#Akron City Justice Center in Akron | Explore Tumblr Posts and Blogs

automaticsongeagle · 2 years

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Video shows Akron police kill Black man in hail of gunfire

A Black man was unarmed when Akron police chased him on foot and killed him in a hail of gunfire, but officers believed he had shot at them earlier from a vehicle and feared he was preparing to fire again, authorities said Sunday at a news conference.

Akron police released video of the shooting of Jayland Walker, 25, who was killed June 27 in a pursuit that had started with an attempted traffic stop. The mayor called the shooting “heartbreaking” while asking for patience from the community.

It’s not clear how many shots were fired by the eight officers involved, but Walker sustained more than 60 wounds. An attorney for Walker’s family said officers kept firing even after he was on the ground.

Officers attempted to stop Walker’s car around 12:30 a.m. for unspecified traffic and equipment violations, but less than a minute into a pursuit, the sound of a shot was heard from the car, and a transportation department camera captured what appeared to be a muzzle flash coming from the vehicle, Akron Police Chief Steve Mylett said. That changed the nature of the case from “a routine traffic stop to now a public safety issue,” he said.

Police said more than 60 wounds were found on Walker’s body but further investigation is needed to determine exactly how many rounds the officers fired and how many times Walker was hit.

The footage released by police ends with the officers’ gunfire and doesn’t show what happened next. Officers provided aid, and one can be heard saying Walker still had a pulse, but he was later pronounced dead, Mylett said.

The chief said an officer firing at someone has to be “ready to explain why they did what they did, they need to be able to articulate what specific threats they were facing ... and they need to be held to account.” But he said he is withholding judgment on their actions until they give their statements.

A handgun, a loaded magazine and an apparent wedding ring were found on the seat of the car. A casing consistent with the weapon was later found in the area where officers believed a shot had come from the vehicle.

State Attorney General Dave Yost vowed a “complete, fair and expert investigation” by the Ohio Bureau of Criminal Investigation and cautioned that “body-worn camera footage is just one view of the whole picture.”

Akron police are conducting a separate internal investigation about whether the officers violated department rules or policies.

The officers involved in the shooting are on paid administrative leave, which is standard practice in such cases. Seven of them are white, and one is Black, according to the department. Their length of service with Akron police ranges from one-and-a-half to six years, and none of them has a record of discipline, substantiated complaints or fatal shootings, it said.

Demonstrators marched peacefully through the city and gathered in front of the Akron justice center after the video was released. NAACP President Derrick Johnson said in a statement that Walker’s death wasn’t self-defense, but “was murder. Point blank.”

Late Sunday, police in full riot gear fired a dozen tear gas cannisters to disperse a handful of protesters outside the justice center.

Walker’s family is calling for accountability but also for peace, their lawyers said. One of the attorneys, Bobby DiCello, called the burst of police gunfire excessive and unreasonable, and said police handcuffed Walker before trying to provide first aid.

“How it got to this with a pursuit is beyond me,” DiCello said.

He said Walker’s family doesn’t know why he fled from police. Walker was grieving the recent death of his fiancee, but his family had no indication of concern beyond that, and he wasn’t a criminal, DiCello said.

“I hope we remember that as Jayland ran across that parking lot, he was unarmed,” DiCello said.

He said he doesn’t know whether the gold ring found near the gun in the car belonged to Walker.

#Accelerate socialist

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spectrumdiversitycommunitycenter · 4 years

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Save The Dates!!!

There are currently THREE upcoming LGBTQ+ events in Akron OH, two of which are hosted by Spectrum Diversity Community Center. Masks are required for all events.

Saturday, August 29th, 2020 - Justice for Egypt Powers Hosted by family and friends of Egypt, this event is both a celebration of her life and a call for the Akron police to bring the murderer of this young beautiful black trans woman to justice. It takes place at Hardesty Park located at 1615 W Market St in Akron from 4-6 PM.

Saturday, September 12th, 2020 - Community Clean Up Hosted by Spectrum Diversity Community Center, this event is a great way to meet new friends within the community while helping to keep our city and planet beautiful. We are meeting at the Chipotle in Highland Square, located at 825 W Market St in Akron at 10 AM. At the beginning of the event, there will be a legal clinic run by James Knapp of TransOhio.

Saturday, October 10th, 2020 - Coming Out Day Rally Hosted by Spectrum Diversity Community Center, we gather together as a community to celebrate being our true selves. It will be held in Chestnut Ridge Park located at 1926 19th St SW in Akron at 12 noon. As it’s still a ways off, we are as of yet unsure of everything planned for the day, but we do know that TransOhio will be hosting another legal clinic for those that want it. More details to come.

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labrujitaverde · 4 years

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Pixel art, April 2019

please donate if you can to bail out funds for the BLM movement. I’m not from the US but I see you and stand with you! very afraid for my Latino family in the US, I cant imagine how the black community feels. his blog doesn't tolerate BS! BLACK LIVES MATTER

how to financially help BLM with NO MONEY/leaving your house (Invest in the future for FREE)

List of Bail Funds for Protestors across the USA and Canda

National

National Bail Fund Network — Available to assist with coordination

The Bail Project — Centralized national organization with regular bail posting in a number of individual cities, which may be providing protest support depending on city and bail amounts

Alabama

Birmingham

BHAM Community Support Fund

No One Left Behind Fund

Montgomery

Montgomery Bail Out Fund

Arizona

Phoenix

Black People’s Justice Fund

Tucson

Tucson Second Chance Community Bail Fund

California

Bay Area

Anti-Police Terror Project

Bay Area Anti- Repression Committee Bail Fund

Oakland’s People’s Breakfast

Silicon Valley DSA Bail Fund

Orange County

Orange County Bail Fund

Los Angeles

Peoples City Council Freedom Fund

San Diego

San Diego Community Fund

Sacramento

NorCal Resist Activist BAIL & ICE Bond Fund

San Luis Obispo

SLO Bail Fund

Colorado

Colorado Freedom Fund

Denver

BLM Denver Fund

Connecticut

Connecticut Bail Fund

Delaware

FNB Bail Fund

Florida

IWOC Statewide Bail Fund

Alachua County / Tallahassee

Alachua County Bond Fund

Duval County

Jacksonville Community Action Committee

Miami

(F)empower Community Bond Fund

Florida LGBTQ Freedom Fund

Orlando

Orlando Dream Defenders Bail Fund

Tampa Bay

Tampa Bay Community Support Fund

Georgia

Atlanta

Atlanta Solidarity Fund

Athens

Athens Freedom Fund

Hawai’i

Hawai’i Community Bail Fund

Illinois

Champaign County

Champaign County Bailout Coalition

Chicago

Chicago Community Bond Fund

Rockford

Winnebago Bond Project

Indiana

Indianapolis

The Bail Project — This is a national project, but specifically helps people in Indianapolis

Iowa

Des Moines

Prarielands Freedom Fund

Kansas

Lawrence

BLM Lawrence Bail Fund

Kentucky

Louisville

Louisville Community Bail Fund

Lexington

Lexington Bail Fund

Louisiana

New Orleans

New Orleans Safety & Freedom Fund

Baton Rouge

YWCA Greater Baton Rouge Community Bail Fund

Maryland

Baltimore

Baltimore Legal Action Team Bail Fund

Massachusetts

Massachusetts Bail Fund

Michigan

Michigan Solidarity Bail Fund

Detroit

Detroit Justice Center

Minnesota

Minnesota Freedom Fund — Due to an influx of donations, this Bail Fund has suggested to donate elsewhere

Mississippi

Mississippi Bail Fund Collective

Missouri

Kansas City

#ICantBreath KC Solidarity Fund

Kansas City Community Bail Fund

One Struggle KC Legal Fund

Nebraska

Omaha and Lincoln

Neighbors for Common Good Bail Fund — Put “Bail” on Memo Line

Nevada

Las Vegas

Vegas Freedom Fund

New York

New York City

Free Them All 2020 — This was the main protest support fund. As of Sunday evening, they have closed down donations and has suggested to donate elsewhere.

Brooklyn Bail Fund — Due to an influx of donations and an alternate protest support bail fund, this Bail Fund has suggested to donate elsewhere

Albany

Albany Bail Fund For Black Lives

Buffalo

SURJ Buffalo Bail Fund

Rochester

BLM Rochester

North Carolina

Freedom Fighter Bail Bond — Please click the checkbox under “Freedom Fighter Bond Fund Designation”

Charlotte

Charlotte Uprising

Durham

North Carolina Community Bail Fund of Durham

Raleigh / Chapel Hill

The Anti-Racist Activist Fund

Oklahoma

Tulsa

BLM Tulsa

Ohio

Canton / Akron

Canton/Akron Bail Fund

Cleveland

BLM Cleveland

Columbus

Columbus Freedom Fund

Cincinnati

Beloved Community Church Bail Fund — Choose an amount and click Cincinnati Bail Fund on next screen

Youngstown

Youngstown Freedom Fund

Oregon

Portland

PDX Bail Fund

Portland Freedom Fund — This Website is currently down, pending update

Pennsylvania

Dauphin County

Dauphin County Bail Fund

Lancaster

Lancaster Bail Fund for #BlackLivesMatter

Philadelphia

Philadelphia Community Bail Fund

Philadelphia Bail Fund

Pittsburgh

Bukit Bail Fund

Rhode Island

FANG Community Bail Fund

South Carolina

Columbia

Soda City Bail Fund

Charleston

BLM Charleston Bail Fund

Tennessee

Hamilton County

Hamilton County Community Bail Fund

Knoxville

End Money Bail Knoxville Bail Fund — Please caption “BLM”

Memphis

Memphis Community Bail Fund

Mid-South Peace BLM Community Bail Fund

Nashville

Nashville Community Bail Fund

Texas

Dallas

Luke 4:18 Bail Fund

El Paso

Fianza Fund

Fort Worth

Tarrant County Community Bail Fund

Harris, Dallas, Bexar Counties

Texas Organizing Project Bailout Fund

Utah

Salt Lake City

Salt Lake City Community Bail

Virginia

Richmond

Richmond Community Bail Fund

Roanoke

Roanoke Community Bail Fund

Tidewater

Freedom Fighter Fund

Washington

Northwest Community Bail Fund

Seattle

BLM Seattle Freedom Fund

West Virginia

BLM West Virginia Bail Fund

Washington, District of Columbia

Money bail is not used in Washington, DC

Wisconsin

Madison

Free the 350 Bail Fund

Milwaukee

Milwaukee Freedom Fund

Canada

Toronto

Toronto Protestor Bail Fund

Montréal

Standing Committee for the Support of Demonstrators

#ms paint #myownwork #my art #myart #pixel art #brownskin #blackman #portrait #poc solidarity #blm resources

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creditrepairalabama · 4 years

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creditrepairinalabama-blog · 4 years

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andypanda27 · 4 years

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Menopause the Musical® Extends Online Streaming Thru 6/21, Proceeds Go to Nat'l Orgs Fighting Racial Injustice

MENOPAUSE THE MUSICAL® EXTENDS ONLINE STREAMING THROUGH JUNE 21, 2020 GFour Productions announces that charitable donations will now be shifted to support nonprofits working to dismantle systemic racism and fight against racial injustice NEW YORK, NY (JUNE 10, 2020) – GFour Productions, whose collective shows have won 56 Drama Desk and 44 Tony Awards®, announced that their international hit show MENOPAUSE THE MUSICAL® will continue streaming on-demand through June 21, 2020. The stream can be accessed and purchased at MenopauseTheMusical.com. In light of current events in the U.S., GFour Productions announced they are shifting donation of 10% of all sales to organizations working to dismantle systemic racism and racial injustice in the United States. The organizations and charities were chosen by GFour Productions staff and MENOPAUSE THE MUSICAL® cast members: Campaign Zero, the Center for Transformative Change, Color of Change, Greyston, Minnesota Freedom Fund, and Showing Up for Racial Justice. To read the company’s full statement, click here. “In this moment of personal and societal reckoning, we accept that we have a further responsibility to the Black artists and colleagues we work with, and have always respected, but clearly have not done enough to protect. We must direct our energy and resources toward stopping this cycle of pain and violence,” said GFour Productions CEO Seth Greenleaf. Previously, donations had been allocated to The Actors Fund, who expressed their support and stood by GFour Productions’ decision to focus donations on these worthy causes. In addition to the charitable donation, as a way to help venues across the country generate revenue at this time, GFour Productions has offered a revenue share to partner venues. Participating venues include the American Theatre Guild (nationwide); Actors' Playhouse at the Miracle Theatre (Coral Gables, FL); Akron Civic Theatre (Akron, OH); Bergen Performing Arts Center (Englewood, NJ); Eisemann Center (Richardson, TX); Gesa Power House Theatre (Walla Walla, WA); The Grove Theatre (Upland, CA); The Laguna Playhouse (Laguna Beach, CA); Mad Cow Theatre (Orlando, FL); Michigan Theater and State Theater (Ann Arbor, MI); Palace Theater (Waterbury, CT); The Roberts Group (Indiana); the State Theatre New Jersey (New Brunswick, NJ); Titusville Playhouse (Titusville, FL); and Tobin Center for the Performing Arts (San Antonio, TX). MENOPAUSE THE MUSICAL® continues to empower women across the globe, keeping hot flashes “HOT” through 19 years of production, playing to more than 17 million fans worldwide. The cast of the MENOPAUSE THE MUSICAL online stream features TERI ADAMS (Iowa Housewife), JUDY BLUE (Soap Star), LINDA BOSTON (Professional Woman) and MEGAN CAVANAGH (Earth Mother). The performance was originally filmed in Aurora, IL as the launch of the “Survivor Tour” in 2015 in partnership with Susan G. Komen® Foundation. All actresses are breast cancer survivors or co-survivors. ABOUT THE CAST TERI ADAMS (Iowa Housewife) has been with MENOPAUSE THE MUSICAL® since 2006, where she first played the Iowa Housewife at The American Heartland Theatre in Kansas City. Regional credits include BLUES IN THE NIGHT, STEEL MAGNOLIAS, I LOVE YOU BECAUSE (American Heartland Theatre), LEND ME A TENOR, BABY, 25THANNUAL PUTNAM COUNTY SPELLING BEE (Great Plains Theatre), RUTHLESS!, DIRTY BLONDE, and the World premiere of Gregg Coffin’s RIGHT NEXT TO ME (Unicorn Theatre). She is a two-time featured soloist at The Kennedy Center and has appeared on NBC’s THE TODAY SHOW as a cast member of MENOPAUSE THE MUSICAL®. Teri is a longtime member of Actors’ Equity Association. JUDY BLUE (Soap Star) is delighted to be a part of the MENOPAUSE THE MUSICAL® family since 2004. Her credits include productions at theatres across the country including Steppenwolf Theatre, The Goodman Theatre, Chicago Shakespeare Theater, Dallas Theater Center, Theatre Three, Arkansas Repertory, Drury Lane, B Street and many others. Some roles have included (Margaret) RICHARD III, (Baker’s Wife) INTO THE WOODS, (Edith Piaf) PIAF, (Eva Peron) EVITA, and (Desiree) A Little Night Music. Recent television and film credits include: CHICAGO MED, CHICAGO PD, BREAKFAST WITH JOE, THE ONION and HOLLYWOOD JEROME. Judy is also a theatre director and can be found on Audible narrating lots of Audiobook Mysteries! A long-time member of Actors' Equity Association and SAG-AFTRA, she is a founding member of The Shakespeare Project of Chicago, Artistic Associate of Chicago Dramatists and company member of T.H.E.M. and Syzygy Theatre of L.A. LINDA BOSTON (Professional Woman) has decades of performing, literary and teaching arts experience. Her collaborations include Tyler Perry, Mary Wilson (Supremes), Whitney Houston, Pearl Cleage, Michael Eric Dyson, Dick Gregory, Jesse Jackson, Tavis Smiley and more. She was a requested opening vocalist for Detroit's 2006 Mayoral Inauguration, President William Clinton, several Detroit Branch NAACP events, NBC’s THE TODAY SHOW as a cast member of MENOPAUSE THE MUSICAL®, and a host of weddings and home-goings. Requested return for the one woman show MOMS MABLEY: THE NAKED TRUTH remains ongoing for decades. Linda is a proud member of Actors’ Equity Association since 1987, and a SAG-AFTRA member since 1988. MEGAN CAVANAGH (Earth Mother) is most recognized as Marla Hooch, from the Penny Marshall movie A LEAGUE OF THEIR OWN. Other film credits: Mel Brooks’ ROBIN HOOD: MEN IN TIGHTS (Broomhilde) and DRACULA: DEAD AND LOVING IT (Essie). She starred with Tim Allen in FOR RICHER OR POORER (Levinia Yoder), and voiced Judy Neutron in The Academy Award Nominated Animated Feature JIMMY NEUTRON: BOY GENIUS. TV credits include: Recurring character Trudy (who married Al) on HOME IMPROVEMENT. She was a series regular (Chris) on BOB wIth Bob Newhart and Betty White. She guest starred on DRUNK HISTORY, FRIENDS, WILL & GRACE, JUST SHOOT ME, ER, and many others. She has performed in MENOPAUSE THE MUSICAL® since 2004. Noted Regional Credits include: BLITHE SPIRIT (Madame Arcati), A FUNNY THING HAPPENED ON THE WAY TO THE FORUM (Pseudolus), JUBILEE (Queen/Butch), HIGH SPIRITS (Madam Arcati). Megan is a proud member of Actors’ Equity Association since 1987, and a SAG-AFTRA member since 1988. ABOUT THE SHOW Set in a department store, four women meet while shopping for a black lace bra at a lingerie sale. After noticing similarities among one another, the cast jokes about their woeful hot flashes, mood swings, wrinkles, weight gain and much more. These women form a sisterhood and unique bond with the entire audience as they rejoice in celebrating that menopause is no longer “The Silent Passage.” Inspired by a hot flash and a bottle of wine, MENOPAUSE THE MUSICAL® was created as a celebration of women who find themselves at any stage of “The Change.” The laughter-filled 90-minute production gets audience members out of their seats and singing along to parodies from classic pop songs of the ‘60s, ‘70s and ‘80s. MENOPAUSE THE MUSICAL® is now in its 19th year and 14th as the longest-running musical in Las Vegas history, performed nightly at Harrah’s Hotel and Casino on the Las Vegas Strip. Seen by more than 17 million, it has played every state in the continental U.S. and more than 500 cities worldwide, and has been translated into nine languages. For more information, visit www.MenopauseTheMusical.com. ABOUT GFOUR PRODUCTONS GFOUR PRODUCTIONS are proud producers of some of the world’s most highly awarded shows, from regional theatre to Broadway and the West End, including recent productions: THE PLAY THAT GOES WRONG on Broadway and U.S. tour, winner of London’s Olivier Award for Best Comedy; THE INHERITANCE, winner of four Olivier Awards recent nominee of six Drama Desk Awards including Outstanding Play; TINA: THE TINA TURNER MUSICAL on Broadway; SIX THE MUSICAL currently in the West End, on tour in the U.K. and posted to open on Broadway; the Tony Award®-nominated production of FIDDLER ON THE ROOF currently touring the U.S.; AMERICAN BUFFALO posted to open on Broadway starring Sam Rockwell, Laurence Fishburne and Darren Criss; AMERICAN SON starring Kerry Washington, which was recently adapted for television and released on Netflix; AN EVENING WITH WHITNEY: THE WHITNEY HOUSTON HOLOGRAM TOUR in partnership with BASE Entertainment and the Estate of Whitney Houston; and the West End premiere of David Mamet’s BITTER WHEAT, starring John Malkovich. Other highlights include winning the 2013 Tony Award® for their production of Edward Albee’s WHO’S AFRAID OF VIRGINIA WOOLF; co-financing the 5-time Tony Award®, 5-time Drama Desk Award, and 7-time Olivier Award winner for Best Musical, MATILDA THE MUSICAL; and producing 9 TO 5 THE MUSICAL with music and lyrics by Dolly Parton. Their combined shows have been nominated for 121 Tony Awards®, winning 44 and 110 Drama Desk Awards, winning 56. Their smash hit MENOPAUSE THE MUSICAL®, now in its 19th year including 14 years as the longest-running musical in Las Vegas history, can be seen nightly at Harrah’s Hotel and Casino on the Las Vegas strip as well as on tour around the U.S. and is touring in Australia, Canada, Croatia, France, Hungary, New Zealand and Slovenia in 2020. Seen by more than 17 million fans, it has played every state in the continental U.S. and more than 500 cities in 17 countries worldwide, and has been translated into nine languages. Their newest play, MIDDLETOWN® by Dan Clancy, opened in February 2020 in Marietta and Chicago after a successful premiere last year, and will continue its U.S. tour later this year. For more information, visit GFourProductions.com. ABOUT ACTORS’ EQUITY ASSOCIATION ACTORS’ EQUITY ASSOCIATION (AEA), founded in 1913, represents more than 45,000 actors and stage managers in the United States. Equity seeks to advance, promote and foster the art of live theatre as an essential component of our society. Equity negotiates wages and working conditions, providing a wide range of benefits, including health and pension plans. AEA is a member of the AFL-CIO, and is affiliated with FIA, an international organization of performing arts unions. The Equity emblem is our mark of excellence. MEDIA CONTACT: Andy Wilson & Jessica Redden, Bohlsen Group [email protected] | [email protected] 317.602.7137 # # # Read the full article

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myattorneyusa · 4 years

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EOIR Swears in 28 New Immigration Judges on Oct. 20, 2019

Introduction

On December 20, 2019, the Executive Office for Immigration Review (EOIR) invested 28 new immigration judges in a ceremony presided over by Acting Chief Immigration Judge Christopher A. Santoro [PDF version]. The 28 new immigration judges were selected by Attorney General William P. Barr. The EOIR noted that the immigration judge corps — now numbering over 465 — is at its largest size in history.

In this article, we will briefly examine the biographies of the 28 new immigration judges, sorted by the courts on which they serve. Please see our index of posts on new immigration judges to read about other members of the immigration judge corps sworn in over the past several years [see index].

Abbreviations

In this article, we will use several abbreviations in place of the full names of offices which appear in the biographies of several of the new immigration judges.

Department of Justice (DOJ)

Office of Immigration Litigation (OIL)

Executive Office for Immigration Review (EOIR)

Board of Immigration Appeals (BIA)

Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS)

Department of Homeland Security (DHS)

Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE)

U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS)

Refugee, Asylum, and International Operations (RAIO)

Office of the Principal Legal Advisor (OPLA)

Office of Chief Counsel (OCC)

Courts Receiving New Judges

The 28 new immigration judges serve on 18 immigration courts across the country. The following is the full list of courts receiving judges along with the number of new judges:

Atlanta, Ted Turner Drive Immigration Court (4); Batavia Immigration Court (1); Boston Immigration Court (1); Chicago Immigration Court (1); Cleveland Immigration Court (2); Houston Immigration Court (1); Houston, S. Gessner Road Immigration Court (2); Imperial Immigration Court (1); Los Angeles Immigration Court (2); Los Angeles North Immigration Court (1); Los Angeles, Van Nuys Blvd. Immigration Court (1); New York, Federal Plaza Immigration Court (4); New York, Varick Immigration Court (1); Otay Mesa Immigration Court (1); Sacramento Immigration Court (2); Stewart Immigration Court (1); Ulster Immigration Court (1); York Immigration Court (1).

Below, we will list the courts in alphabetical order along with short biographies of the new judges.

Please see our short posts on the new Los Angeles, Van Nuys Blvd. [see blog] and Houston, S. Gessner Road [see blog] immigration courts, both of which welcome new judges from the December 20th investiture.

Atlanta, Ted Turner Drive Immigration Court (Georgia)

Philip A. Barr, Immigration Judge, Atlanta, Ted Turner Drive Immigration Court

2015-2019: Assistant chief counsel, OCC, OPLA, ICE, DHS, in Atlanta, Georgia.

2010-2015: Assistant chief counsel, OCC, OPLA, ICE, DHS in Port Isabel and San Antonio, Texas.

2004-2010: Private practice as an immigration and criminal defense attorney.

Law degree from Birmingham School of Law in 2003.

James J. Crofts, Immigration Judge, Atlanta, Ted Turner Drive Immigration Court

2016-2019: Assistant chief counsel, OCC, OPLA, ICE, DHS, in Atlanta.

2000-2016: Assistant district attorney with the Office of the Bronx District Attorney, in Bronx, New York.

2012-Present: Judge advocate for the U.S. Army Reserve.

Law degree from St. John's University of Law in 1999.

Sheila E. Gallow, Immigration Judge, Atlanta, Ted Turner Drive Immigration Court

2016-2019: Assistant chief counsel, OCC, OPLA, ICE, DHS, in Atlanta.

2011-2016: Chief assistant district attorney in the Atlanta Judicial Circuit.

2007-2011: Assistant attorney general with the Office of Georgia Attorney General, in Atlanta.

2012-Present: Judge advocate with the U.S. Army Reserves.

Law degree from Samford University in 2006.

Philip P. Taylor, Immigration Judge, Atlanta, Ted Turner Drive Immigration Court

2000-2019: Chief municipal judge for the City of Kennesaw, Acworth, Powder Springs, and Woodstock, Georgia.

1996-2016: Magistrate judge, in Cobb County, Georgia.

1989-2012: Private practice.

Law degree from Emory University School of Law.

Batavia Immigration Court (New York)

Susan F. Aikman, Immigration Judge, Batavia Immigration Court

2018-2019: Deputy chief counsel, OCC, OPLA, ICE, DHS in Dilley and Pearsall, Texas.

2015-2018: Assistant chief counsel, OCC, OPLA, ICE, DHS, in Pearsall Texas.

2005-2015: Asylum officer, refugee officer, and field office director with RAIO, USCIS, DHS, in the U.S. and international locations.

1999-2005: Private practice.

Law degree from the University of Toledo, College of Law, in 1999.

Boston Immigration Court (Massachusetts)

Marna M. Rusher, Immigration Judge, Boston Immigration Court

2007-2019: Assistant chief counsel, OCC, OPLA, ICE, DHS, in Boston.

2005-2007: Private practice.

2002-2005: Assistant district attorney, in Middlesex County, Massachusetts.

Chicago Immigration Court (Illinois)

Samia Naseem, Immigration Judge, Chicago Immigration Court

2010-2019: Assistant chief counsel, OCC, OPLA, ICE, DHS, in New York City and Chicago.

2007-2010: Trial attorney with the Office of Immigration Litigation, DOJ, in the District of Columbia.

2005-2007: Private practice.

2004-2005: Judicial law clerk for Judge Judith N. Macaluso in the District of Columbia.

Law degree from The George Washington University Law School in 2004.

Cleveland Immigration Court (Ohio)

Bruce D. Imbacuan, Immigration Judge, Cleveland Immigration Court

2007-2019: Assistant chief counsel, OCC, OPLA, ICE, DHS, in Cleveland.

2005-2007: Housing court magistrate for the Cleveland Municipal Housing Court.

2002-2005: Assistant prosecuting prosecutor with the City of Cleveland's Prosecutor's Office.

1998-2002: Staff attorney for the Legal Aid Society of Cleveland.

Law degree from Temple University School of Law in 1998.

Jeremy J. Santoro, Immigration Judge, Cleveland Immigration Court

2010-2019: Assistant chief counsel, OCC, OPLA, ICE, DHS, in Cleveland.

2009-2010: Assistant chief counsel, OCC, OPLA, ICE, DHS, in Detroit, Michigan.

2006-2015: Judge advocate for the Ohio Army National Guard, in Columbus, Ohio.

2002-2009: Assistant prosecutor with the Lucas County Prosecutor's Office, in Toledo, Ohio.

2001-2002: Private practice.

Law degree from the University of Toledo College of Law in 2001.

Houston Immigration Court (Texas)

Lynn W. Wang, Immigration Judge, Houston Immigration Court

2018-2019: Assistant chief counsel, OCC, OPLA, ICE, DHS, in San Antonio.

2015-2018: Assistant U.S. attorney with the U.S. Attorney's Office for the Southern District of Texas, in McAllen, Texas.

2007-2015: Assistant U.S. attorney with the U.S Attorney's Office for the District of New Mexico, in Albuquerque, New Mexico.

2004-2006: Assistant district attorney for the State of New Mexico.

2001-2004: Private practice.

Law degree from South Texas College of Law in 2000.

Houston, S. Gessner Road Immigration Court (Texas)

Kevin L. Brown, Immigration Judge, Houston, S. Gessner Road Immigration Court

2016-2019: Assistant chief counsel, OCC, OPLA, ICE, DHS, in San Antonio, Texas.

1999-2016: Judge advocate for the U.S. Army.

Law degree from Wake Forest University School of Law in 1999; Master of Laws from the Judge Advocate's Legal Center and School, U.S. Army in 2007.

Miguel A. Cordero-Gonzalez, Immigration Judge, Houston S. Gessner Road Immigration Court

2010-2019: State trial court judge, in Puerto Rico.

1996-2019: Judge advocate for the U.S. Army Reserve.

2015-2016: Senior defense counsel for the 154th Trial Defense Team, Southeast region in Fort Buchanan, Puerto Rico.

1995-2009: Private practice.

1994-1995: Assistant secretary to the secretary of the Puerto Rico Department of Consumer Affairs Office.

Law degree from the Pontifical Catholic University School of Law in 1993.

Imperial Immigration Court (California)

Eugene H. Robinson, Immigration Judge, Imperial Immigration Court

2018-2019: Deputy chief for hearings in the State Office of Administrative Hearings for the State of Texas.

2012-2018; 2005-2011: Military judge.

2011-2012: Staff judge advocate for the 3d Marine Logistics Group, Okinawa, Japan.

1991-2005: Judge advocate in the U.S. Marine Corps.

Law degree from Howard University School of Law in 1990; Master of Laws from the U.S. Army Judge Advocate General's Legal Center and School in 2002.

Los Angeles Immigration Court (California)

Dale E. Anderson, Immigration Judge, Los Angeles Immigration Court

2016-2019: Trial attorney for the Office of International Affairs, Criminal Division, DOJ.

2009-2016; 2002-2004: Supervisory attorney advisor and attorney advisor for the BIA, EOIR, DOJ.

2004-2009; 1994-2000: Judge advocate for the U.S. Marine Corps.

2000-2002: Assistant district counsel with the former INS, DOJ, in Imperial, California.

1988-1991: Intelligence officer for the U.S. Marine Corps.

Law degree from Pepperdine University School of Law in 1994; Master of Laws from the University of San Diego School of Law in 1997.

Andrea H. Hong, Immigration Judge, Los Angeles Immigration Court

2009-2019: Assistant chief counsel, OCC, OPLA, ICE, DHS, in Los Angeles.

2006-2009: Deputy district attorney with the Riverside County Attorney's Office, in Riverside, California.

2001-2004: Assistant prosecutor with the Summit County Prosecutor's Office, in Akron, Ohio.

1999-2001: Assistant city prosecutor with the Akron City Prosecutor's Office, in Akron, Ohio.

Law degree from the University of Akron, School of Law in 1999.

Los Angeles North Immigration Court (California)

Lily C. Hsu, Immigration Judge, Los Angeles North Immigration Court

2006-2019: Assistant chief counsel, OCC, OPLA, ICE, DHS, in Los Angeles.

2009-2011: Special assistant U.S. attorney at the U.S Attorney's Office for the Central District of California, in Los Angeles.

2004-2006: Asylum officer with the USCIS, DHS, in Anaheim, California.

2001-2004: Private practice.

Law degree from California Western School of Law in 2000.

Los Angeles, Van Nuys Blvd. Immigration Court (California)

Brian H. Burke, Immigration Judge, Los Angeles, Van Nuys Blvd. Immigration Court

2017-2019: Chief Judge for the Morongo Band of Mission Indians, in California.

2013-2019: Chief Judge for the Ak-Chin Indian Community, in Maricopa, Arizona.

2010-2013: Tribal prosecutor for the Ak-Chin Indian Community, in Maricopa, Arizona.

2009-2010: Deputy defense attorney for the Salt River Prima-Maricopa Indian Community, in Scottsdale, Arizona.

2006-2009: Managing attorney for Community Legal Services, in Kingman, Arizona.

2003-2006: Rights attorney for the Nevada Disability Advocacy and Law Center, in Las Vegas.

2000-2003: Assistant public defender in Beaver, Pennsylvania.

1999-2000: Staff attorney for Appalachian Legal Services, in Charleston, West Virginia.

1992-1995; 1997-1998: Assistant district attorney for the Beaver County District Attorney's Office.

Law degree from the University of Dayton School of Law in 1992.

New York, Federal Plaza Immigration Court

Jennifer Cheung, Immigration Judge, New York, Federal Plaza Immigration Court

2008-2019: Private practice.

Law degree from Hofstra University School of Law in 2007.

Diane L. Dodd, Immigration Judge, New York, Federal Plaza Immigration Court

2016-2019: Special assistant U.S. attorney for the District of Minnesota, DOJ, in Minneapolis.

2010-2019: Assistant chief counsel, OCC, OPLA, ICE, DHS.

1999-2010: Assistant district attorney in the District Attorney's Office, in Brunswick, Georgia.

Law degree from Lewis and Clark College, Northwestern School of Law in 1990.

John J. Siemietkowski, Immigration Judge, New York, Federal Plaza Immigration Court

2002-2019: Trial attorney at the Commercial Litigation Branch, Department of Justice, in the District of Columbia.

2018-2018: U.S. deputy justice attaché to Afghanistan.

Retired from the U.S. Army in 2018 after serving for nearly three decades as an active duty and reserve JAG attorney.

Law degree from Catholic University in 1987; Master of Law from the Army Judge Advocate General's School in 2000.

Rantideva Singh, Immigration Judge, New York, Federal Plaza Immigration Court

2011-2019: Administrative law judge with the New York State Office of Children and Family Services, in New York City.

2009-2011: Trial attorney with the New York City Administration for Children's Services in Bronx Family Court.

2007-2009: Supervising attorney with the New York City Department of Homeless Services.

1997-2002: Police officer in the New York City Police Department.

Law degree from Boston University School of Law in 2005.

New York, Varick Immigration Court

David A. Norkin, Immigration Judge, New York, Varick Immigration Court

2019: Court administrator for the Fishkill, Ulster, and Varick Immigration Courts.

1999-2016: Judge advocate, defense counsel, prosecutor, special assistant U.S. attorney, and appellate military judge.

Law degree from The George Washington University Law School in 1999.

Otay Mesa Immigration Court (California)

Amelia C. Anderson, Immigration Judge, Otay Mesa Immigration Court

2010-2019: Assistant chief counsel, OCC, OPLA, ICE, DHS, in San Diego, California.

2017-2018: Special assistant U.S. attorney at the U.S. Attorney's Office for the Southern District of California in San Diego.

2009-2010: Attorney advisor at the San Diego Immigration Court, EOIR, DOJ.

Law degree from DePaul University College of Law in 2009.

Sacramento Immigration Court (California)

Christopher V. Phan, Immigration Judge, Sacramento Immigration Court

2000-2019: Judge advocate for the U.S. Navy.

2012-2016: City counsel member in Garden Grove, Californa; Deputy district attorney in Orange County, California.

Law degree from Southern Illinois University in 1999.

Gilda M. Terrazas, Immigration Judge, Sacramento Immigration Court

2010-2019: Assistant chief counsel, OCC, OPLA, ICE, DHS, in Phoenix and Tucson, Arizona.

2008-2010: Public defender in Cochise County, Arizona.

1995-2008: Municipal and tribal court judge, in Tucson, Arizona.

1988-1995: Private practice.

Law degree from The University of Arizona, James E. Rogers College of Law in 1988.

Stewart Immigration Court (Georgia)

Bianca H. Brown, Immigration Judge, Stewart Immigration Court

2018-2019: Deputy chief counsel, OCC, OPLA, ICE, DHS, in Lumpkin, Georgia.

2011-2018: Assistant chief counsel, OCC, OPLA, ICE, DHS, in Lumpkin, Georgia.

Law degree from Wake Forest University School of Law in 2011.

Ulster Immigration Court (New York)

Ubaid ul-Haq, Immigration Judge, Ulster Immigration Court

2019-2019: Trial attorney with the OIL's Appellate Court Section, Civil Division, DOJ, in the District of Columbia.

2014-2019: Trial attorney with OIL's District Court Section, Civil Division, DOK.

2016-Present: Judge advocate with the U.S. Army Reserve, in Alexandria, Virginia.

2014-2014: Associate legal advisor, Executive Communication's Unit, OCC, OPLA, ICE, DHS, in the District of Columbia.

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lodelss · 4 years

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ACLU: The Racist History of Abortion and Midwifery Bans

The Racist History of Abortion and Midwifery Bans

In 1851, Sojourner Truth delivered a speech best known as“Ain’t I A Woman?” to a crowded audience at the Women’s Convention in Akron, Ohio. At the time, slavery remained in full force, a vibrant enterprise that fueled the American economy. Various laws protected that system, including the Fugitive Slave Act, which resulted in the abduction of “free” Black children, women, and men as well as those who had miraculously escaped to northern cities like Boston or Philadelphia. Bounty hunters then sold their prey to Southern plantation owners. The law denied basic protections for Black people caught in the greed-filled grasps of slavery. Ms. Truth condemned this disgraceful enterprise, which thrived off not only uncompensated labor, but also physical and psychological terror. Most will remember Ms. Truth’s oration for its vivid descriptions regarding physical labor; Black women were forced to plough, plant, herd, and build — just as men. Yet far too little attention centers on her condemnation of that system, which made sexual chattel of Black women, and then cruelly sold off Black children. This was human trafficking in the American form, and it lasted for centuries. Ms. Truth pleaded: “I have borne 13 children, and seen most all sold off to slavery, and when I cried out with my mother’s grief, none but Jesus heard me! And ain’t I a woman?” Following the Supreme Court’s decision in June Medical Services v. Russo this week, it is worth reflecting on the racist origins of the anti-abortion movement in the United States, which date back to the ideologies of slavery. Just like slavery, anti-abortion efforts are rooted in white supremacy, the exploitation of Black women, and placing women’s bodies in service to men. Just like slavery, maximizing wealth and consolidating power motivated the anti-abortion enterprise. Then, just as now, anti-abortion efforts have nothing to do with saving women’s lives or protecting the interests of children. Today, a person is 14 times more likely to die by carrying a pregnancy to term than by having an abortion, and medical evidence has shown for decades that an abortion is as safe as a penicillin shot—and yet abortion remains heavily restricted in states across the country. Prior to the Civil War, abortion and contraceptives were legal in the U.S., used by Indigenous women as well as those who sailed to these lands from Europe. For the most part, the persons who performed all manner of reproductive health care were women — female midwives. Midwifery was interracial; half of the women who provided reproductive health care were Black women. Other midwives were Indigenous and white. However, in the wake of slavery’s end, skilled Black midwives represented both real competition for white men who sought to enter the practice of child delivery, and a threat to how obstetricians viewed themselves. Male gynecologists claimed midwifery was a degrading means of obstetrical care. They viewed themselves as elite members of a trained profession with tools such as forceps and other technologies, and the modern convenience of hospitals, which excluded Black and Indigenous women from practice within their institutions. History would later reveal that it was literally on the backs of Black women’s bodies that such tools were developed. Dr. Marion Sims famously wrote about his insomniac-induced “epiphanies” that stirred him to experiment on enslaved Black women, lacerating, suturing, and cutting, providing no anesthesia or pain relief. Only recently have the terrors that Black women endured through nonconsensual experimentation by gynecologists of the 19th and 20th centuries been acknowledged. Successful racist and misogynistic smear campaigns, cleverly designed for political persuasion and to achieve legal reform, described Black midwives as unhygienic, barbarous, ineffective, non-scientific, dangerous, and unprofessional. Dr. Joseph DeLee, a preeminent 20th century obstetrician and fervent opponent to midwifery, stated in a much-quoted 1915 speech, “Progress Toward Ideal Obstetrics”:

The midwife is a relic of barbarism. In civilized countries the midwife is wrong, has always been wrong … The midwife has been a drag on the progress of the science and art of obstetrics. Her existence stunts the one and degrades the other. For many centuries she perverted obstetrics from obtaining any standing at all among the science of medicine … Even after midwifery was practiced by some of the most brilliant men in the profession, such practice was held opprobrious and degraded.

At the root of these stereotypes were explicit efforts to destroy midwifery and promote white supremacy. As the surge of lynchings, “separate but equal” laws, police violence, and the decimation of successful Black communities during Jim Crow revealed, Black Americans post slavery suffered greatly due to white supremacy, as did Chinese and Japanese workers and their families. Indeed, the racist campaigns launched by doctors against Black midwives extended to anti-immigration legislative platforms targeted at Chinese and Japanese workers. The Page Act, which restricted Chinese women from entering the United States, is a part of this shameful legacy. This broader 20th century anti-Chinese campaign became known as “yellow peril.” DeLee and Horatio Storer urged white women to “spread their loins” across the nation, a dog whistle about the threat of too many Blacks and Asians in the U.S. Gynecologists explicitly revealed their motivations in undermining midwifery: They desired financial gains, recognition, and a monopoly. As Dr. DeLee wrote in a 1916 article published in the American Journal of Obstetrics & Disease of Women & Children, “There is high art in obstetrics and that it must pay as well for it as for surgery. I will not admit that this is a sordid impulse. It is only common justice to labor, self-sacrifice, and skill.” They believed that men should be paid, but not women — particularly not Black women. To better understand racial injustice in the anti-abortion movement, remember that American hospitals barred the admission of African Americans both in terms of practice and as patients. And, the American Medical Association (AMA) barred women and Black people from membership. The AMA, founded in 1847, refused to admit Black doctors, informing them, “You come from groups and schools that admit women and that admit irregular practitioners.” For this reason, Black doctors formed the National Medical Association in 1895. In 2008, the organization issued a public apology for its active campaigns to close Black medical schools, deny Blacks membership, and other efforts to marginalize Black patients and practitioners. Gynecologists pushed women out of the field of reproductive health by lobbying state legislatures to ban midwifery and prohibit abortions. Doing so not only undercut women’s reproductive health, but also drove qualified Black women out of medical services. For these groups, there was no meaningful path to the formalized skill set DeLee claimed necessary. Abortion was an expedient way to frame their campaign to create monopolies on women’s bodies for male doctors. The American Medical Association explicitly contributed to this cause through its exclusion of women and Black people. Today, as people debate whether anti-abortion platforms benefit Black women, the clear answer is no. The U.S. leads the developed world in maternal and infant mortality. The U.S. ranks around 50th in the world for maternal safety. Nationally, for Black women, the maternal death rate is nearly four times that of white women, and 10 to 17 times worse in some states. In the wake of both Whole Woman’s Health and June Medical Services v. Russo, keep in mind that both Texas and Louisiana, where these cases originated, are considered the deadliest in the developed world for a woman to give birth. Sadly, pregnancy has become a death sentence for many in the very places that make reproductive health care access the most fraught and hard to reach. Many of these states (though not all) are former slave states, such as Texas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, and Arkansas. As Black people in these states continue to fight for equal access the reproductive care they need, Sojourner Truth’s 1851 speech continues to resonate. And as the Supreme Court demonstrated this week, the fight for justice in reproductive health care and equality in abortion access is far from over. The decision does not advance the equality of poor Black women — it maintains all other burdensome restrictions already in place. We have much more work to do such that not only DeLee’s words, but also his racist and exploitative viewpoints, are relegated to history.

Published July 2, 2020 at 03:01AM via ACLU https://ift.tt/31MYvwT from Blogger https://ift.tt/31zLcQ1 via IFTTT

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nancydhooper · 4 years

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The Racist History of Abortion and Midwifery Bans

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cryptogorillagang · 4 years

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biofunmy · 4 years

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The N.F.L.’s Embrace of Black Players Has Always Been Conditional

The explosion of young black quarterbacks with phenomenal athletic ability and passing acumen has become the rage of the N.F.L. As defenses in the league have become more athletic, offenses have made an adjustment at the sport’s most important position.

Patrick Mahomes of the Kansas City Chiefs won the league’s Most Valuable Player Award last season. This year, Lamar Jackson, the second-year quarterback for the Baltimore Ravens, is the N.F.L.’s hottest star. Russell Wilson of the Seattle Seahawks, Deshaun Watson of the Houston Texans and Dak Prescott of the Dallas Cowboys are named among the elite.

If he were alive today, Fritz Pollard, one of the new league’s first black players and its first black head coach, would be proud. As the N.F.L. celebrates 100 years, a league that barred black players for many years is now largely dependent on them.

Yet even as black players at every position have become the foundation of this multibillion dollar enterprise, their relationship with the N.F.L., from the league’s perspective, has largely been a marriage of convenience, with progress only being brought about by pressure.

Pollard, the Brown University all-American and a single-wing superstar, was on the ground floor in 1920 when the N.F.L. — first known as the American Professional Football Association — was formed, and he became a star with the Akron Pros.

Yet a so-called “gentleman’s agreement” among N.F.L. owners kept black players out of the N.F.L. from 1934 until 1946. Pollard then became a persistent thorn in the N.F.L.’s side.

Pollard had a blood feud with George Halas, the Chicago Bears founder and N.F.L. pioneer. In a 1971 interview, Pollard said that Halas “was the greatest foe of black football players.” He accused Halas of getting “the ball rolling that eventually led to the barring of blacks from professional football in 1933.”

Halas denied the claim, but the reality is that the 12-year debarment took a collective effort among N.F.L. owners that set the tone for the future of the league’s relationship with black players.

More than 70 years later, a seemingly tacit agreement among N.F.L. owners has left the free-agent quarterback Colin Kaepernick unemployed. Kaepernick, who led San Francisco to the Super Bowl in 2013, began kneeling during the playing of the national anthem in 2016 to protest police brutality and social and economic inequity among people of color in the United States.

The N.F.L. often pats itself on the back by noting that the league desegregated before Major League Baseball, when Kenny Washington and Woody Strode joined the Los Angeles Rams in 1946. But, even in the face of a now-settled lawsuit from Kaepernick accusing owners of colluding against him for his social justice protests, not a single owner has broken ranks to employ him.

When Strode and Washington were hired in 1946, the Rams were relocating from Cleveland to Los Angeles. The Los Angeles Coliseum, under pressure from the local N.A.A.C.P. and black newspapers, insisted that the Rams be integrated in order to use the coliseum.

That same year, the N.F.L. also faced a threat from the newly formed All American Football Conference, which began aggressively going after the talented black players the N.F.L. had intentionally ignored. The N.F.L., facing the loss of what it truly valued — a competitive edge — added black players to its rosters. Even though the A.A.F.C. folded in 1949, the upstart league had compelled the N.F.L. to open the door for an influx of black talent.

More than a decade later, another rival, the American Football League, forced the N.F.L. to include a greater number of black players.

While the N.F.L. relied on quotas to control the influx of black players, the A.F.L. hired talented players whenever they could be found. The new league tapped into historically black colleges, giving players who would have been overlooked by the N.F.L. an opportunity to play professional football, even in positions that N.F.L. coaches and executives said black athletes were not intelligent enough to play.

Middle linebacker.

Free safety.

Center.

Quarterback.

In 1968, Tennessee State’s Eldridge Dickey became the first black quarterback to be drafted in the first round when the Oakland Raiders made him their first pick. Later that year, Marlin Briscoe, a quarterback at the University of Nebraska-Omaha, became the first black quarterback to start a pro football game when he was pressed into service by the Denver Broncos.

During an interview at his home in Manteca, Calif., R.C. Owens, a wide receiver for the San Francisco 49ers from 1957 to 1961, told me that as more black players entered the N.F.L. with special skill sets and physical gifts, N.F.L. teams were forced to adjust. That meant hiring the best athletes and dropping, to some extent, artificial barriers that reserved specific jobs for white players.

“It became like a domino effect,” said Owens, who died in 2012. “First the running backs, then the receivers, then the defensive backs to cover them and the big fast defensive linemen and linebackers to keep up with them and big mobile lineman to block bigger faster defensive players.”

Today it would seem that the same competitive imperative has demolished the barrier for black players at quarterback, what with Mahomes and Jackson as the faces of the sport’s most glamorous position.

But it’s still easy to count, in weeks and months, how some of the N.F.L.’s power brokers initially thought Jackson unworthy, in intelligence and in skill, of the position he now dominates. The very traits at the root of Jackson’s success — his ability to read an opposing defense; the athleticism to elude the best of them all — were not so long ago in doubt by many and, by others, not considered at all.

That’s not much different from the days of Pollard, who would be disappointed by other aspects of today’s N.F.L. There are three black head coaches in the N.F.L. There is one black general manager this season among the league’s 32 teams.

In the past, equality on the field was forced by rival leagues and innovations, usually brought about by black athletes. What is the imperative to force access to positions of power and control? Morality has never been the league’s strong suit.

The N.F.L. can celebrate its amazing growth over 100 years. But when it comes to the relationship between black athletes and the executive suite, the same thinking that for a dozen years barred players who looked like Jackson remains alive and well.

William C. Rhoden, a former New York Times columnist, is a writer at large for ESPN’s The Undefeated and director of the Rhoden Fellows Initiative.

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