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Mass Incarceration and Compounding Issues in Food Insecurity and Hunger in Low-Income Communities.

Mass incarnation is a common cause of food insecurity and hunger in America. As the millions of individuals effected by the justice system struggle to feed their families or sustain their personal nutrition, the US exacerbates the cycle of poverty through decades old laws and policies built on the racist ideologies. From personal health to food deserts, mass incarceration drives inequity, hunger, and the declining health of our nation. By using the Social-Economical Model as a lens to view this issue, professionals can understand how mass incarceration impacts the compounding issues related to food insecurity and hunger in low-income communities.

Mass Incarceration

The United States has an exceptionally high rate of incarceration and imprisonment for its adults and youth. Mass incarceration is the most commonly used term to describe the high rate of incarceration in the US (Gamblin, 2018). Gamblin described mass incarceration: "It refers to the vast number of Americans who are at greater risk of being, who are currently, and who have been, incarcerated in jail or prison or subject to a court-ordered supervision period. Rates of incarceration have soared since the early 1980s—even though crime has not." (Gamblin, 2018). The causes of mass incarceration are complicated, but the three main drivers of the occurrence are over-policing, longer sentences, and ongoing restrictions after release (Gamblin, 2018). Over-Policing

Over-policing refers to when a community experiences heavy police presence disproportionate to its crime rates (Gamblin, 2018). Those over-policed are particularly low- income communities. Individuals in these communities have a higher chance of police stops, tickets, and arrests. Practicing over-policing creates higher numbers of lower-income people, waiting in jail, awaiting trial, who often cannot afford bail. Even if residents are acquitted of a crime, they will still suffer the consequences of incarceration from lost income and jobs and breaking familial ties (Gamblin, 2018).

Long Sentences

Long Sentences are another driving factor of mass incarceration. Since the enactment of new laws and policies, especially in the 1980's and resulting from President Nixon's War on Drugs, the United States has experienced longer sentencing and the enactment of mandatory minimum sentences (Gamblin, 2018). The longer duration of incarcerations has caused an increased number of individuals incarcerated at any point in time (Gamblin, 2018). Racial bias is to be considered when discussing longer sentences. Gamblin stated: "People of color have a much higher chance of being convicted than whites charged with the same offenses, and they are also sentenced to longer terms than whites." Bias, whether implicit or explicit, is prevalent in the justice system. Prejudice and bias in judges, jurors, and prosecutors impact the outcome of sentence duration. Numerous laws for certain offenses caused mandatory minimum sentencing. Some of them include drug-related offenses. Regardless of judges' opinion on sentence duration, mandatory minimum sentences for offenses had to be met when convicted. Similar to mandatory minimums, "three strikes" laws dictated life sentences for any person convicted of a third felony. (Gamblin, 2018).

Ongoing Restrictions After Release

Mass incarceration doesn't end following an individual's release. Following their release, the previously incarcerated often face parole, exclusion from civic duties, criminal records, ineligibility for federal benefits, familial consequences, and criminal records (Gamblin, 2018). Of the collateral consequences of incarceration, people with criminal records experience

restrictions on what they can do and how they participate in society. These restrictions severely limit an individual's participation and reintegration into communities, and increase recidivism (Gamblin, 2018). The collateral consequences of post-incarcerated life impact the individual and those around them.

Incarceration as a Source of Hunger.

Gamblin stated: "incarceration increases the risk of hunger, food insecurity, and nutritional deficiencies for individuals, families, and communities" (Gamblin, 2018). During incarceration, people are at risk for hunger and poor nutrition. Often an individual's entire diet is determined by the prison system. If the prison system opts not to have healthy food, the individual's diet and overall health suffer (Gamblin, 2018). The families of the incarcerated usually owe hefty fines and court fees. When those in poverty must pay these debts, averaging half of the gross income of a family of four at the poverty line, these debts can cause eviction, food insecurities, credit damage, homelessness, and loss of community (Gamblin, 2018). As families suffer, so do their communities. These consequences on our most vulnerable communities further exacerbate the effects of hunger and the cycle of poverty and fuel mass incarceration (Gamblin, 2018).

Social-Ecological Model

Social-ecological models are a tool used to demonstrate the complex interrelationships between individuals and various personal and environmental factors (Story, 2008). Based on Bronfenbrenner's Ecological Framework for Human Development. When applied to overall health and nutrition, the Social-Ecological Model (SEM) is useful for understanding the many contributing factors to issues impacting food and the American family (Schwartz, 2022). One such part of the SEM is the individual and the microsystem.

Individual and Microsystem. Incarcerated individuals and their children.

Approximately half of the state-incarcerated adults are parents to minors (Wang, 2022). That means that out of the 1.25 million individuals in state prisons, 47% are parents to a child under eighteen (Wang, 2022). In total, 1.25 million children have a parent serving time in state prison. Of those incarcerated nationwide, 42.5% are from a minority community (Federal Bureau of Prisons, n.d.). This means that by staggering numbers, adults to children in disadvantaged communities are dually affected by the systematic inequalities of race, socioeconomic status, over-incarceration, and institutionalization. One of the majorly overlooked aspects of these families and children is the impact of lack of proper nutrition and access to food assistance programs.

Hidden Victims

The children of adults incarcerated in state facilities are commonly referred to as "Hidden Victims." (Martin, 2017). Millions of families in the United States are punished economically, emotionally, and otherwise by the family members' imprisonment (Martin, 2017). Self-reported statistics from a Survey of Prison Inmates provided that 47% of the millions incarcerated in the United States are parents to minor children. Of that 47%, 19% have a child aged four years or younger. These children and families represent an under-advantaged community whose access to resources may be deemed ineligible by our justice system. Macrosystem and Exosystem:

Ideologies

On a broader scale, the attitudes and ideologies surrounding justice-affected adults and children impact access to adequate nutrition and food insecurities. Ideologies steeped in racism

and centuries of bigotry have impacted the incarceration policies of the United States. Beginning prior to the Emancipation Proclamation of 1863, to the era of Jim Crow, and after the War on Drugs, the criminal justice system of the United States has disproportionately targeted people of color (Gamblin, 2018). According to an article published in 2018: "Latino and African Americans are between 3 and 6 times as likely to be incarcerated as whites for the same offense." (Gambin, 2018).

Following incarceration, adults to children who can receive custody of their children often face many challenges. The greatest of adversities is economic hardship (Sykes & Pettit, 2014). Identifying the causal effect of incarceration on children and families is not a simple task, as many other disadvantages are often high-correlated to incarceration. The greatest of these are race and ethnicity (Sykes & Pettit, 2014). Those of disadvantaged communities of color already face housing, employment, income, and nutrition insecurities. However, those justice-impacted communities face the highest levels of food insecurity, at an estimated 70-91%. (Wang et al., 2013). Even for those eligible and enrolled in nutritional assistance programming, most justice- affected adults and those on probation reported food insecurity and dietary intakes that do not meet Dietary Guidelines for Americans (Abosy et al., 2022). As communities are affected by the impact of mass incarceration and begin to decline, they can become food deserts.

Food Deserts.

Food Deserts are defined as urban areas where access to affordable and quality fresh foods is difficult. Those with a lack of transportation or low income may live in a food desert if at least 500 people, or 33% of the population, live more than one mile from the nearest large grocery store in an urban area. However, for a rural area, the distance from a large grocery store is more than ten miles (What is a food desert? 2022). An example of a food desert is parts of the

Bronx in New York City (Lucan et al., 2020). For low-income urban areas, food deserts can be disastrous for the health of residents. Retailers offering food options include convenience stores, gas stations, laundromats, vendors, bodegas, and fast-food outlets (Lucan et al., 2020). Compared to more influential, predominately white neighborhoods, urban food deserts have reported fewer supermarkets, produce accessibility, and natural food stores. Prior research has shown that storefront businesses offer less healthy items (processed foods, foods high in sugar, carbs, added fats, and sodium) more often in low-income and minority communities (Lucan et al., 2020).

Interventions Disrupting the Cycle

Furthermore, it is not enough to describe sociological occurrences and systematic inequalities; society must enact changes to disrupt the cycle of inequity and poverty in our country. Interventions are available, and changes can be made to reduce the effects of mass incarceration or stop it altogether so that Americans are no longer experiencing hunger. As discussed earlier on the factors that fuel mass incarceration, over-ticketing, over-incarcerating, longer sentencing, and ongoing restrictions, some measures can be taken to disrupt this cycle and promote positive well-being. Gamblin proposes four priorities to make communities safer and reduce crime, which consequently will reduce poverty and hunger for families and communities (Gamblin, 2018). These priorities are reducing crime, rethinking how society defines crime and sentencing, rehabilitating incarcerated individuals, and ensuring that individuals can successfully reintegrate into their communities and society (Gamblin, 2018).

Public Policy

Interventions can be made at the public policy level to prevent incarceration-related hunger. By writing and passing policies that dismantle the system of inequity, we can build pathways for previously convicted felons and those who have served their sentences to grow from the benefits granted to non-offenders. Laws in many states have been proposed and enacted that allow individuals and families affected by the justice system to apply for federal assistance programs. Programs like TANF and SNAP can bridge the poverty gap to provide adequate nutrition to individuals and families in need. An example of these policies includes the proposed Alabama law, SB303, in 2014. The law titled "Food stamps and welfare, Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF), persons with a felony drug conviction, federal law provisions making ineligible, provision for persons to be eligible under certain conditions" attempts to alleviate the suffering of previous felons and those impacted by mass incarceration (Alabama SB303, 2014). Other policies are, in effect, attempting to intervene in the lack of access to adequate nutrition.

Food Desert Interventions

"Some low-income neighborhoods in the United States have been dubbed ‘food deserts’ because of a dearth of supermarkets or other food retailers that offer a full range of affordable and nutritious foods." (Ver Ploeg et al., 2015). Those in low-income communities affected by poverty face a substantial barrier to a healthy diet. Policy initiatives are currently in effect, and further initiatives will continue to intervene in food deserts. One such program began in 2004, "the Pennsylvania Fresh Food Financing Initiative uses funds provided by the state, leveraged with funds from private organizations, to provide grants and loans to develop grocery stores in underserved areas throughout the state. This program has been underway since 2004 and has

served as a model for other New York City, New Orleans, and California programs. As part of the First Lady's Let's Move! Initiative, three federal agencies—The Department of Agriculture, the Department of Health and Human Services, and the Department of Treasury—have developed programs to fund the development of healthy food retail outlets in food desert communities." (Ver Ploeg et al., 2015). By funding disadvantaged communities and creating policy initiatives to intervene in the cycle of hunger, society can bridge inequities.

Closing Remarks

Mass incarceration poses a significant societal problem and inequitably disadvantages millions of Americans annually. Mass incarceration in the United States compounds the issues of hunger and food insecurity. The impact of incarceration on individuals as well as their children poses a threat to the overall health of Americans. Food insecurity and hunger lead to lifetime health consequences related to chronic disease, heart disease, diabetes, hypertension, and obesity (Bowen et al., 2021). Intervention strategies are imperative for improving societal conditions for all and improving the overall health of our country.

References

Story, M, Kaphingst, KM, Robinson-O'Brien, R, Glanz, K. Creating Healthy Food and Eating Environments: Policy and Environmental Approaches. Annual Review of Public Health. 2008; 29:253-72.

Gamblin, M. D. (2018). Mass incarceration: A major cause of hunger. Briefing Paper. Washington, DC: Bread for the World Institute. February. https://www. bread. org/sites/default/files/downloads/briefing-paper-mass-incarceration-february-2018. pdf.

Schwartz, M. (2022). Food and the American Family. University of Connecticut, Storrs, CT, USA.

Wang, L. (2022, August 11). Both sides of the bars: How mass incarceration punishes families. Prison Policy Initiative. Retrieved December 14, 2022, from https://www.prisonpolicy.org/blog/2022/08/11/parental_incarceration/

Martin, E. (n.d.). Hidden Consequences: The Impact Of Incarceration On Dependent Children (2017). National Criminal Justice Reference Service. https://www.ojp.gov/pdffiles1/nij/250349.pdf

Sykes, B. L., & Pettit, B. (2014). Mass incarceration, family complexity, and the reproduction of childhood disadvantage. The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 654(1), 127-149.

Alabama SB303: 2014: Regular session. LegiScan. (n.d.). Retrieved November 17, 2022, from

https://legiscan.com/AL/bill/SB303/2014

Al Abosy, J., Grossman, A., & Dong, K. R. (2022). Determinants and consequences of food and nutrition insecurity in justice-impacted populations. Current Nutrition Reports, 11(3), 407– 415. https://doi.org/10.1007/s13668-022-00421-4

Lucan, S., Maroko, A., Patel, A., Gjonbalaj, I., Elbel, B., & Schechter, C. (2020). Healthful and less-healthful foods and drinks from storefront and non-storefront businesses: Implications for ‘food deserts’, ‘food swamps’ and food-source disparities. Public Health Nutrition, 23(8), 1428-1439. doi:10.1017/S1368980019004427

Ver Ploeg, M., Dutko, P., & Breneman, V. (2015). Measuring food access and food deserts for policy purposes. Applied Economic Perspectives and Policy, 37(2), 205-225.

Bowen, S., Elliott, S., & Hardison-Moody, A. (2021). The structural roots of food insecurity: How racism is a fundamental cause of food insecurity. Sociology Compass, 15(7), e12846.

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