officer then said something then looking at it when he came back he already got my keys saying it’s done you can go and take your bike. I was stunned for a moment because I didn’t believe what just happen just like that I can go with my bike and nothing else. And when I ask him how did he do that, he just said oh that see that officer he’s like my brother and I told him that your mother was my cousin and you are my niece. I said to him just like that and he believed you he replied of course. And I suddenly hugged him and said thank you very much he just said it’s fine don’t worry about that think of it as my Christmas gift to you. And while driving on our way home I suddenly remembered what my cousin told me earlier about God and realizing he was right God had already planed everything we just have to trust him and do not doubt him.
Reaction to a Personal Narrative:
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A frightening zip line by: Patric Ace Bernardo
This is about the personal experience of conquering his fear of zip lines and flying through Zoobic Safari. Ace vividly Describes the anticipation, from initial hesitation to the final decision, capturing the excitement and tension of the adventure. his inspiring story is a testament to courage and adventure.
It describes the thrill of soaring through the air, feeling the wind against their face, and the adrenaline coursing through their veins. Realizing that the experience was not as scary as he anticipated, but rather liberating and fulfilling, highlighting the transformative power of stepping outside one's comfort zone.
Ace narrative captures the joy of fulfilling a childhood dream of flying and beauty of the zoo and its surrounding nature. The relief that comes from knowing our worries are unjustified and that there are more benefits to taking chances than drawbacks from the unexpected soft landing at the conclusion. Over all it is about the power of courage, perseverance, and the sheer thrill of embracing new experiences.
Travel Logue:
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The Rice Granary and Fruit Basket of Southern Tagalog
Baga that's the word I always hear from the people who live there, whether it's a woman or a man, young or old, their speech always has that word in the end of it, maybe they're used to it, but eventually my speech became like that to when I lived there for a short period time. The question is where exactly is that it’s none other than Oriental Mindoro that is my mother’s province. The beach is what you see outside when you live near the sea shore, but that's only if you're there, but it's still very beautiful even if you are not.
It has a clean environment, peaceful, you won't see big cars unlike in the civilization. If you're looking for a vacation, you'll find it there, especially if you love the sea. And I can say that you will not spend that much compared to Boracay. It's cheap, good at sightseeing, the people are kind and the food is always fresh from the sea because fishing is the main livelihood of the people there. Sometimes you can ask for fish if you know the fisherman when they caught a lot of fish from the laot.
At times you can meet our fellow native Filipinos. You will sometimes see them coming down from the mountains to sell their vegetables. It's good to buy from them because you can probably get a fresh and clean cape cheaply. You might be surprised when you see them eating something red it’s called nganga, it's like a cigarette to them. So if you want to take a vacation and relax and want something cheaper Oriental Mindoro is the place I can offer for you.
Reflection Essay:
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Being always ready wouldn't hurt.
There’s this one thing in my life that I’ve always done, and that is being unprepared. And you will ask why? To be honest, I don’t know either. It’s just that whenever there’s a situation, I'm always unprepared. Unlike my father, who is always prepared well, that’s because he was a former soldier. Do you know that there is a saying that a soldier must always be ready? He is like that, although he always reminds us to always be ready, whenever or whatever the circumstances are. But at that time, it’s just too tiring for me because you will always carry many things, even if they're not needed.
This is my story of how I became like a soldier when heading outside. There's this incident that happened to me way back in 2019 that changed my behavior until now. When I was on my way home after some deliveries that year, I don't exactly remember the date, but I know it's 2019 and it's around 10 p.m. So, like I said, I was on my way home because I had a delivery, and suddenly I felt my motor cycle slowly lowering itself when I noticed that I had slowed down in the side walk to check what was wrong.
After checking, I saw that I had a flat tire on the rear wheel. I felt nervous as soon as I saw that because I am in the middle of nowhere and it's already 10 p.m. and all motor and vulcanizing shops are closed. I had no choice but to push my motorcyclist all the way home. I felt that I had already pushed like 3 kilometers, but it was not. While pushing, I suddenly remembered what my father always told me: always be ready, whenever or whatever the circumstances are. I said to myself that if I just listened to him, I wouldn't be in this situation. After that incident happened to me, I am now always ready because I don't want to feel that kind of struggle anymore.
Memoir in Creative Non-Fiction:
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Enemies to Friends
When I was in sixth grade I had this so call enemie in my school. Well I’am sure that I’am not the only one that has that kind of experience. This is my story how my so called enemie became my best friend. Ever since I entered the school in mindoro I was considered as an outcast well sometimes called loser by the other students, You may be wondering why? I was treated like that. The answer to that other than being chubby is because I am an immigrant or in tagalog (Dayo) in their school. But in reality I’am a transferee.
As I remember correctly when our fight began was after our 5th subject 3 p.m. if I’am correct. Oh and by the way the name of my enemie is cyrus he is the type guy who would go looking for a fight even if he small. And that’s one thing’s I envy about him. But don’t get me wrong ok, I didn’t hate him because of that I hated him because he bullied me a lot and not just me ok there are other students that he bullied as well. You know the feeling that he is already short but he still has guts to pick a fight with everyone despite his circumstances.
Back to the story it was 3pm that time and we just finished our subject in filipino the flow that time in elementary is when the subject is finished the teacher is not the one who will go to the classroom unlike in high school. In elementary the students is the one who will go to the classroom of the teachers to go to the next subject and at that time when you are done you can go and wait to the door of the next classroom.
So I finished much earlier than the rest so I ran outside already to line up at the door for the next subject and when I look up from the classroom where I just came from I saw cyrus running towards to me so I step back a little because I knew he was gonna hit to me and, he barged in the line and the metal 4finger key chain in his bag hit my arm and at that time I still had a wound in my arm due to an accident so that felt really hurt because of that. I confronted him because I was really pissed at him. And when I did that he is still the one who is more angry than me reasoning that if I wasn’t in his way I wouldn’t get hit by him. I felt a sudden anger rush through my blood making me punch him straight in the face. Our fight break out in front of our whole school. And after that we both get scolded by the teachers and our parents. After that fight we realize each other’s strength and became friends after wards.
Literary Journalism in Creative Non-Fiction:
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The Victims Voices from Marawi Siege
In The month of May 2017, a fight between the Armed Forces of The Philippines (AFP) and IS-aligned militants in Marawi displaced 360,000 people, causing our former President Duterte to force martial law and suspend habeas corpus. The conflict lasted for five whole months, resulting in civilian displacement, infrastructure destruction, and loss of lives. The official figures show 920 militants, 165 soldiers, and 47 civilians killed, while over 1,780 hostages were rescued.
This are the statements of the victims from the cause of Marawi siege. From a married couple from Iligan, who were stranded in Marawi city for over five weeks, reported their situation to Amnesty Internation. They said that they had experienced severe sleeplessness due to airstrikes and gunfire, enduring 38 days of rainwater consumption. Despite their attempts to escape, bombs fell near their building. After leaving, they saw dead bodies decaying in the street. After being rescued by the military, and they were handed over to the police after that.
But Philippine military has also been accused of treating civilians who escape militant-controlled areas with suspicion, detaining them, and subjecting them to torture or other ill-treatment. The Amnesty International interviewed eight victims, including the Christian construction workers trapped in Marawi city. Stated that, we were beaten by a master sergeant who claimed that we are ISIS. We were punched, kicked, and tied with electrical wire. And accusing my companion was a sniper for ISIS, and claiming that the military was angry because 13 of their men were killed.
 The Amnesty International said the they cannot determine if the Philippine armed forces breached international humanitarian law obligations in Marawi city due to restrictions. Further independent investigation is needed to determine if the infrastructure damage and civilian life loss were proportional to militant threat. Authorities must bring torturers to justice and ensure victims receive reparations. Investigations and charges are underway.
Left Obituary in Creative Non-Fiction:
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Pamatian, Clark, Devera
It is with heavy hearts that we announce the passing of Mr. Clark Pamatian, aged 76, a distinguished veteran who valiantly served his country during war, passed away peacefully on December 5 by old age surrounded by his loving family, and friends.
Born on June 28, 2006, grew up in San Andreas Manila where he developed a strong sense of duty and patriotism. At the age of 18, he enlisted in the military to defend his nation during territorial war against the china. At age of 21 he entered PMA (Philippine Military Academy) Graduated in June 21, 2030. Throughout his service, he displayed unwavering courage, resilience, and dedication to his fellow soldiers and country.
During the war, he served with honor and distinction, despite suffering PTSD. His commitment to duty earned him commendations for his bravery and leadership skills in challenging circumstances. After returning from service, he continued to contribute to his community, embodying service and sacrifice principles.
He was a devoted husband, loving father, and cherished friend, whose kindness, integrity, and character touched the lives of many. Remained active in veteran affairs. His legacy of honor, courage, and selflessness will inspire future generations, and he will be deeply missed by his family, friends and comrades.
A memorial service to celebrate Mr. Pamatian remarkable life will be held on date December 6, 2082 in honor of Mr. Pamatian memory. Rest in peace, dear veteran. Your service and sacrifice will never be forgotten.
Face Recognition:
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When I see my father face I can see a different personalities. The first is when you see him he looks like the Korean actor Madong-seok when he smile well not just the face but also the body. All the people who see him for the first time are always afraid of him, not only that, people always thought that his either a gangster or a Yakuza because he has a narrow eyes and has a lot of tattoo and well build body that’s making him more look like a Japanese yakuza.
When you see him you will know what I am talking about. But when you get to know him He will always make you laugh like what clowns do to people. He a very cheerful person and fun to be with despite his intimidating looks.
But don’t get me wrong those scary looks that I said earlier are not just for show. That looks was well build by the environment he grew up with. That he developed a strong sense of duty and patriotism that made him joined the army at 2001 and not just that because he also took the course of being a scout ranger that makes him one of the musang of the Philippines.
In a summary he’s a funny and cheerful person when you get to know him, but despite those he is also a strong person and a strong sense of duty and patriotism towards his own country. And base on my experience as his son for me, the only one that feared him most is none other our father god.
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casmong · 3 months
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Tribal Mentions and Omissions
There are several places in scripture that list the tribes of Israel. The names of the tribes included and excluded have varied over time, and for various reasons.
The twelve tribes of Israel came from the twelve sons of Israel—Israel being the name that the Father gave Jacob [Genesis 32:28]. Jacob’s twelve sons were Reuben, Simeon, Levi, Judah, Dan, Naphtali, Gad, Asher, Issachar, Zebulun, Joseph, and Benjamin [Genesis 35:23–26; Exodus 1:1–4; I Chronicles 2:1–2]. The progeny of those twelve sons comprised the twelve tribes of Israel, and were the ones who initially went down into Egypt to live for four hundred years[Exodus 12:20].
After the exodus and at the end of the 40 year wilderness journey when Moses was about to die, while pronouncing blessing on the people, Moses omitted the tribe of Simeon [Deuteronomy 33] The reason for this omission likely originated from the time when Jacob was blessing his sons, where he curses Simeon and Levi for their anger and cruelty saying "Cursed be their anger, for it was fierce; and their wrath, for it was cruel: I will divide them in Jacob, and scatter them in Israel."[Genesis 49:5-7] This curse pronounced alludes to the the time when Simeon and Levi took revenge on the men of Shechem after the rape of their sister Dinah[Genesis 34:24–30]. After the horrific event, Jacob and his family had to relocate.
At the time of Israel's second census conducted by Moses and Eleazar, son of Aaron the priest, the tribe of Simeon was the smallest and weakest of all the tribes that came out of Egypt, only 22,200 men aged 20 years or more [Numbers 26:14]. Consequently, this was fulfilled when Simeon’s descendants were absorbed into the territory of Judah [Joshua 19:1-9] and when Levi’s descendants were dispersed throughout the land, living in 48 towns and the surrounding pasture-lands.
In the time of Joshua, when Israel inherited and possessed the Promised Land, Levi’s descendants did not receive a territory for themselves [Joshua 13:14]. Instead, they received the priesthood and took care of the tabernacle, because in a time of rebellion and idolatry, they were faithful to YAHWEH[Exodus 32:26]. This was confirmed when "the LORD spake unto Aaron, Thou shalt have no inheritance in their land, neither shalt thou have any part among them: I am thy part and thine inheritance among the children of Israel."[Numbers 18:20]
The Levites were however given several cities scattered throughout the land, often designated as 'cities of refuge'[Numbers 35:15]. To fill out the twelve allotments, Joseph’s tribe was divided in two—as Jacob had adopted Joseph’s two sons, Ephraim and Manasseh, essentially giving Joseph a double portion for his faithfulness in saving the family from famine [Genesis 47:11–12], and receiving the blessing that Rueben lost because of sleeping with his father Jacob's concubine[Genesis 49:4]. In this arrangement, the tribes given territory in the Promised Land were Reuben, Simeon, Judah, Dan, Naphtali, Gad, Asher, Issachar, Zebulun, Benjamin, Ephraim, and Manasseh. The scriptures often refer to the tribe of Ephraim as the tribe of Joseph [Numbers 1:32–33]. When they settled the promised land, half of Manassah went over and stayed on the west of the Jordan and half remained on the east. The tribes of Gad and Rueben also remained on the east side of Jordan.
The first nine chapters of Chronicles describe the genealogical history of the nation of Israel, starting from Adam to the time it was recorded. The genealogical record of tribes of Israel omitted the names of the tribes of Zebulun and Dan [I Chronicles 4-8]. The context was that the books of Chronicles were written after the Babylonian exile sometime between 450 and 425 B.C., and most likely written by Ezra the priest the scribe, who is also believed to have written the book of Nehemiah. The Assyrians had annexed the ten northern tribes (kingdom of Israel) and later the Babylonians annexed and sent the southern tribes of Judah and Benjamin (kingdom of Judah) into exile. Most likely the reason why these two tribes were not mentioned was there were not many members represented of the tribes at the time Ezra was recording the genealogies, as Zebulun and Dan may have suffered the most casualties and further decimated by forced exile at the hands of the Assyrians, as these were the northernmost tribes. This was made worse by the fact that the Assyrians not only relocated these tribes to other parts of their empire but also brought in transplants to their tribal lands to replace them. These people transplanted to Israel from other lands, later became known as Samaritans.
Revelation 7:4–8 lists the 144,000 “sealed” or protected servants of YAH, who will comprise 12,000 individuals from each of the twelve tribes of Israel: Judah, Reuben, Gad, Asher, Naphtali, Manasseh, Simeon, Levi, Issachar, Zebulun, Joseph, and Benjamin. Notice that the tribe of Dan is not listed; in its place is Manasseh, which is one of the two tribes that came from Joseph. The exclusion of Dan and the inclusion of Levi most likely is a reflection of the fact that the tribe of Levi will no longer have a special status as the Levitical priests, but will receive an inheritance as the other tribes. This is consistent with the change in priesthood from the Levitical order to the Melchesidec order of which Jesus and the saints belong[Hebrews 7:5-12], and the work accomplished by Jesus the Anointed, who "wast slain, and hast redeemed us to God by thy blood out of every kindred, and tongue, and people, and nation; And hast made us unto our God kings and priests: and we shall reign on the earth."[Revelation 5:9-10]
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rangirizjohn29 · 5 months
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ISRAEL vs. PALESTINE
What's Going on between ISRAEL and PALESTINE ?
With roots in the late 19th century, the conflict between Israel and Palestine is a continuous and complex matter. Jews and Arabs used to live in the area that is now known as Israel and the Palestinian territories. Zionist movements, which called for the creation of a Jewish homeland in the area, first appeared in the late 1800s. Jewish immigrants began to pour into what was then known as Palestine as a result of this.
Reference:
https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/israel-palestinian-dispute-hinges-statehood-land-jerusalem-refugees-2023-10-10/
BIBLICAL PERSPECTIVE
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The region that is now Israel and the Palestinian territories have great religious and historical significance for both Jews and Christians, according to the Bible.
The Bible tells the story of God's covenant with Abraham, promising him that his descendants would inherit the land of Canaan (Genesis 12:1-3). This land is later referred to as the Promised Land, and it is the place where the Israelites, led by Moses, eventually settle after their exodus from Egypt (Exodus 6:4-8).
Throughout the Old Testament, the land is a central theme, and it is repeatedly emphasized as a gift from God to the Israelites. The Bible also describes the Israelites' conquest of the land, which is portrayed as a divine act of deliverance (Joshua 10:40-42).
In the New Testament, the land is less prominent, but it is still mentioned in the Gospels and Acts. Jesus is said to have spent time in the region, and the early Christian church is described as growing and spreading throughout Judea and Samaria (Acts 1:8).
The Biblical perspective on the conflict between Israel and Palestine is complex and multifaceted. On the one hand, the land is seen as a gift from God to the Jewish people, and many Jews view the establishment of the State of Israel as a fulfillment of Biblical prophecy (see, for example, Ezekiel 36:24).
On the other hand, the Bible also emphasizes the importance of justice and compassion, and some Christians and Jews interpret the conflict as a result of injustice and oppression. The Bible also contains numerous passages that call for peace and reconciliation (see, for example, Psalm 122:6-9).
Reference:
https://www.bible-knowledge.com/israel-and-palestinians/
BORDER CONFLICT
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The continuous disagreement over the defining and demarcation of the border between the two entities is referred to as the Israel-Palestine border conflict. With historical, political, and legal facets, the problem is intricate and multidimensional.
There are multiple opinions about where Israel and Palestine should draw their border, making it unclear where the actual line is. Out of all of them, the Green Line—the agreement line drawn after the 1948 Arab-Israeli War—is the most important. This line acted as a makeshift border between Israel and the remaining Egyptian and Jordanian-controlled areas.
After the Six-Day War of 1967, Israel occupied the West Bank, Gaza Strip, and East Jerusalem, which were previously under Jordanian and Egyptian control. Israel's annexation of East Jerusalem and the construction of settlements in the West Bank have further complicated the border issue. The border conflict is closely related to the broader Israeli-Palestinian conflict, as the border defines the territory that is under Israeli and Palestinian control. The lack of a clear border has led to ongoing tensions and disputes, including frequent clashes between Israeli settlers and Palestinian protesters. The international community has been involved in various peace efforts aimed at resolving the border conflict and the broader Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The most significant of these is the Oslo Accords, which were signed in 1993 and called for the establishment of a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. However, the peace process has stalled in recent years, and the border conflict remains a significant obstacle to a peaceful resolution.
Reference:
https://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-54116567
TERRITORY war between Israel and Palestine
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The continuous conflict between Israelis and Palestinians over their control and sovereignty over land is known as the "Territorial Conflict of Israel and Palestine." This dispute has its origins in the political and historical atmosphere of the area and is intimately linked to the larger Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
After the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948, many Palestinian Arabs fled or were displaced from their homes, leading to the creation of a large Palestinian refugee population. The 1967 Six-Day War resulted in Israel's occupation of the West Bank, Gaza Strip, and East Jerusalem, which were previously under Jordanian and Egyptian control. Israel's annexation of East Jerusalem and the construction of settlements in the West Bank have further complicated the territory issue.
The international community has been involved in various peace efforts aimed at resolving the Territory Conflict and the broader Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The most significant of these is the Oslo Accords, which were signed in 1993 and called for the establishment of a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. However, the peace process has stalled in recent years, and the Territory Conflict remains a significant obstacle to a peaceful resolution. The Territory Conflict has led to ongoing tensions and disputes, including frequent clashes between Israeli settlers and Palestinian protesters. The lack of a clear solution to the Territory Conflict has also resulted in humanitarian crises, such as the displacement of Palestinian families due to the expansion of Israeli settlements.
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RESOURCES
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Natural resources have always been abundant in historic Palestine. These resources include arable land, fresh and ground water, and, more recently, oil and natural gas. These resources have been compromised and used for a variety of purposes in the seven decades since the state of Israel was established. These include the ongoing Nakba, which has resulted in extensive Palestinian land dispossession, the exploitation of water through fruitless discussions, and the finders-keepers policy regarding oil and gas discovered in or beneath occupied territory.
Experts from Al-Shabaka shed light on a variety of topics pertaining to Palestinian natural resources in this compilation of analyses, ranging from Israel's theft of them to the negative consequences of climate change and how it interacts with Israeli occupation. The southern and eastern Mediterranean are expected to warm at a rate faster than the global average throughout the course of the twenty-first century, between 2.2 to 5.1°C, according to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. This will cause the climate of the area to alter in a very disruptive, if not catastrophic, way, increasing desertification. The value of natural resources will only increase with the acceleration of climate change.
These articles demonstrate how the politicization of Palestinian resources destabilizes an already precarious geopolitical situation and worsens the already deplorable living conditions of the Palestinian people. Specifically, it highlights the numerous Israeli barriers that prohibit the Palestinians from using and profiting from their own natural resources. The writers also offer suggestions about how to alter this unsustainable situation.
Reference:
ORIGIN OF THE PEOPLE
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Palestine, area of the eastern Mediterranean region, comprising parts of modern Israel and the Palestinian territories of the Gaza Strip (along the coast of the Mediterranean Sea) and the West Bank (west of the Jordan River).
This little region, which some have claimed also includes Jordan, has been variously and sometimes controversially connected with the term Palestine. Over the span of over three millennia, both the political status and the geographic territory denoted by the term have changed. The area is revered by Muslims, Christians, and Jews and is also known as the Holy Land, at least in part. It has been the target of competing claims from Jewish and Arab national groups since the 20th century; this dispute has resulted in protracted violence and, on many occasions, actual warfare.
The word Palestine derives from Philistia, the name given by Greek writers to the land of the Philistines, who in the 12th century BCE occupied a small pocket of land on the southern coast, between modern Tel Aviv–Yafo and Gaza. The name was revived by the Romans in the 2nd century CE in “Syria Palaestina,” designating the southern portion of the province of Syria, and made its way thence into Arabic, where it has been used to describe the region at least since the early Islamic era. The name had no official status after the Roman era until World War I and the end of the Ottoman Empire's rule, when it was adopted for one of the regions assigned to Great Britain. This mandate included the area east of the Jordan River, which is currently the Hashimite Kingdom of Jordan, as well as an area roughly encompassing present-day Israel and the West Bank. As soon as Britain received the mandate for the territory, it immediately placed it under an administration distinct from that of Palestine.
The region of the Southern Levant that is now home to the modern states of Israel and Palestine is referred to in Israel's history as Canaan, Palestine, or the Holy Land. From a prehistoric past as a component of the vital Levantine corridor, where waves of early people left Africa, to the Natufian cultural rise. The area entered the Bronze Age during the tenth millennium BCE. the rise of Canaanite culture circa 2,000 BCE, and its eventual vassalization by Egypt in the Late Bronze Age. The kingdoms of Israel and Judah were founded during the Iron Age, and these were crucial to the founding of the Abrahamic religion tradition, the Jewish and Samaritan peoples, and Judaism itself.
The region was subjugated by the Assyrian, Babylonian, and Persian Empires in the ensuing decades. During the Hellenistic era, the Seleucids and the Ptolemies fought it out for dominance of the area. But after the Hasmonean dynasty was established, the local Jewish population continued to live independently for a century before being incorporated into the Roman Republic.[7] Jewish-Roman Wars in the first and second centuries CE resulted in the deaths of many Jews, their displacement, or their sale into slavery.[8][9][10][11] After Christianity was introduced and accepted by the Greco-Roman world under the influence of the Roman Empire, the region's population began to shift toward newly discovered Christians, who by the fourth century had surpassed Jews as the majority. But the Arab conquest of the Levant in the seventh century eclipsed Byzantine Christian control over the Land of Israel soon after Muhammad united Islam over the Arabian Peninsula. As part of the Crusades, Christian and Muslim armies engaged in sporadic religious warfare in the Land of Israel from the eleventh to the thirteenth centuries. The Land of Israel was invaded and conquered by the Mongols in the thirteenth century, but the Mamluk Sultanate defeated them locally, and they ruled the region until the sixteenth century. The Ottoman Empire ultimately overthrew the Mamluks, and the area remained an Ottoman province until the 20th century.
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NOVA MUSIC FESTIVAL
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Respondents / AFP
A fresh report from the police investigating the October 7 Hamas massacre at the Supernova music festival in Kibbutz Re'im has revised the death toll to nearly 360, from approximately 260.
This figure would account for about one-third of the 1,200 persons who were slain during the assault in Israel last month.
According to Channel 12's report on Friday, the toll included approximately half of the civilians killed during the assault, along with 17 police personnel. That day, about 400 police and military personnel died in southern Israel.
The Supernova event was reportedly attended by about 4,000 individuals.
At least forty hostages were taken by terrorists who overran the festival, according to the report.
On October 7, thousands of terrorists led by Hamas launched a devastating attack that resulted in the kidnapping of about 240 people of all ages and the murder of over 1,200 people, mostly civilians who were butchered in their homes and at the music festival.
According to the Channel 12 report on Friday, the security establishment believes that Hamas was not informed of the music festival before to the massacre.
Piles of shoes that were recovered from the Supernova venue, which appeared to have been left behind when festival attendees ran from the attackers, were seen in another video that was made public on Friday.
On October 7, the network released what it claimed to be more comprehensive information about the Police Southern District's preliminary investigation into the Hamas killings.
Reference:
ARE YOU A PRO ISRAEL OR PRO PALESTINE?
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I am Pro Israel because they were the first to own the land that the two countries are in conflict with. And it is also in the bible that Israel really owns it.
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crimechannels · 6 months
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By • Olalekan Fagbade BREAKING: Major Shake up as IGP Egbetokun redeploys 26 CPs 14 AIGs [full list] The Inspector-General of Police, IGP Kayode Adeolu Egbetokun, has ordered the posting and redeployment of 40 Senior Police Officers comprising 14 Assistant Inspectors General of Police and 26 Commissioners of Police to various Commands and Formations in the country. According to a statement issued by Force Public Relations Officer, CSP Olumuyiwa Adejobi, in Abuja on Thursday, the move is part of the NPF mandate to have a professionally competent, service driven, rule of law-compliant, and people-friendly Police Force, and to reflect the new status of senior officers who were just recently elevated to their next ranks. The statement says: "The AIGs posted and redeployed are hereunder listed; i. Zone 7 Abuja– AIG Ogundele Joshua Ayodeji ii. Zone 11 Osogbo – AIG Patrick Ogon Edung iii. Border Patrol FHQ– AIG Badru Banji Lawal, mni iv. Zone 8 Lokoja – AIG Bartholomew N. Onyeka v. DOPS FHQ– AIG Suleiman A. Yusuf, mni vi. FCID Annex Alagbon Lagos – AIG Idowu Owohunwa vii. Maritime Lagos– AIG Rhoda Adetutu Olofu viii. Zone 13 Ukpo Dunukofia Awka – AIG Godwin N. Aghaulor ix. ONSA Abuja– AIG Effiom Emmanuel Ekot x. CTU FHQ Abuja– AIG Anene Ndu Innocent xi. Zone 16 Yenagoa– AIG Odama Paul Ojeka xii. Zone 4 Makurdi– AIG Ebong E. Eyibio, mni xiii. Zone 17 Akure - AIG Adebowale Williams xiv. Investment FHQ Abuja - AIG Sahabo A. Yahaya, mni." "Similarly, the 26 newly posted/redeployed Commissioners of Police include; i. Benue State- CP George Chijioke Chuku ii. Jigawa State- CP Ahmed Abdullahi Tijani iii. Niger State- CP Dan Mamman E. Shawulu, fsi iv. Gombe State- CP Usman Hayatu v. Imo State- CP Danjuma Aboki vi. Rivers State- CP Disu Olatunji Rilwan. vii. Taraba State - CP Joseph Eribo. viii. Osun State- CP Isyaku Mohammed ix. Safer Highways FHQ- CP Mohammed Barde x. PPP DLS FHQ- CP Polycarp Nwonyi Emeka xi. Anti-Human Trafficking - CP Shehu Kabir Abubakar. xii. Border Patrol FHQ - CP Lawal Babatunde Ayodeji xiii. Maritime Lagos- CP Emmanuel Agene. xiv. Admin Airwing- CP Jude M. Azuka. xv. Commandant Police College Kaduna - CP Dan Sabo Idi. xvi. Force Provost Marshal - CP Ibitoye Rufus Olajide. xvii. INEC - CP Adamu Ngojin Isa. xviii. Procurement DLS FHQ - CP Nwanosike Wodi Okocha xix. PSO to IGP - CP Johnson Oluwole Adenola. xx. PAP Western Port Lagos - CP Olanrewaju Olawale Shola. xxi. Int’l Investigation INTERPOL - CP Shelleng Umaru Yusuf. xxii. SEB FCID Abuja - CP Emmanuel Aina. xxiii. Info-Tech ICT FHQ Abuja - CP Miller Gajere Dantawaiye. xxiv. Director NPF-NCCC - CP Henry Ifeanyi Uche. xxv. DOPS FHQ Abuja - CP Vungmoh S.M. Kwaimo. xxvi. Commandant Police College Ikeja – CP Fasuba A. Olabode." "The Inspector General of Police has charged the newly posted/redeployed officers to work in tandem with the Force policy and support the agenda of government for economic recovery and growth as well as socio-political development of the country. He also stressed the importance of entrenching professionalism and diligent policing services to all officers and men under their command, while calling on them to partner with all relevant stakeholders to bring policing closer to the people. "The posting is with immediate effect."
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xtruss · 7 months
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Should the West Threaten the Putin Regime Over Ukraine?
The Historian Stephen Kotkin on the State of the War and the Dangers of a Russian Tet Offensive.
— By David Remnick | October 3, 2023
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“I’m Very Worried,” Stephen Kotkin Says. Photograph from Reuters
Since the Russian invasion of Ukraine, The New Yorker has been publishing on-the-ground reporting from our correspondents Luke Mogelson, Masha Gessen, and Joshua Yaffa, as well as commentary and reporting from Washington to Warsaw to the Baltic states. Throughout the conflict, I’ve been in touch with Stephen Kotkin, a professor of Russian history who taught at Princeton for more than thirty years, and is now at Stanford. Kotkin is the author of many books, including two volumes of a projected three-volume biography of Joseph Stalin.
Russia’s war against Ukraine began in 2014 with its militarized annexation of Crimea, and moved into its current phase when, in February, 2022, Vladimir Putin ordered a full-scale invasion. In the initial months of that second phase, Ukraine, under the leadership of Volodymyr Zelensky, and with support from nato, scored some astonishing victories, including the defense of Kyiv. But, although the people of Ukraine continue to stun the world with their resilience and imagination, the war shows no sign of ending anytime soon. And, as Kotkin puts it, Ukraine is running tragically low on young men of fighting age. Meanwhile, Putin does not hesitate to throw countless Russian bodies into the meat grinder of the war.
In an interview for The New Yorker Radio Hour, Kotkin talked with me about the situation on the battlefield and the evolving politics of Kyiv, Moscow, Washington, Beijing, and beyond. He raised the possibility of a Russian “Tet Offensive” that could alter the course of the American elections. He also questioned the Biden Administration’s seeming decision to “take regime change”—a threat to Putin’s rule—“off the table.” Our conversation has been edited for length and clarity; after we spoke, I added material, with Kotkin’s permission, from a series of e-mail exchanges.
This is our third conversation during this godforsaken war, and I have a very simple question: Where are we now?
Unfortunately, Ukraine is battling. They’re fighting and dying. The courage and the ingenuity are still there. But they’re running out of eighteen-to-thirty-year-olds. The average age of the Ukrainian soldiers training in Europe at the bases in Germany or the U.K. is thirty-five and older. They’re running out of munitions. They’re running out of anti-aircraft missiles. So I’m worried. I’m very worried, because of the huge casualties and the sheer size of Russia’s population compared with Ukraine’s.
It’s obvious that losses on both sides are enormous. What do we know about specific numbers?
Ukraine does not publicly release its casualty numbers, so we don’t know the exact number. But losses are really high––tens of thousands just during the counter-offensive alone. And here’s the problem: the guy in the Kremlin doesn’t care. Ukrainian leadership can’t just sacrifice their people in big numbers. So it’s not just that the numbers are bad; it’s that one side can use bodies as cannon fodder, and the other side can’t fight like that.
What’s your understanding of the success or nonsuccess of the Ukrainian counter-offensive against Russia?
It’s like the stock market these days. Everyone says they’re a long-term investor, they’re trying to produce long-term value, and then the analyst comes along and says, “Did you make your quarterly numbers? This was where you were supposed to be, and you failed.” Sadly, this is how we’re measuring what’s happening on the battlefield. The Biden Administration, our European partners, and the Ukrainians themselves talk about how they’re in it for the long haul. But then they go to a press conference and the first question they’re asked is, How come you didn’t meet your quarterly numbers? Why is the counter-offensive so slow?
The war is nine years old. People keep asking me how it’s going to end, and I say, “Why do you think it’s going to end?”
Speaking as a historian, what can a war of that length be compared to? What is the precedent for it?
All wars that start as wars of maneuver become wars of attrition, if they last longer than three to six months. And wars of attrition go on as long as both sides have the capability and the will to fight. If you don’t destroy the enemy’s capability or the enemy’s will, you can’t win a war of attrition. Ukraine has done some things that are just breathtaking. They’ve managed to neutralize the Russian Black Sea fleet without having a navy of their own. The ingenuity continues.
The problem is that there are two key variables in a war of attrition. One is the other side’s ability to fight. You’ve got to bomb their factories and take out their munitions production. The other variable is their will to fight. And, for Russia, the will to fight is about one guy. And we have taken regime change off the table. We have said many times, publicly and privately, that we’re not going to go after Putin’s regime because we don’t want him to escalate. But, by taking regime change off the table, we’re not pushing on the will to fight. And, if we’re not hitting Russia’s capacity to fight and not hitting their will to fight, then they can go on and on.
You seem to be saying that it was a mistake for the United States to make it clear to Russia that we are not pursuing a change of regime in Moscow?
I strongly back the policy of the threat of regime change. It is the most important lever to pull in order to exert pressure on Putin, who values his own personal regime above all else. As long as Putin feels that his regime is safe, he will continue to destroy Ukraine and throw his own people to their deaths.
But I acknowledge the argument that escalation is a danger that could arise from such a policy. I think this is a worthy public debate: Would the threat of regime change lead Putin to escalate the conflict? The avoidance of a wider war has been an achievement of the Biden Administration. It’s hard to get credit for something that does not happen, but the Administration deserves credit.
That said, I still support putting pressure on Putin’s regime. We should be seeking defectors among the nationalists, military, and security people who appeal to Putin’s base. Get those people—who are willing to state publicly that the war was a mistake, that it is hurting Russia, and that Ukraine is a separate country and people—out of Russia. Get them into European capitals, and on television or YouTube. The more the merrier.
The escalation debate has been solely about what might happen, or not happen, if we send more weapons. Most analysts have dismissed the possibility of escalation at all: we refuse to send tanks because of fears of escalation, then we send them, and there’s no escalation. Ditto for airplanes. But, of course, doing things gradually helps one to understand whether there will be escalation or not. In any case, sending tanks has not been decisive, and airplanes face the challenge of Russia’s anti-aircraft batteries (S-300s and S-400s). F-16s have almost never flown against anti-aircraft batteries in their history. Tanks are far less effective without air cover. Airplanes cannot fly against saturation anti-aircraft fire, and we are not attacking Russia’s anti-aircraft batteries, many of which are on Russian soil. It would take quite something to wipe them out.
Haven’t regime-change attempts brought about absolute disaster in our history, most recently in Iraq? And didn’t the fear of regime-change efforts, real or imagined, cause Putin to crack down in the wake of the Bolotnaya demonstrations in Moscow a decade ago?
You’re right—regime change has a checkered history. Readers are all too familiar with the Iraq War and the overthrow of Saddam Hussein. As you’ll recall from our private conversations back then, I did not support that war, largely because the vision and preparations for the aftermath were ludicrous. Probably the worst example of U.S.-induced regime change was the coup that overthrew Patrice Lumumba, in Congo, and eventually replaced him with Joseph Mobutu, leading to decades of misrule and agony.
But not all regime change is the same. Invading to impose democracy when one knows nothing about a country, or violently overthrowing a freely elected leader—after he had appealed to the U.N. for help and got no response, and then out of desperation appealed to Moscow, as in the case of Lumumba—is not something that I support. What I advocate is threatening regime change against Putin, who runs a mafia state and launched a criminal war against Ukraine, with the goal of stopping the war.
Putin will choose his regime over the war if he concludes that his regime’s survival is threatened. And others in Russia could step forward to make the choice for him. Some of this is going on already, in fact. William Burns, the head of the C.I.A., has admitted publicly that the U.S. and its allies are successfully recruiting Russian defectors. Richard Moore, the head of Britain’s M.I.6, gave a speech in Prague recently to encourage further defections in Russia. We should take the next step: making defections public, and using them to undermine the stability of the regime. We need men in uniform—Russian nationalists who appeal to Putin’s base, but who recognize that the war against Ukraine is hurting Russia—to speak the truth about the war, in Russian. We need help to convey to all Russian élites that Russia can still be a proud country and a major power if the war ceases.
France is another country with an absolutist monarchical tradition and a bloody revolutionary tradition. One day, I hope that Russia will look like France: a country that used to threaten its neighbors—think of Napoleon—but that now has the rule of law and democracy. But, for Russia, the distance to that outcome is not small, and even for France such a transformation did not happen quickly. Meanwhile, Ukrainians are dying en masse, and their country is being wrecked.
The threat of regime change in Russia—to force Putin into an armistice to preserve his regime, or to encourage others to do it—is among the ways to get Ukraine on a path toward peace. It might look like a bad idea, based on historical examples. It would not be easy, that’s for sure. But what is the superior, realistic alternative? More tanks that have limited battlefield utility because they lack air cover, while even F-16s would have limited effect because Russia has saturation S-300 and S-400 anti-aircraft batteries and a large inventory of missiles? Are we going to bomb Russian territory, where many of those batteries are located? Are we going to bomb factories located in Russia producing replacement batteries and missiles and other weapons? Are we going to blockade all of Eurasia, from Turkey through the U.A.E., Kazakhstan, and North Korea, not to mention China, to prevent easy sanctions-busting? Conjure munitions for Ukraine out of thin air? Watch a much smaller country fight a war of attrition indefinitely, costing lives and treasure?
On the Korean Peninsula, armistice negotiations lasted some two years. They finally resulted in an armistice only when Stalin died. I continue to hope that the Ukrainians can force an armistice on Putin by gains on the battlefield. But what if they cannot? What’s the plan? Are we prepared to wait until Putin dies? What happens to Ukraine in the meantime? Show me a better, more realistic plan than pressing the threat of regime change, and I’ll sign on to it.
We were talking on the phone the other day, and you raised what to me sounded like a shocking notion about what Russia could do next, and what it might resemble in American military history.
Yeah. I’m really worried about a Tet Offensive.
For those of us who might not remember the Tet Offensive, in Vietnam, in 1968, explain what it was, and what the parallel might be with Russia and Ukraine.
In January of 1968, the Vietcong and the North Vietnamese, who were fighting against the U.S. and its allies, the South Vietnamese Army, mounted an offensive. Until then, it looked like the war was going well for the U.S. And then, boom, lo and behold, they mount a very significant surprise offensive. We beat it back on the battlefield, and it’s ultimately a failure for the Communists. But, still, everyone is shocked that they could do this at all. And so Uncle Walter goes on TV—
Walter Cronkite, the anchor of CBS News at the time—
Yes. Uncle Walter says that this war is not winnable. And that was a pretty big moment for Lyndon Johnson, the incumbent Democratic President, who subsequently decides that he’s not going to run for reëlection. So, although the Tet Offensive was a battlefield failure for the North Vietnamese-Vietcong, it was a political triumph for them.
The Ukrainian counter-offensive could work. It’s way too early to evaluate it. However, they could be surprised by a Russian counter-offensive, which doesn’t have to succeed to any great degree on the battlefield. It could be just like Tet in that way. But it could send political shock waves through Washington, D.C., and through the European capitals. People could conclude that this war may not be winnable.
In March, 1968, following Tet, Johnson said he would not run for reëlection, opening the way for Eugene McCarthy, Robert Kennedy, and Hubert Humphrey to compete for the Democratic nomination. (Eventually, the Republican, Richard Nixon, won.) Do you really think that a Russian offensive like the Tet Offensive could affect the 2024 U.S. Presidential race to the same degree?
It could. I don’t know the probability, but my view is that, if it’s possible, we’ve got to be ready. We have to prepare the public. And we have to prepare the battlefield.
I want to drill down on one point. You said that a Russian offensive, a Tet offensive, even if it doesn’t succeed, could have profound effects on the American political scene, even to the point that it affects Joe Biden’s fate in the race.
Look at Biden’s numbers. They cratered with the Afghanistan pullout. If Putin outsmarts us on the battlefield and mounts a counter-offensive . . . Well, I’d want to get out in front of this. I would be talking about the coming Russian counter-offensive, and trying to make it more difficult for such a thing to have a political effect. That might even make it more difficult to carry out at all.
Do you think a Ukrainian victory is impossible in the foreseeable future?
Nothing’s impossible, right? Here��s the challenge, though. You take Tokmak. They’re still far from it, but that’s the next objective on their line of deepest penetration. It’s on the road to Melitopol. That’s on the road to the Sea of Azov, on the land bridge that connects Crimea and the parts of eastern Donbas that Putin has taken since February, 2022.
What’s your next step? How do you then win the peace? How do you start rebuilding Ukraine? How do you get to a Ukraine that is able to join the European Union over a period of time, and transform its internal institutions as a result of the E.U.-accession process? Where do you get the security guarantee from? Where do you get the expensive armaments that you can use as a deterrence?
The U.S. has been sending two hundred million dollars a day to Ukraine since this war started. I’m in favor of that support, but that’s not something that countries do forever. How do you get to the peace where Russia doesn’t do this again? Every war ends with a negotiation. Even unconditional surrender produces a form of negotiation. We need a process to win the peace, not just an assessment of the counter-offensive day to day. And, unfortunately, we haven’t had that, because there’s a divergence between the vision of the war in D.C. and the vision of the war in Kyiv.
Recently, President Zelensky was in Washington to see Joe Biden, and he spoke at the U.N. Zelensky gave the kind of speeches we’ve grown accustomed to, in which he’s both thanking the West for its aid and imploring it for more; he’s demanding constancy and the psychology that this is not just a war for Ukraine, but for the democratic West. Now, we’ve heard this before. I’m wondering if you perceived—on the part of the listeners—any change in perspective.
Yes. But the challenge is in the idea that the international order is at stake. In the U.S.’s rhetoric, nothing could be bigger than this, right? This is about deterring authoritarian powers, or they’ll do it again. This is about securing the rules-based order. This is about everything. There’s nothing bigger than this. But, at the same time, we can’t put American troops on the ground in Ukraine.
Those two statements cannot both be true. You can’t say that everything is at stake––world order, peace, and prosperity––while not considering the threat to be important enough to warrant putting American troops on the ground in Ukraine. And yet this is our strategy. And that’s why Americans don’t understand our strategy. That’s why our political figures can’t explain our strategy. And that’s why it’s not working as well as some people predicted it would work.
Of course, in Kyiv, they have a different view of this. For them, this war is about their existence, their sovereignty, their independence as a nation. The Russians are killing their people, destroying their infrastructure, raping their women and girls, destroying or pilfering their cultural artifacts to remove evidence that Ukraine is a separate culture and a separate nation. So, for Ukrainians, the idea of negotiation, the idea of relinquishing territory for an armistice, the idea of allowing Putin to get away with this without sitting at a military or international criminal tribunal, without paying reparations—that is anathema. It’s not just that the Russians are committing atrocities; this whole war is an atrocity.
So the Ukrainians have a maximalist view of what peace means. It’s about justice. It’s about reparations. It’s about war-crimes tribunals. It’s about stuff that they can’t impose because they can’t take Moscow. Their perspective is understandable. It’s completely justified from a moral point of view. But you’ve got to live in the world that you live in, and so this divergence between our view of the war and their view of the war is covered over by our rhetoric, which says it’s also existential. If the fate of the world is at stake, you have to be in favor of American boots on the ground.
I’m not clear what you’re saying. Are you arguing for America to send troops to Ukraine?
No, I am not. I’m arguing for bringing the rhetoric in line with the commitments. Otherwise, the American people are confused. Otherwise, we don’t understand the strategy. You can’t support this over the long haul if people think that you’re not telling the truth, or you’re not being level with them. Our commitments don’t match our rhetoric.
What do you think we need, in terms of Western policy, in terms of American policy?
We need an armistice. We need a D.M.Z. We need the fighting to stop. We need the eighteen-to-thirty-year-old Ukrainians who are left not to die. We need the Ukrainian kids who are going to school in Poland and Germany and elsewhere to come home, and go to school in the Ukrainian language, and become the future of the country. We need to invest and to rebuild the economy. We need Ukraine to start the E.U.-accession process. We need them to have some type of security guarantee, which is about not just deterring Russia but enabling a successful society in Ukraine.
That leaves a lot of Ukrainian territory, particularly the Donbas and Crimea, in the hands of Russia, which is an unacceptable outcome in today’s Ukraine. Both Crimea and the Donbas were part of sovereign Ukraine when it became an independent country, in 1991. Do you support relinquishing those territories?
If you can take them back, by all means, take them back. But, if you take back Crimea, what do you do with the Russians? There were 2.3 million people in Crimea, approximately, before the war, predominantly ethnic Russian. Five hundred thousand people from Russia have moved into Crimea since the war started. Russians who were abroad have bought apartments in Crimea since 2014. So you’ve got a big population of Russians there. What are you going to do—ethnically cleanse them? Force them out of Crimea in the hundreds of thousands or more? How’s that going to look when you start the E.U.-accession process?
Under international law, Russia has annexed territory that belongs to Ukraine, and it’s a violation. I proposed, in 2015, in Foreign Affairs, that if Ukraine can’t get the territory back, or isn’t willing to do what’s necessary to get it back, or getting it back might not be beneficial because of the high percentage of ethnic Russians there, how about if you force Putin to buy it? To pay for it? You do it on the installment plan. A five-, or ten-, or twenty-five-year plan. At the end of it, after Russia pays the money—and if, during that period, they behave in a way that doesn’t threaten Ukrainian sovereignty—we would internationally recognize it as Russian territory. Is that a good outcome?
It’s a lot less satisfactory than taking it back, and reinstating it as Ukrainian territory, the way it was from 1991 to 2014. It’s unsatisfactory. I get that. But, if you can’t get it back, if you can’t march on Moscow, if you can’t impose the peace that’s morally just, if your partners won’t put boots on the ground to impose that peace on Russia with you as your partner, and you can’t pay the costs that might be necessary to take it back on the battlefield—if those things are true, then what do you do? It’s not something that I’m happy about. But I’m aiming for a Ukraine that’s rebuilding, not being bombed and destroyed, and I’ll take as much of that Ukraine as I can get in the time being. And, if I don’t get it all, I’m not going to acknowledge Russian occupation legally. Ukrainians want to be part of Europe, and they’re willing to die for that. That’s winning the peace, in my mind. And territory is part of that, but territory is much less decisive.
President Zelensky recently fired and replaced the top six military leaders in Ukraine. I’m trying to imagine a situation in which the United States is at war, and the President suddenly gets rid of the entire top echelon of the military. It would be a gigantic story. What happened in Ukraine, and what does it indicate about the country’s military leadership and the state of the war?
Until an E.U.-accession process transforms Ukrainian domestic institutions, we have the Ukraine that we have. Courageous, ingenious—their tremendous resistance just blows me away. But, on the institutional side, it’s not a happy story. There are shortcomings in Ukrainian institutions. We have to use the word “corruption” to talk about Ukraine. If you’re eighteen or nineteen, and your parents have money—if they have the U.S. equivalent of eight or ten thousand dollars to spend—you can buy off the military-recruitment chief of your locality and get out of going to war. And that’s been happening. It’s a big business. So Zelensky fired all the heads of his military-recruitment offices. He’s doing what he can. He’s trying to say that we take corruption seriously, we’re going to be accountable for the money and the weapons that you send, we’re going to fight this corruption battle, we’re not going to turn a blind eye to it, even though we’re under attack. He’s showing that he’s serious. He’s trying to send a message to the others who are going to replace those military leaders, and saying, Don’t do what they did. Does it stop corruption in the longer term? I don’t know. I don’t know whether he can prevent it over the course of a longer war.
We’ve seen increasing evidence of a global realignment since the beginning of the second phase of the war against Ukraine, the full-scale invasion. Putin has sought to align with North Korea, with China, and to some extent with India, against the West. How successful has he been?
That’s a really important question. So far, Ukrainian courage and ingenuity have produced four big victories. One is that Ukraine has kept its sovereignty. It has defended its capital and kept itself independent. There is no puppet regime in Kyiv. That’s a huge victory.
The second victory—just as big, if not bigger, from a strategic point of view—is that the West has been resuscitated. People rediscovered that the West exists as a family of shared values and shared institutions. North America, Europe, and the first island chain in Asia, from South Korea all the way down to Australia: The West is not a geographical concept, but it’s an institutional concept, and it’s been revived, with unity and resolve. It’s got the wealth, it’s got the technology, it’s got the institutions. Rediscovering that was a huge victory.
The third victory was Russian humiliation. Not strategic defeat—that’s an exaggeration—but the humiliation of Russia. We’ve seen that Russia is not ten feet tall. Putin is not a genius. He’s not even a tactician, let alone a strategist. He’s a murderer, and he’s troubled, but he’s no genius.
The fourth big victory is China’s losing its lustre. Beijing had concluded that the U.S. was going to try to contain China, and it was going to be hostile. But Europe, which hates conflict and loves trade, could still be a friend. And so there was a wedge driven between the U.S. and Europe, these close allies, on China policy. But Xi Jinping, by siding with Putin in this war, has destroyed his wedge. Europe is now more aligned with the U.S. on China policy, and understands that having its economy be dependent on an authoritarian regime is not a good idea.
So those are four big victories. And, now that we’ve made them, we should want to take those off the table. You don’t want to be in a situation where Kyiv could still be at risk, and where Western unity and resolve could be undermined by a Tet Offensive. And yet these gains are still in play, still at risk, because we’re trying to get territory back in Ukraine, which may or may not be germane, in my view, to winning the peace. That’s the big story.
Then we have what you asked about—the success of Putin’s attempt to get closer to China. Let’s be careful here. Russia and China’s alignment has discredited both countries. Has it been a net plus for them or a net minus for them to get closer?
There are countries that are not part of the West, but that want the opportunity that the West offers. They want access to technology. They want access to our universities, where they can study. They want all sorts of things, including security, that we can provide. Why did it happen that China became synonymous with opportunity, and the U.S. became synonymous with war? We do Iraq, we do Afghanistan, and China does opportunity. China builds infrastructure, they build bridges, they build your telephone network. We dropped the ball. We have to get back to opportunity because the thirst for opportunity is so vast. It’s the international system that we created that brought Germany and Japan, our enemies, back into being successful, prosperous democratic societies. The conversation has to change. Everyone else is invited to join peace and prosperity. And those who are opposed to that, we need some deterrence. Your regime could fall if you are behaving in ways that are destabilizing to the international order. ♦
— Stephen Mark Kotkin (Born February 17, 1959) is an American Historian, Academic, and Author. He is the Kleinheinz Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution and a senior fellow at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies at Stanford University. For 33 years, Kotkin taught at Princeton University, where he attained the title of John P. Birkelund '52 Professor in History and International Affairs, and he took emeritus status from Princeton University in 2022. He was the director of the Princeton Institute for International and Regional Studies and the co-director of the certificate program in History and the Practice of Diplomacy. He has won a number of awards and fellowships, including the Guggenheim Fellowship, the American Council of Learned Societies and the National Endowment for the Humanities Fellowship. Kotkin's most prominent book project is his three-volume biography of Joseph Stalin, of which the first two volumes have been published as Stalin: Paradoxes of Power, 1878–1928 (2014) and Stalin: Waiting for Hitler, 1929–1941 (2017), while the third volume remains to be published.
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mariacallous · 7 months
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(JTA) — What is home? The question sounds like it would best be answered by a children’s book on which each page proclaims a sweet tautology like, “Home is where you feel at home.” There would be a picture of the family nest, parents, grandparents, kids and a dog, a fire in the hearth and soup on the table. Home as Norman Rockwell painted it. Home as so many have sung it: “O say does that star-spangled banner yet wave / Oe’r the land of the free and the home of the brave.”
But pondering what home really is opens us to what is arguably the most troubling political and theological puzzle of our times. For we have entered an age of homelessness and Homeland Security, of mass migrations and refugees fleeing scarcity, tyranny, drought and famine, of rising oceans, poisoned air and water, ongoing wars that destroy homes while killing and displacing whole populations. We have entered the age of the loss of home.
It is especially important for Jews to reflect on the meaning of home today. Not only because that is precisely the philosophical task of this week’s Sukkot holiday, but because we live in the aftermath of a war in which we were almost erased from the earth. And because we live in the presence of a 75-year-old reborn Jewish state, where many Jews feel they have come home to a security unavailable elsewhere.
So what does it mean, for a person or a people or a species, to lose home or to come home?  What exactly is lost when you lose home and what is gained when you recover it?
Historically, Jews know much more about exile than home, more about wandering the wilderness than inhabiting the land. On Sukkot, we are instructed to consider that home may not be fixed, stable and enduring but rather fragile, temporary and portable. How dissonant it can sound then to ears inured to exile when they hear Jerusalem, the object of millennial yearning, described as the “eternal undivided capital” of a state, a national possession, a city like any other.
Consider the reflections of a man born in rural Austria in 1912, the son of an assimilated Jewish father and a Catholic mother who, forced to recognize his Jewish ancestry in 1935 when the Nazis passed the Nuremberg Laws, finally fled to Belgium with his Jewish wife in 1938 after Hitler annexed his homeland. An adamant atheist, he was arrested by the Gestapo in Brussels, tortured and then bounced among various camps for two years until the war’s end. When he returned to Brussels anxious to reunite with his wife, he discovered she had died. Alone, unknown and penniless, he changed his German name to Jean Amery and became a journalist and essayist.
In one of his essays, he writes: “For there is, after all, something like a transportable home, or at least an ersatz for home. That can be religion, like the Jewish one. ‘Next year in Jerusalem,’ the Jews have promised themselves for generations during their Passover ritual, but it wasn’t at all a matter of really getting to the Holy Land; rather it sufficed to pronounce the formula together and to know that one was united in the magic domain of the tribal God Yahweh.” Amery could still think of home, but he could no longer taste it. In losing home, he had lost himself. And in 1978, he finally took his own life.
Now consider the thinking of a man who left his home in Warsaw voluntarily at the age of 17 to study and teach in Vilna and Berlin before eventually finding himself a refugee in the United States in 1940. In his short classic, “The Sabbath” (1951), Rabbi Abraham Joshua Heschel writes of finding spiritual home not in space, but in time: “The Bible is more concerned with time than with space. It sees the world in the dimension of time. It pays more attention to generations, to events, than to countries, to things; it is more concerned with history than with geography.”
Yet just weeks after the Six-Day War of 1967 and the Israeli army’s lightning conquest of Jerusalem, the West Bank, the Sinai peninsula and the Golan Heights, Heschel visited Israel. Smitten by what he experienced there, he wrote a book, “Israel: An Echo of Eternity,” which seemed to many readers a repudiation of his earlier thinking. He writes: “There are moments in history which are unique, moments which have tied the heart of our people to Jerusalem forever. These moments and the city of Jerusalem radiate the light of the spirit throughout the world. The light of the spirit is not a thing of space, imprisoned in a particular place. Yet for the spirit of Jerusalem to be everywhere, Jerusalem must first be somewhere.”
Was Heschel overcome by a moment that felt like homecoming? Or shall we say he lived and thought like a pilgrim who understood that while life is always about the quest, there are nevertheless times when a pilgrim needs, sometimes desperately, glimpses of home both in space and in time?
Amery could not abide homelessness. Heschel was able to take up the task of working for and with African Americans in their own struggle for home. When you feel at home you feel commanded to extend that feeling to others. Sukkot teaches that home is the place and the moment to offer shelter to strangers.
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bl6ckr0s3 · 1 year
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Leaving the Drake Inn
We been in Nashville, TN for 3 weeks now. It really feels like we been here awhile and longer than that since we moved down here. As I was re-reading my review on this motel from my last journal entry, I realized I repeated a lot of words. I wrote everything in a blur quick manner just to vent out of my system. I didn't really have the time to go back and edit what I typed from the review I plan on posting for this motel. I will edit definitely before posting of course, that's what I normally do. I usually read over what I write and edit the grammar and wordiness of my paragraphs. English class sure did served its purpose for my education in high school. English wasn't my most favorite subject, but I am happy that I had got a lot out of it during my college year with this Japanese teacher I had during the course of a semester I was taking for credit.
With the money that Joshua's mom and friend Bobby has sent, they helped dramatically during our struggles. We have enough money to get a week stay at the Extended Stay hotel right next to my job. We will be checking in this weekend on Sunday since that will be the morning we will be checking out of the Drake Inn. We are fed up of dealing with the broken room we been living in hence all the issues I have wrote from yesterday's post about the review I plan to post on this motel. I am relieved that we are going to that other hotel this weekend. We saw some negative reviews for that place, too. I just going to give a chance and pray that we get a decent room with half of the shit that we didn't have to deal with that we been dealing with here. Josh can take my car to work and I can walk home when I get off. I just hope that Joshua keeps this job for awhile until we are able to get our own place again.
I got a list of job bids from the past month for the Bid Awards. I noticed that a lot of jobs are open thru the Music City Annex which is another facility by the airport. That's the place that my co-workers were telling me about where they work packages and parcels. Due to the current job schedules that now me and Joshua have & the transportation issue of 1 car, I will have to be at my current place for awhile. Until we are able to have a car of our own again, then this is where I gotta remain for the time being. I am getting use to the RCS2 machine I been assigned at. I spoke to my supervisor Jamie who has to go to Tour 3 to help train the workers on that tour to properly do their job. He's not gonna like the schedule, but it's to help out for the time being. He's been training this lady April, the new MDO of my tour to learn some stuff before he goes to Tour 3. He has had me assigned to work the RCS 2 for awhile until I am use to it which I am getting the hang of clearing jams and such. I pretty much got my routine down now with this area other than not having the zip codes memorized of it's assigned bin. The annoying thing I still hate is having to call maintenance to fix the machine whenever something fucks up on it, but hopefully I will be able to find a good spot to work in that place if it's not on the robot machine. I felt like time was going by quicker last night than it did the other nights. I got to learn to stay busy to kill the time when it's not too busy. I think I learned a lot pretty quickly over the first week of being there. Maybe a bid will open up and I can bid out and be at a more happier spot to work in that small place. We shall see.
I plan on getting us a P.O. Box if we truly need it, but hopefully the Extended Stay hotel will do us better and than maybe we can start receiving mail there instead. I just barely did an address change last week because I thought we were going to be here for awhile. Drake Inn has a dumb rule where they will need you to be out for a day after staying for a month before you can return back if needed. I think it's stupid. At the Extended Stay, they don't do that. You can keep staying there and you don't need to be out on a certain day for whatever reason which will be convenient and easier. I don't understand why the Drake Inn does that, but whatever. I am relieved that we will be going to a slightly better hotel and leaving this dump. I hope that maybe I can learn to enjoy my new work place. I am thankful that I don't have to travel far to work, it's only a few minutes away, gas is cheap out here, and I don't have to walk very far between taking my break outside the building and clocking in and out at the time clock. The post office is right next door so if I need to drop off mail or do business it's right next door and I can go straight there in the morning after I get off work if I need to.
It looks like we may have to miss church service again this weekend because we need to be sure that we can check in the hotel on time by 3pm on Sunday. Church service is at 10am in Memphis on Sundays and Joshua doesn't think we would be able to make it back on time due to traffic, but even if we do he doesn't want to take that risk and miss our opportunity because of what we went through with the first hotel incident when we first got here to Nashville. Yeah, that sucked ass.
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mihacatocev · 2 years
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mcbastardsmausoleum · 2 years
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SYNAPSE FILMS TREATS YOU TO THE CULT HORROR FAVORITE SATAN’S LITTLE HELPER THIS HALLOWEEN FOR THE
FIRST TIME ON BLU-RAY!
“A horror sleeper that contains as much wit as gore.”- Frank Scheck, The Hollywood Reporter
“Irreverent, subversive and deliciously caustic, Satan’s Little Helper is a unique and daring achievement, the type only independent films can deliver.” - Jon Condit, Dread Central
Summer may be right around the corner, but Synapse Films is already getting ready for Halloween 2022 with a little help from SATAN’S LITTLE HELPER, writer/director Jeff Lieberman's devilishly fun cult classic that’s become a seasonal favorite since its debut at the 2004 Tribeca Film Festival. Now, Synapse Films brings this All Hallows mix of horror and satire to Blu-ray for the first time on October 25, 2022!
Nine-year-old Douglas Whooly (Alexander Brickel, PALINDROMES) is obsessed with the handheld video game “Satan’s Little Helper,” and annoyed that the attention of his big sister Jenna (Katheryn Winnick, TV’s VIKINGS and BIG SKY) is being distracted by her new boyfriend Alex (Stephen Graham). These two concerns collide on Halloween, when Douglas witnesses a serial killer in a devil mask (Joshua Annex) posing his victims like outdoor All Hallow’s Eve displays. Not comprehending how real the carnage is, Douglas becomes this Satan’s little helper—and that’s very bad news for Alex, for Douglas and Jenna’s mom Merrill (Amanda Plummer, PULP FICTION, Netflix’s RATCHED), and ultimately for their entire town.
A different kind of Halloween horror film, SATAN’S LITTLE HELPER combines grisly killings with a mile-wide streak of savage humor. Written and directed by cult favorite Jeff Lieberman (SQUIRM, BLUE SUNSHINE, JUST BEFORE DAWN), it satirizes the way video games can seize hold of young minds, and is driven by the inability of Douglas (and others) to distinguish the Satan Man’s nasty crimes from All Hallow’s prankery. Featuring one of Plummer’s most eccentric performances, SATAN’S LITTLE HELPER has built a cult following on video and now makes its high-definition Blu-ray debut, carrying a bagful of supplementary treats!
SUPPLEMENTARY FEATURES INCLUDE:
- Audio Commentary from Director Jeff Lieberman
- Vintage Behind-the-Scenes Featurette
- The Devil in the Details: Making SATAN'S LITTLE HELPER
- Mr. Satan's Neighborhood: A Tour of the Filming Locations with Director Jeff Lieberman
- Promotional Trailer
VIDEO: High-Definition Widescreen (1.78:1) Presentation
AUDIO: DTS-HD MA English 2.0 Original Stereo
SUBTITLES: English for the Deaf and Hard of Hearing
ITEM# SFD0212
UPC CODE: 654930323595
SUGGESTED RETAIL PRICE: $29.95
FILE UNDER: HORROR
MPA RATING: R
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if-you-fan-a-fire · 3 years
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“Imagine a creature left behind by evolution. It is obedient, passive, and dependent on others for its care. Devoid of morals, it lies in order to survive. Such is the fate of Homo Sovieticus, the personality type identified by Yuri Levada’s sociological surveys on the ‘simple Soviet man’ of the late 80s. Homo Sovieticus was expected to go extinct with Russia’s post-Soviet transition, only to receive an alarming new lease of life. Scholars and journalists such as Masha Gessen and Joshua Yaffa have invoked the concept to attribute the country’s current brand of authoritarianism under Vladimir Putin to the subservient mindset of its citizens.
Gulnaz Sharafutdinova, a political scientist at King’s College London, rejects the ‘hopelessness’ and ‘Russophobia’ of such interpretations. She calls for ‘an emotionally intelligent’ approach that is focused on ‘empathizing with the Russian population, rather than pointing to where it went wrong’. In The Red Mirror, she attempts to diagnose the Russian condition without relying on Homo Sovieticus or assuming the superiority of its imagined foil, the liberal Western subject. She proposes that polling data like Levada’s can be stripped of its Cold War-era ideological foundations and retrofitted to produce a more convincing assessment of the collective psyche. ‘You can’t step twice into the same river—a classic saying’, she writes. ‘Or can you? . . . How can we use the insights in social psychology to arrive at a less biased understanding and give credit and the blame where they are due?’
Sharafutdinova grew up in the republic of Tatarstan, an oil-rich region with a majority Tatar population, and received her PhD from George Washington University. Her first book, Political Consequences of Crony Capitalism inside Russia (2010), examined the rise of corruption in the provinces. As privatization and free elections were introduced simultaneously in the early 90s, access to power meant access to property, and vice versa. Sharafutdinova identifies two political models that emerged: ‘centralized and noncompetitive’, the system favoured by the tight-knit Tatar elite, and ‘fragmented and competitive’, which characterized the Nizhnii Novgorod region under Yeltsin ally Boris Nemtsov. In the latter, politicians aired corruption scandals over the course of nasty campaigns, leading many voters to see elections as elite infighting and to respond with apathy and protest voting. As competitive democracy delegitimized itself, the Tatar model looked increasingly appealing. Popular disillusionment with democratic institutions united the self-interest of Putin’s circle with the desires of an alienated public. This, Sharafutdinova argues, is why most Russians didn’t mind when Putin abolished regional gubernatorial elections in 2004 (according to polls) and why his popularity remained high even as oil prices dropped.
By March 2014, when ‘little green men’ wearing unmarked uniforms appeared on the island of Crimea, apathy had given way to euphoria. The Red Mirror is focused on ‘high Putinism’—the enormous esteem the president enjoyed in the wake of the annexation, when his approval rating regularly exceeded 80 per cent. It fell to pre-Crimea levels of 65–70 per cent after the announcement of the highly unpopular pension reform in June 2018, which raised the retirement age by five years for men and eight for women, but has held relatively steady ever since. Like some liberal American writers who have made forays into Trump country, Sharafutdinova says that her study is motivated by a ‘personal urge’ to understand why many of her friends and family in Russia take a positive view of Putin. She does not accept that their perceptions stem from ‘brainwashing and propaganda’, ‘cultural preferences for a strong hand’, or ‘moral bankruptcy and the inability of Russian people to distinguish right from wrong’, as the Homo Sovieticus paradigm would suggest.
‘Homo Sovieticus’ inverted the Bolshevik concept of the New Man, which promised to reform human beings into a perfected, generalizable type. According to later observers, the revolutionary social experiment had gone horribly awry. Émigré sociologist Alexander Zinoviev created the first popular formulation of Homo Sovieticus in his novelistic depictions of Soviet life from the early 80s. Zinoviev’s interest in taxonomizing socialist man was expressed in a different key by Eastern Bloc dissidents who spoke out against what they saw as their peers’ passivity and conformity, captured by Vaclav Havel’s famous example of a greengrocer who puts a ‘Workers of the World, Unite!’ sign in his window. As Sharafutdinova explores here and in a 2019 article for Slavic Review (‘Was There a “Simple Soviet” Person? Debating the Politics and Sociology of “Homo Sovieticus”’), these ideas dovetailed with the model of totalitarianism inspired by Hannah Arendt. Scholars of the totalitarian school, backed by generous funding from the US government, shared an assumption that the collective nature of state socialism destroyed the individual autonomy essential for democracy and free markets.
Levada put notions about the ‘simple Soviet man’ on an empirical foundation when he took over the All-Union Center for Public Opinion Research in the late 80s, as part of Gorbachev’s effort to enlist the social sciences in reforming the Soviet system. At the time, many members of the intelligentsia were decrying Russians’ degradation as a means of calling for change. Levada’s research combined concerns about the Soviet Union’s debased inhabitants (referred to in ironic domestic parlance as the ‘sovok’) with approaches derived from Talcott Parsons’ social systems theory. Levada discovered the cowering practitioner of doublethink that he had set out to find, while expressing confidence that this figure would die out along with the Soviet state.
While Western Sovietology faded away, criticism of the backward masses persisted among Russian intellectuals who sought a scapegoat for the country’s apparent failure to adapt to capitalist modernity. Levada’s successor Lev Gudkov, who has headed the independent Levada Center since 2006, announced that Soviet man was mutating and taking on increasingly cynical and aggressive forms. According to Gudkov’s Abortive Modernization (2011), ‘the main obstacle for Russia’s modernization “. . . is the type of the Soviet or post-Soviet man (homo sovieticus), his basic social distrust, his experience of adaptation to violence, that makes him incapable of receiving the more complex moral/ethical views and relationships, which, in turn, makes the institutionalization of new social forms of interaction impossible”. Gudkov’s argument became the go-to framing for Anglophone journalists in search of a hot (if reheated) take: ‘The Long Life of Homo Sovieticus’, a 2011 headline in The Economist proclaimed. Its usage intensified after Donald Trump’s election, when the increasingly ambiguous status of the liberal Western subject rekindled longings for its constituent other and the associated Cold War verities. The persistence of Soviet man is the central conceit of Gessen’s The Future Is History: How Totalitarianism Reclaimed Russia (2017) and Yaffa’s Between Two Fires: Truth, Ambition and Compromise in Putin’s Russia (2020). Both authors are staff writers for The New Yorker.”
- JOY NEUMEYER, “BURYING HOMO SOVIETICUS.” New Left Review. Issue 129 May/June 2021.
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