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#it would be awesome if this happened to Alexander Hamilton from Hamilton: An American Musical
All-Time Favourite Ships!
From books, movies, Broadway, and TV shows!
(list not in any particular order and may contain spoilers).
1. Bellarke: Bellamy Blake and Clarke Griffen from The 100 (TV)
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Okay, I know I said that the list is in no particular order, but this ship is my all time OTP since I started watching The 100. And I can’t sleep at night knowing that they are not officially canon yet, even if it was pretty clear in Praimfiya that it will be endgame! So exited for their reunion in Season 5. I spend hours on end reading Bellarke fan fiction all day, every day. And Bellamy is my baby and I love his so much. And I can’t wait to see how he is after the six-year time jump on the show. Sometimes, I think that I watch the show just for these two.
2. Haleb: Hanna Marin and Caleb Rivers from Pretty Little Liars (TV)
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Again, like I said that this list is in no particular order, this ship would defiantly be in my top 5. Anyway, I still have to properly sit down and watch Season 7B of Pretty Little Liars so don’t spoil anything for me. Haleb in my opinion, is the best ship on this show, but I think towards the early seasons I used to ship Ezria more but when Caleb showed up with his long hair, I died. And therefore, they became my favourite ship. I remember, I put watching the show on break after Caleb left to do his own show is either season 3 or 4, I don’t remember exactly. But yeah, these two are pretty cute together and I hope it stays that way.
3. Stydia: Stiles Stilinksi and Lydia Martin from Teen Wolf (TV)
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Okay, again, probably in my top 7. So, the thing with Stydia is that they dragged it out for so long that the anticipation killed me. But I love them still so much. And Dylan O’Brian is just on a different level of awesomeness (and cuteness). And Lydia, even though she used to annoy me at first, and Teen Wolf is probably not my favourite TV show, but it’s still good, and Lydia’s character started to grow on me and I need to catch up on Season 6, (don’t judge me guys, the past few moths for me have been really busy) and I just recently started to watch this show, like maybe two years ago, but still, love love love.
4. Linctavia: Lincoln and Octavia Blake from The 100 (TV)
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Okay, so another The 100 ship, but oh my lord I scream every time someone mentions them! They are so adorably cute and the flyest of power couples who don’t give a damn about what people think. And every time I think of Lincoln, I just might well cry because he didn’t deserve what he got. Fucking Pike. I’m glad Octavia killed him. And the song to which Lincoln dies to, and the one where Octavia’s scream and cries are kinda muffled, it’s called Cloud by Elias, and it’s in my playlist and then I have a mini breakdown when it comes on and think of Lincoln falling on his knees in the tiny puddle and Octavia and I just cry a little more on the inside. Anyway, probably the best couple to ever exist on the show and maybe even ever in this whole damn world. They were so fucking badass together, I loved every minute of it.
5. Sciles: Scott McCall and Stiles Stilinski from Teen Wolf (TV)
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Okay, so this is like my favourite BROTP of all eternity. I just think that their relationship is so cute and how much they care about each other, and the hug in season 3 is my everything, ahhh, I just love them so much it hurts. And throughout the show we can see their friendship grow even though they have been friends since they were little. Damn, I wish I had a friendship like that. 
6. Chair: Charles “Chuck” Bass and Blair Waldorf from Gossip Girl (TV)
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Ahhh, Blair and Chuck, Chuck and Blair! I don’t think anyone will ever know how happy I was when the endgame for their endgame actually happened. Honestly, I was rooting for them since Blair’s birthday episode in the first season, even when everyone was after Nate and Blair, but no, not gonna happen. I just thought that Nate was very innocent and nice for Blair. Blair needed someone like Chuck and I don’t think anyone ever loved anyone else as much as Chuck loves Blair. I love them, they are so perfect for each other, with their games. I wish I had a Chuck. Blair’s lucky. Haha.
7. Literati: Jess Mariano and Rory Gilmore from Gilmore Girls (TV)
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I wanted them to be endgame so bad. I remember I stopped watching Gilmore Girls after Jess leaves to go to the West Coast, and I wanted to punch his so bad, but I didn’t want to destroy his pretty face like the Swan did (if you know what I’m talking about HMU). And I low-key hated Logan, I don’t know exactly why, but I just did, but I think I’m over it now. But still I wanted these two to be together forever, cause they are just so perfect for each other and so balanced I loved it while it happened. But they can’t be together, and I shall be forever sad. 
8. Percabeth: Percy Jackson and Annabeth Chase from The Percy Jackson and the Olympians Series, and The Heroes of Olympus Series (Books)
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Okay, so the kiss underwater made my 4th grade self go absolutely crazy with happiness. But I guess, my favourite moment from (both) of the series is probably at the start of Mark of Athena when they run towards each other and fall into each others arms and kiss when they reunite after eight long years, and everyone knows that they were endgame except when Percy had that thing with Rachel, but I was glad when that ended. Anyway, I just re-read the Heroes of Olympus series and I fell in love with all the characters again. 
9. Jasiper: Jason Grace and Piper McLean from The Heroes of Olympus Series (Books)
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Ahh, absolutely love these two. Too cute! Okay, I don’t have much to say for them besides that they are completely badass together. I mean, I was really sad for Piper when she realised that her memories pre The Lost Hero were not real. But the whole “look at that comet from the rooftop when it’s just us” would have been too cute it it was real. 
10. Dramione: Draco Malfoy and Hermione Granger from the Harry Potter Series (Books)
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Okay, so I read a lot of fan fiction, and this is the one that I fully support no matter what the circumstances. I really really did wish that this could be possible but it’s not, it was never even canon! But yeah, I think that they would make an amazing couple together, and would be so cute, even if it is a very unlikely pair. But still, I do think that love sparks between them still. 
11. Drarry: Draco Malfoy and Harry Potter from the Harry Potter Series (Books)
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Oh, my god the amount of fan fiction I read for this is incomparable. I just love this pairing so much I can’t handle myself sometimes. Anyway, maybe in another world this is true and the people are happier there. 
12. Aridante: Aristotle Mendoza and Dante Quintana from Aristotle and Dante Discover the Secrets of the Universe (Books)
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Okay, I don’t know how this ship name makes sense but whatever. I love love love this book so much, and I think these two, in whatever kind of relationship, make so much sense together. If anyone has not read this yet, what are you doing with your life? Anyway, this book is amazing and Benjamin Alire Saenz is an amazing author.
13. Adlock: Irene Adler and Sherlock Holmes from Sherlock (TV)
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Okay, it was hard to chose between Johnlock, Sherlolly, and Adlock. But then A Scandal In Belgravia will forever be one of my favourite episodes, and honestly, their relationship just excites me and that message tone in the last episode got me all excited and happy again. Anyway, I wish they were canon but I respect whatever Sherlock is and how he does not want a relationship.
14. Triles: Tristan Milligan and Miles Hollingsworth III from Degrassi: Next Class (TV)
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Anyway, I was getting so mad when I could not find a gif that fit the aesthetic of this post, but then I finally did and that’s all that matters. Anyway, I’m so glad that this is cannon and hopefully endgame, but Miles little slip with Lola in Season 3 got me so mad! Like, how could he, his boyfriend was in a coma and he’s cheating on him! That’s totally unacceptable! But then I guess I came to terms with why he did what he did. And I’m glad that Tristan (kinda) forgave him. Yay.
15. Bughead: Betty Copper and Jughead Jones from Riverdale (TV)
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Okay, so I haven't read enough fan fiction to say that this is my absolute favourite yet, and since this is a newer ship than most others mentioned on here, it’s kinda hard for me to feel for them what I feel for the others. But I still really like this pairing, it’s kinda unique, and a little different from the normal TV shows, so yeah.
16. Lams: John Laurens and Alexander Hamilton from Hamilton: An American Musical (Theatre)
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This is my favourite theatre ship, but somewhere in my heart, I think Jefferson and Hamilton secretly love each other. No, but seriously, I think John and Alex are just the cutest friends, and the fact that their friendship existed so heavily in real life makes me so happy.
Okay, so that was the list but I have a few honourable mentions that did not make it on here and they are:
1) Sherlolly from Sherlock (TV)
2) Hamiliza from Hamilton: An American Musical (Theatre)
3) Snowberry from The Flash (TV)
4) Samaustin from A Cinderella Story (Movies) (I made up that ship name and I  am not very good at it).
So, that was it! And I’m pretty sure I missed some but I hope you guys enjoyed!
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savrenim · 7 years
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So I got a whole lot of awesome questions about ifmlam from, I’m assuming the same anon? They contain spoilers through ch 27, and thus are appearing under the cut.
So in the universe where timeline 2 happened what were Seers essentially for? Were there more wars happening due to their advantages? Did scientists follow after Franklin's footsteps and ask questions about their research to the Seer in hopes that they would say something that might confirm or further the theory? Also I couldn't help but think that the hypothetical Hamilton play in that timeline focused a lot on Alexander being the reason for Aaron's death but what about Phillip's death?
Si, so I was scroll down your page and I stumbled upon the 'timeline 2 happened in this universe' post and I was wondering what Seers are universally known to have as an ability? You said that Aaron was 'one of the more powerful Seers' which implies he's not the most powerful Seer? So I was wondering what the most powerful Seer is like and what abilities do they all share? You emphasized a lot on versatility and so I'm assuming that Seers with weaker abilities can't adapt very well?
P.2 What determines a strong Seer? Or how a Seer gets their abilities? Is it a random scramble of powers mixed together and slapped onto them by God? Or is it carefully chosen due to some higher power deciding that 'ah yes, this will surely suit them the most. let's give them the power to predict nature diasasters but not human ones', etc,etc,etc?? And since you labeled Aaron as the first Modern Seer, does that mean he's the first Seer to display his power in such a successful and powerful way?
So to preface this all. There is a…big problem to answering fully pretty much 50% of the questions asked here? And the problem is “what are Seers, what are they for, why do they exist, what are the implications of the rules of a universe that works this way” are pretty much the plot of the tentatively-planned sequel that would be set ~250-300 years in the future and deal with both society dealing with the consequences of Burr’s actions as well as with both the consequences and figuring out the rules behind what makes Seers tick.
I want to be very careful not to promise a sequel that may or may not ever exist, there are just A Lot Of Cool Ideas That I Have and stuff that I’ve outlined that, like, for now as there seems to be a fairly reasonable chance that they might get used are something that I’d rather keep close to my chest, you know? Especially because the way that they’re set well in the future and based only on the ideas of the fic and not really the actual musical, I think I’d just write as original novels, and while I’d definitely post them online for free because I think it’s really shitty to take a story that people have been excited about that’s just been online for free and then go “so if you want to know how this story continues you have to pay,” because at this point they’re novels I don’t really want to be posting novel ideas online just to have the concepts stolen and somebody else write said novels.
That being said, here are the answers to all of your questions.
What were Seers essentially for? That’s one of the things that takes a couple hundred years to figure out.
Were there more that were happening due to their advantages? In terms of history going differently? Um, yes. Very much so. Except because I am not a history major and dear gods historical speculation is hard I’m leaving a lot of that up in the wind and mostly only have been charting the progression of science and technology that’s been different because those are the things that I solidly do know inside and out because that is my actual field of study. (Well, math and physics are my actual field of study but I try to learn alongside the important discoveries, when they happened and what led to them happening, because that’s fun to know..)
Did scientists follow after Franklin's footsteps and ask questions about their research to the Seer in hopes that they would say something that might confirm or further the theory? Yes, yes they did.
Actually, the biggest thing that Burr contributed to any timeline so far follows from round 2/the first repeat that is the offhand comment that Aaron Burr makes when Franklin tries to explain the light particle vs wave argument and Burr throws his hands in the air and goes “can’t there be both.” Pretty much the biggest revolution in science and technology in our world came at the cusp of the 20th century in this order: Maxwell figures out the equations for E&M waves and it implies that the speed of light is constant —> Einstein does relativity; at the same time, light=particle vs light=wave theories are having trouble explaining all phenomenon and there are things like the blackbody radiation problem, to which Planck figures out that if you restrict energy levels to specific quantities, it gets solved. —> Einstein also works off of this and quantum physics is born. All of this is helping create models of the atom and tests and being done and Einstein from general relativity figures out the mass and energy are basically the same, which leads eventually to the nuclear bomb being developed.
Now, take into account that “light being both particle and wave” plays massively into quantum stuff because electrons let out light when going down from energy levels and what-not, as well as it would potentially speed up the discovery of Maxwell’s equations and just all of this theory that led to the creation of the nuclear bomb. Possibly by the time WWI rolled along, which, like. Just would vastly reshape pretty much the entire political map and now can you see why I really, really, really hate doing historical speculation it is freaking CHAOS to track all of the things and come up with how the hell politics would have gone just going forward a century.
Also I couldn't help but think that the hypothetical Hamilton play in that timeline focused a lot on Alexander being the reason for Aaron's death but what about Phillip's death? I actually wrote a post about this! http://savrenim.tumblr.com/post/154913162666/wheeee-mkay-latest-anon-so-i-am-paranoid-about
Si, so I was scroll down your page and I stumbled upon the 'timeline 2 happened in this universe' post and I was wondering what Seers are universally known to have as an ability? That’s one of the things that takes a couple hundred years to figure out. Actually, that’s pretty much the single fact that all other things revolve around.
You said that Aaron was 'one of the more powerful Seers' which implies he's not the most powerful Seer? “Powerful” in this context means “how much did they affect global politics/ how much did their abilities allow them to affect global politics.” It also means “to what degree are their abilities directly testable and consistent.” Burr has an incredibly specific and consistent power, he is the first person that the world was able to prove was a Seer since Joan of Arc, and pretty much the entire fic is about look how much Aaron Burr can affect American and global politics, so that one speaks for itself.
So I was wondering what the most powerful Seer is like and what abilities do they all share? You emphasized a lot on versatility and so I'm assuming that Seers with weaker abilities can't adapt very well? Oh god so I mostly haven’t decided what the most powerful Seer was like, simply because there is a heck of a lot of non-Western culture that I am not that familiar with and Seers have popped up around the world. I kind of wanted to leave this open-ended so that people could pick their favorite historical figures from their own cultures or cultures that they love and have studied, and headcanon them as Seers in this world, and who am I to tell you that they weren’t.
(For anyone doing this, the single rule is that there is only one and always one Seer alive on the planet at any given time. Otherwise, headcanon away.)
Seers with weaker abilities tend to never be identified, or to be thought of as crazy and depending on their location and the people around them, either live a quiet life as the local crazy person or are thrown into a madhouse. It really sucks.
What determines a strong Seer? Or how a Seer gets their abilities? So there is the single overarching ability that all Seers have and that links all Seers, which is not figured out for a couple hundred years and is what the sequels are about. How the Seer gets the abilities that they naturally manifest are pretty much “they express themselves in whatever way best suits the Seer’s psychology and personality.” Hence why there are a lot of religious Seers in the Western world in the last couple of centuries (mostly John Calvin and his whole predestination thing, and Joan of Arc and her whole visions of angels telling her about battles thing.)
Is it a random scramble of powers mixed together and slapped onto them by God? Or is it carefully chosen due to some higher power deciding that 'ah yes, this will surely suit them the most. let's give them the power to predict nature disasters but not human ones', etc,etc,etc?? There is no evidence in the universe as of the time of ifmlam or the sequels to suggest the existence of a God or higher power. There is also no evidence against the existence of a God or higher power. The fact that Seers exist and what they see can be somewhat explained by science in this universe, and eventually is. Whether or not people still choose to believe in things, and whether or not those things are true, is entirely up in the air, much as I at least personally consider it to be in the real world.
And since you labeled Aaron as the first Modern Seer, does that mean he's the first Seer to display his power in such a successful and powerful way? Nah, first Modern Seer very specifically refers to the fact that he is the first post-Enlightenment (or at least co-current with the Enlightenment) Seer and thus pretty much the first real proof at the same time that (Western) science is rapidly advancing that this is actually a thing to consider in terms of trying to map out how the universe works, as well as pretty much the first Seer that anyone ever got to ask questions of “how in the world does this work” to.
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erikathewriter · 7 years
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Why Every Writer Should Listen to Hamilton: An American Musical
I didn’t say a writer who writes poetry, or a novelist, I said <b>”writers”<b/>. Anyone who writes.
I have listened to the Hamilton soundtrack in its entirety four times in two months and some of the songs more than fifty. So when I say that a writer should listen to this soundtrack, I mean it very genuinely. After listening to this soundtrack, you will be motivated to write, I can tell you this right now. I will tell you why:
<b>1. Music is poetry.</b>
This is common knowledge, but Lin-Manuel Miranda takes it to a completely different level. Rap is fast spoken word poetry, essentially. His lyrics are pure genius, and some of them are metaphorical:
<div style=“text-align: right;”>”Foes impose us. We take an honest stand. We roll, like Moses, claiming on promised lands.</div>
Other lyrics are amazing analogies:
<div style=“text-align: right;”>”You have married an Icarus, who has flown too close to the sky.”</div>
These could hands-down be used as inspiration, like everything else a writer is surrounded by. Lin’s rhymes make the entire musical worth it!
<b>2. Tension</b>
If you listen to the soundtrack, you can pick up on how the composer makes the audience feel tension with the characters with the use of percussion. The heartbeats in “Stay Alive (Reprise)” lets the audience know that this is a life or death situation and when the heartbeats stop, it tells the audience that someone died. The soldier drums (yes, I’m <i>very</i> educated in music) in “My Shot”, “Yorktown”, and “History Has Its Eyes On You” show the audience that the characters are at war or that a character is thinking about war. The lack of music in Hamilton’s lead in “The World Was Wide Enough” show the audience Hamilton’s life flashing before his eyes and helps create more feeling in the scene.
In a novel, this could be an overuse of words in a scene to create tension, or a lack of words. If a character is thrust into an action scene and you let it calm down for just a moment to let your reader breathe, that creates tension. If you describe a scene very graphically or if you describe how quickly the world went into utter chaos, that also creates tension.
Also, the tension between characters is very well done. Lin uses a lot of references to previous songs to show how grave a scene is, like the references between “Yorktown” and “My Shot” and between “Meet Me Inside” and “Cabinet Battle #1″. Also, when Hamilton references almost every song in the musical in “The World Was Wide Enough”. No shade intended. *distant sobbing*
This is an awesome trick for final books in a series or sequels; like when a reader somehow picks up the second book in a series instead of the first, or when it’s the last book and you want to make a reader feel something by making them think about the journey they had with the characters or when they read it for the first time.
<b>3. Plot</b>
Oooh… this is one of my favourite parts in storytelling, and Hamilton once again manages to ace it. The more you listen to the soundtrack, the more you’ll find that the songs start to blend and you really see the story shine. Every song in Hamilton is like a chapter in a novel, as well as its content. Every word in Hamilton has been put into consideration. Every note, every drum, every skit. 
The opening number, “Alexander Hamilton” gives the audience a brief look into Hamilton’s life without revealing too much and enough to keep the audience interested. We also get some of Hamilton’s tragic backstory, which makes you sympathize for the character and root for his success as a protagonist. We also get a glimpse of what’s going to happen at the end of the musical. Now, all the audience has to do is sit back and wait for the meat in between. “Aaron Burr, Sir” is the first interaction between the protagonist and the antagonist, and introduces crucial side characters. It also gives the audience a better look at Hamilton’s character as well as Burr’s. “My Shot” shows Hamilton’s motivations for the first time and his drive and ambition. “Farmer Refuted” shows the problem in Act I in more detail to keep the audience invested, and once again, we get more character development. I could go on and on for the rest of show, but I don’t have the time or the patience for that.
It should be the same thing with your novel. There shouldn’t be any fluff in between plot points. There can be to transition the story, but scenes that don’t help move the plot forward should be cut or edited so they do.
<b>4. Character Arcs</b>
The character arcs in Hamilton are phenomenal, notably the way some actors play two characters: Laurens/Philip, Lafayette/Jefferson, Mulligan/Maddison and Peggy/Maria.
I love these, and for good reason. This is a story of Alexander Hamilton, not Laurens or Jefferson in any way. Once the actors play their roles in Act I, they move on and play a new character in Act II. Their old roles are no longer needed. Laurens died. Lafayette went back to France like he said he would. Mulligan, I don’t really know, and Peggy served her purpose in “The Schuyler Sisters” and maybe “A Winter’s Ball”, I’m not really sure. Their place in the musical isn’t needed, so they play a new character in Act II who’s important to the story.
The characters balance out really well and you see that in the opening number, “Alexander Hamilton” and it’s really an act of genius of Lin’s part. Lafayette and Mulligan fought with Hamilton in the war, and Jefferson and Maddison fought with Hamilton in Congress, hence when the actors say “We, fought with him.” The Schuyler sisters and Maria Reynolds all loved Hamilton (”Me, I loved him.”). Laurens and Philip both died for Hamilton (”Me, I died for him.).
Character Development
The character development is awesome, too. Burr’s is probably the best. They make it very obvious. He’s essentially the narrator of the story, but he cuts the story short by killing Hamilton. You can see his anger growing throughout the entire second act. He starts getting tired of being the side character and being shoved around by Hamilton, so he kills him. We get a backstory to understand why Burr is like he is very early on. Hamilton has an awesome character arc, too. We get his backstory to create sympathy for his character and to root for him. We understand his character the minute he gets on stage. He starts off as an overly enthusiastic college student filled with ambition and ends the show more morally grounded with years of experience.
Your characters should walk into your book one person and come out another. It’s the same with every single human on planet Earth or otherwise (high fantasy). We’re ever changing. Your characters should be the same, and you have to let them.
Anyways, I hope you all enjoyed my ramble of all things Hamilton. If you listened to it, what do you stall for(hehe)? If you thought this was useful, please tell me! I also now have a posting schedule! You will get a new post from me <b>guaranteed</b> every Sunday. It’s the best way I can balancing writing and school and I hope you like it!
That’s all for now, folks!
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bakurapika · 7 years
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ok, real talk, with the prefacing disclaimer that i love hamilton down to my very soul
when i first listened to it, i came away thinking ‘wow, that was awesome, life changing, etc... too bad about the women’
i was surprised to learn that lin is a feminist and deliberately tried to include women as much as possible, and i think i finally figured out why it rubbed me wrong
debatably......... (mostly determined by how you interpret ‘the schuyler sisters’)....... hamilton fails the bechdel test.
hear me out! a series of essays--
the only songs that a female character sings in a non-supporting role (i’m not counting non-named ensemble women! sorry, they add a lot to the musical but they’re not “characters”) are explicitly about their relation to a man. the only ones i can conceive an argument against are the schuyler sisters and maybe the ending song. let’s go song by song:
alexander hamilton:
female lines are only ‘i loved him’ 
aaron burr sir - my shot - the story of tonight 
no female lines
the schuyler sisters
first of all, let’s start off by saying that story-wise, the song only exists in order to establish hamilton’s future love interests and peggy
first lines are all about daddy schuyler. that part of the convo fails the bechdel test
maybe you could argue that the lines ‘But—look around, look around, the Revolution’s happening in New York’ are character-defining enough to separate from the daddy convo but i think that’s a stretch for a sentence fragment
the chorus about ‘looking for a mind at work’ is prefaced by the men in the ensemble shouting ‘she’s looking for me!’, necessarily creating a sexual/romantic undercurrent to the chorus whether that’s technically what angelica meant or not. the rest of the interactions in the song reinforce this concept
the rest of the song, feminist revolutionary anthem though it may be, is angelica rebuffing burr’s romantic advances (while talking about men, including a man she’d later to have an affair with....................... but that line about getting busy with jefferson in france was deleted from the musical so i suppose for this conversation it’s non-canon)
the only potentially defensible non-man-related lines would be how angelica goes on to sing about manhattan being awesome and revolutionary, but I’d still argue that it’s in the context of her burr conversation and therefore not eligible to make the musical pass the bechdel test.
farmer refuted - you’ll be back - right hand man - a winter’s ball
no female lines
a winter’s ball mentions a woman by name (martha washington) in the context of hamilton’s reputation with the lay-deez
helpless - satisfied
these are romance songs. like that’s not bad but for the purposes of arguing that the women are characters outside of love interests......... nah
though angelica talks to herself enough to almost make it count lmao except it’s still about her male love interest
the story of tonight - wait for it 
no female lines
wait for it mentions a woman by name (theodosia bartow prevost) in the context of being burr’s love interest
stay alive
eliza and angelica get some chorus lines about wanting their love interest to survive
ten duel commandments - meet me inside
no female lines
eliza is mentioned but not by name, just as “wife”
that would be enough
eliza’s “i’m pregnant by hamilton” song. again, not unimportant, but not relevant for the bechdel test and further cementing her role as hamilton’s wife and not much else
guns and ships - history has its eyes on you - yorktown - what comes next - dear theodosia
no female lines
dear theodosia mentions a woman by name (theodosia burr) but she gets no lines. this is probably excusable due to her being a newborn at the time
theodosia bartow prevost isn’t exactly mentioned by name but is mentioned as having died offstage at this point
nonstop
no female lines until significantly through the song
angelica’s lines are about hamilton being her love interest despite her marriage
eliza’s lines are about hamilton and being his wife 
angelica and eliza sing toward the end about hamilton. again not bechdel-defying
though eliza and angelica’s lines often intertwine and chorus together, and though they supposedly have a very close sibling bond, so far we haven’t seen angelica and eliza interact (via letter or in person) since the wedding
what’d i miss - cabinet battle 1 
no female lines
what’d i miss mentions a woman by name (sally hemings) but only in the context of her being a slave
this is more of a wink-nod to jefferson’s hypocrisy which is underscored by other parts of the song (singing about how ‘we are free’ as the stairs he’s on are being carried across the stage by a parade of slaves, for example. if yall don’t know about the historical sally hemings, check her out. 
she was mostly white, for one thing. but historically white americans have viewed blacks in the context of the ‘one-drop’ rule--that is, if any ancestor of yours is black, no matter how far back, you’re black too. absurd from any standpoint except an absurd racial purity one. this wasn’t just a bunch of racists acting racist, btw, it was a legal argument that became law in the south at some points in american history. 
i’m not pointing out her being white as like ‘aw but she was a white, so sad :((((’. it means that her family tree was mostly made up of masters having relations with their slaves that would be, at the very least, an extreme power imbalance and, most probably, rape. 
like i’m sorry to use that word but that’s what it was, pure and simple. 
oh and the white masters would get to keep their own kids as slaves
this was pretty frowned upon in polite society from my understanding, but it still happened all the time, and jefferson was one of the guys who did it
she was sent to france to take care of jefferson’s daughter during a (years-long) visit. sally was 14, jefferson was 44. she became pregnant on that visit at age 16.
technically she was considered free while in france, but she followed jefferson back to america. he promised he’d let their kids go free at age 21. (he almost definitely wound up fathering 6 of her children.) jefferson did free her male kids... in his will. and he freed two of sally’s male relatives after they bought their freedom. whadda guy
sally herself was finally “informally” freed by jefferson’s daughter
sadly sally was potentially illiterate and didn’t leave us anything in her own words
ok i’m sorry that was a tangent but i think it’s an important one so i’m not deleting it. i’m not an expert, that was a wiki summary, so please correct me if anything’s misinformation (tho i know i glossed over some details.) anyway back to hamilton
take a break
hoo boy. ok. so the female lines in this song can be basically classified this way:
i’m mommy to hamilton’s son (and i can beatbox about it like a mofo)
i’m in love with hamilton
i want to spend time with hamilton and my father
we do finally get angelica and eliza interacting with each other again! they say each other’s names. then we’re back to talking about hamilton
again, not a bad song! but disappointing from the standpoint of waiting for female characters to interact without it being about hamilton
to be fair! this entire musical is a love song to hamilton. i think i could find a few male-male conversations that aren’t about my dearest alexander. but not many. everyone wants a piece of alexander
probably most of the non-alex-worshiping lines would be king george
say no to this
a new female gets lines! she talks about her husband and then seduces alexander. that’s it tho
the room where it happens
no female lines
schuyler defeated
eliza gets a few lines! it’s all about her father and husband to her son
to be fair, eliza seems really bored with all this. philip’s the one who’s bringing all the men up.
still, her only role in this scene is to give context for a burr-hamilton confrontation, and she does it by talking about a bunch of men. no bechdel-passing here.
cabinet battle 2 - washington on your side - i know him - the adams administration - we know - hurricane
no female lines
“cabinet battle 2″ at one point contained a reference to jefferson and angelica’s affair, but this was cut to “tee up the next song”
again, angelica being mentioned solely as a love interest. still such good lines argh
“we know” mentions maria, but not by name, just as “wife”
and weirdly, she’s barely mentioned at all! the focus of the song is more on her husband james reynolds and his extortion
“hurricane” mentions eliza as well as hamilton’s mother, briefly
the reynolds pamphlet
angelica gets some bamf lines! and the idea of picking her love for her sister over her love for hamilton is more of the feminist anthem we like to hear. 
but in terms of her role in the song, she’s there to romantically reject hamilton
she doesn’t talk with eliza directly, so still not enough to pass the bechdel test
eliza is mentioned as “mrs. hamilton” but has no lines
burn
another song that seems to be written from a feminist perspective! a woman reclaiming her voice in the annals of history
buuuuut............... it’s also primarily a song about eliza’s relationship with hamilton
we do finally get to hear more eliza/angelica direct correspondence! “Be careful with that one, love, he will do what it takes to survive” and “You have married an Icarus, he has flown too close to the sun.” beautiful lines, and pretty historically accurate too! but not enough to pass the bechdel test, since they’re about hamilton
blow us all away
a few new women gets lines! it’s about how wet their panties are for philip
the women have names btw, which you wouldn’t know just by listening to the soundtrack: martha and dolly, in reference to thomas jefferson and james madison’s respective wives. insert cuck jokes here
stay alive reprise
i don’t even wanna dissect this, it’s too heartwrenching. but all of eliza’s lines are with and about other men, including her son. her part in this song’s mostly about her role as the mother of hamilton’s child, not about her, specifically
it’s quiet uptown
surprisingly, angelica gets some lines at the beginning that aren’t specifically about a man! she’s referencing hamilton’s grief over his son, but also eliza’s grief. she doesn’t specify at any point that she’s focusing on alexander, and she goes for relatable generalizations instead. (until she becomes part of the chorus commenting on alex’s grieving process)
since angelica’s not talking with another woman, this still isn’t enough to pass the bechdel test. but it’s a start!
eliza gets very few lines here. i’m not necessarily saying that to be critical, though. i think her understatement is almost more powerful than hamilton’s tearful singing, and i think that’s what lin was trying to do with her character.
that said, again, her role in the song is hamilton-centered. no matter how many or how few lines she’s singing, they’d be about her husband and son
the election of 1800
no female character lines
we do get a few unnamed female lines, about a man yeah, but surprisingly as “voters” despite suffrage not yet happening! 
this might be a case of historically inaccurate actor casting the same way that white guys aren’t playing all the pasty presidents
or, it could be a nod to women’s active role in historical elections! also acknowledged in the line “ladies, tell your husbands, vote for burr”
either way, not enough to pass the bechdel test, but still a nice touch that lin went out of his way for
your obedient servant
no female lines
best of wives and best of women
eliza’s so sleep-deprived here i s2g. there’s not much to analyze in lines that are basically ‘alex oh my god it’s four am, please just come back to bed for three goddamn hours, why are you like this, i’m going to sleep”
again tho, it’s eliza-hamilton interaction, no other women, so no bechdel passing
the world was wide enough
technically angelica sings three words in the chorus here (“angelica and eliza”) so i can’t say no female lines. but it’s close
women are mentioned but only in terms of their relationship to hamilton (his mom, angelica, eliza)
who lives who dies who tells your story
of course, eliza’s lines are mostly about hamilton again.... be weird if they weren’t at this point. she talks about her life but always brings it back to the context of hamilton and his passing
eliza and angelica sing a couple lines about hamilton together, but angelica dies offstage during the song
so............ last song and we still haven’t passed the test
i’m not writing this huge tirade for any, uh, real reason. i don’t want anyone to boycott the musical or even go so far as to call it anti- or un-feminist. but ✊😭 if there’s one thing alexander hamilton’s taught me, it’s “write thousands of inflammatory and highly politicized words for no reason, every day, just because you feel like it, even if it demonizes your allies, and if no one reads it, yell a lot and write some more”
i’m honoring your legacy, alex
(and bc i really do think it’s important to critically examine the things you love from time to time, and that doesn’t mean you love them any less) 
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astroshad · 7 years
Note
3, 10, 14, 18.
3. What are your favorite stims?Ok, so I have quite a few. I’ll break them down into different categories.Sound: Most of my stims are sound based. I tend to hum/sing pretty much 24/7. My current fave vocal stim is this bit of Cool Patrol by NSP (https://youtu.be/-tW0G9XWaj0?t=2m20s) . Also Hamilton songs (as well as anything else by Lin-Manuel Miranda) are very stimmy for me to listen to or sing to. For the past few days I’ve also been stimming to the main song from The Song of the Sea ( https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=q6wVijh2n9g ) and an Irish folk song called Dulaman (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7ukjpUD5fZA ). I also have some sort of background noise set up on my laptop when I’m on it. I love the sound of rain (Usually I use rainymood) and foresty sounds(https://mynoise.net/NoiseMachines/meadowCreekSoundscapeGenerator.php).
Taste: I’ve noticed that candy canes seem to be a stim for me. The mint is soo good. Also hot chocolate and tea is awesome too.
Touch: Anything soft. I have this medium-sized Belle tsum tsum I got when I was in New York that’s perfect for cuddling and stuff. I really wanna get some kinetic sand cause it looks really cool but yea…
Sight: GLITTER! NEON LIGHTS! VAPORWAVE-Y THINGS! RAIN! GLOWY THINGS! I’m probably missing a few, but you get the idea. XD
Smell: I’ve been collecting candles over the past few months and now my desk is 25% candles….My faves are pumpkin, lavender, and pine.
10. What is one thing that you wished everyone knew about autism?The spectrum isn’t a line. Everyone experiences their autism differently. For example, me and @kikikid1412 are both autistic. She has issues with some foods and their textures, whereas I’m perfectly ok with them.
14. Describe a place/room/situation that would be sensory heaven to you.A place where I can freely sing/hum as loud as I want for as long as I want, listen to the same songs on repeat without the use of headphones and not feel self conscious about my music choices. The place would also have an infinitely burning pumpin scented candle, fairy lights/neon lights on the walls, and tons of glitter jars. I would look out the window and see that the rain is never ending.
18. What are your autistic headcanons?YOU’VE DONE IT NOW. SIT DOWN CAUSE THIS IS GONNA BE A FUCKIN RIDE.I have a bunch of characters that I headcanon to be autistic (which are on my about page), but the headcanons I ABSOLUTELY LOVE/ ARE EXTREMELY SPECIAL TO ME are as follows…
Peridot (from Steven Universe): I developed this headcanon back when the “Peridot redemption arc” was first starting. This was also around the time when I was starting to learn more about Autism and who I was. This was basically my gateway to headcanons as a whole. The headcanon clicked into place when I saw that Peridot really didn’t understand how things worked and how hard it was for her to grasp the set of social rules that she was presented with. She wanted to fit in with the gems and tried her hardest to understand things. Especially when she unintentionally hurt Amethyst. The tape recorder also played a big part in this headcanon. Peridot was so used to her screens and homeworld tech in order to communicate and process the world around her. When Steven gave her the tape recorder, it allowed her to continue her routine of keeping logs and also communicate her feelings to the gems. The main examples being her rewinding and repeating bits of the tape (“CLOD! CLOD! CLOD!”) and when she apologized to Amethyst in recording form. There are many other reasons why I headcanon Peridot as autistic, but there are the two main reasons that started this whole thing.
Papyrus (from Undertale): I’ve talked about this in the past, but I’ll say it again. I see a lot of myself in Papyrus. And I didn’t even mean to make this headcanon at first, but just like the last headcanon, it clicked into place. The only difference is that with this one, it happened in more of a “oh my god i see the light” sort of way. It was late 2015, and I was in a public speaking class at my college. For the final project, we had to give a persuasive speech. I chose to do mine on Autism Speaks and why they are pretty much the spawn of satan. So I was sitting in the library doing research and one of the articles talked a bit about the symptoms of autism. As I was reading them, my thoughts drifted to Undertale, since at the time that was one of my main special interests. And for some reason, my thoughts drifted to Papyrus specifically. Then, time pretty much almost literally froze for me. “Papyrus is autistic…” The thought popped up. “Papyrus…..is AUTISTIC!!” the thought echoed again. A smile grew on my face and I jut felt so happy. There was a character that was clearly autistic…and the other characters loved him and cared for him greatly and didn’t think he was dumb/a burden/other bad words!!!! They accepted him for who he was and he accepted himself too!!! Papyrus was and still is the character I needed in that time. I’m still learning to accept myself and I know that even if it doesn’t feel like I’m making huge leaps, Papyrus would be proud of me and be like “HUMAN! LOOK AT WHAT YOU’VE DONE!!”
Alexander Hamilton (from the musical, Hamilton):  This one is kind of hard to explain. even I don’t have the full explanation figured out ( @kikikid1412 ya might have to help me out with this). The best explanation I can give is that, for some reason, the musicial has just kind of…attached itself deep into my soul? I love it. It’s just so important to me. Maybe the reason I have the “Alexander is autistic” headcanon is because he’s kind of what I want to be. He’s loud, he lets his thoughts be known, he is completely himself. And as someone who is kind of shy and quiet and self concious, why wouldn’t I want to be more like that? I’ve talked about this in my New Years post, but I want to speak up more. I want to grab the things I want, not let them slide by. I want to be in the room where it happens. Like I said, I’m still trying to truly figure out the reason I love this headcanon so much.
Rapunzel (from Tangled) and Belle (from Beauty and the Beast): These two princesses have always been special to me, even before I started this whole headcanoning thing. Beauty and the Beast is basically the movie my father and I share. It’s our movie. As a kid and even now, Belle was my favorite Disney Princess. Then, when I saw Tangled in 2012, the movie just instantly became one of my faves. When I showed the movie to my friends, they even said “Rapunzel is basically you.” So when I got into headcanoning and reading other people’s headcanons for them, I guess it started to make more sense WHY I loved them and WHY I saw bits of myself in them. Rapunzel is this energetic and loud princess with a thousand special interests. Belle is the odd one out in her village and nobody understands her. And for the most part, she’s fine with her books, but she wishes someone would understand her. And she even has doubts about herself because of the way the villagers are towards her (“Papa…do you think I’m…odd?” ). AND BOTH PRINCESSES WANT ADVENTURE! That’s something I want too!! I could go on and on about why I love these princesses so much..
Link (from The Legend of Zelda): This headcanon is kind of new for me, but my love for Zelda is something I’ve had for a looooong time. Zelda has been one of my special interests since I played Link’s Awakening and the Oracle games way back in the day. And even though I love the Zelda series, its the classic games (First game, up until Ocarina/Majora. Also any game attached to the LTTP story) that are closest to my heart and are pretty much a part of me now. So why wouldn’t I love a headcanon that claims THE MAIN CHARACTER AND HERO is autistic? It makes so much sense to me and the headcanon makes me really happy.
Graham (from King’s Quest) and Guybrush Threepwood (from Monkey Island): THESE GAMES ARE REALLY GOOD AND YOU SHOULD PLAY THEM!!! Anyway, these games are pretty much my special interests now, as is point and click games in general. I love these two characters sooo soo much. Both are socially awkward, dorky adventurers. They think outside of the box frequently and come up with solutions that an average person wouldn’t think of. Guybrush has a special interest in pirates. Graham has a special interest in adventuring and puzzles. I will say, my headcanon for Graham is a bit more developed than the one for Guybrush. Graham has the tendency to ramble when excited (when he asks Manny to be friends, when he meets the potion shop owners, when encountering that big puzzle in chapter 4). He also is hyperempathetic (one word: Achaka). Also I headcanon Neese/Vee as autistic and the rest of the family too!
Dawn (from the musical, Waitress): Waitress..oh my god I love Waitress! It’s the first musical I saw LIVE ON BROADWAY!! As I was watching it i was like “Yes…Dawn is autistic as fuuuck : D   ;-; ” Like, in the first song she’s in (Opening Up) she flat out states she likes the way the diner has its own daily routine. She then continues to show that she loves routines (going home and eating a specific tv dinner and watching the history channel). She also is anxious and socially awkward. She has a special interest in history, especially the American Revolution.
Marty Mcfly and Doc Brown (from Back to the Future): I’m gonna start this by saying I love this headcanon, because Marty and Doc are basically me and @kikikid1412 !! Like our sistership is very similar to Doc and Marty’s friendship. Marty is anxious and often times worries about what people will think of him, while Doc is always encouraging Marty to just do it!!! I’ve reblogged a few posts about autistic Marty recently and you can go check out @kikikid1412 for her Doc headcanons. But basically this headcanon is special because I’m like Marty and sis is like Doc! And I see so many similarities between us and the characters!!
Amalthea, Prince Lir, Molly Grue, and Schmendrick (from The Last Unicorn): I’m still trying to develop this headcanon but here’s what I got so far.Schmendrick: Has a special interest in magic and mythological creatures. Stims by juggling.Molly Grue: Goes without shoes due to sensory issues. Special interests are legends and mythological creatures (mainly Robin Hood and unicorns). Very blunt and to the point, can be seen as rude (especially in the scenes where she’s talking to King Haggard)Prince Lir: Doesn’t know how to express his feelings properly/can’t put them into words. Had no clue how to approach the whole “I love Amalthea” thing and stuck to the script of “a daring hero slaying monsters” in hopes it would impress her. He also couldn’t read Amalthea and kept at the whole hero thing until he finally realized it wasn’t working.
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porchenclose10019 · 7 years
Text
Can American Democracy Survive The Era Of Inequality?
Only in our obsessively data-driven era could an issue as socially profound as economic inequality be almost exclusively presented as a mathematical abstraction. Over the past 30 years, an equation has malfunctioned in America, and the numbers do not add up. Occupy Wall Street declares solidarity with the 99 percent, and French economist Thomas Piketty has centuries of figures to prove it. The fact that these bloodless metaphors serve as effective political slogans demonstrates the severity of the problem. Sen. Bernie Sanders’ (I-Vt.) statistically dense stump speeches attacking the 1 percent transformed him from an obscure hippie into the most popular politician in the country.
But inequality is not the breakdown of an awesome machine. It is a political crisis ― one that threatens the very foundations of American government, according to a startling new book by Vanderbilt University Law School professor Ganesh Sitaraman. In The Crisis of the Middle-Class Constitution, Sitaraman argues persuasively that the American Constitution requires a robust middle class to operate, and will break down in the face of prolonged, severe economic inequality.
In a narrative that reaches all the way back to ancient Athens, Sitaraman presents the American Constitution as a radical document that broke with all prior Western legal systems by rejecting the idea that significant economic inequality is both natural and inevitable. Where Athens, Rome and subsequent European empires constructed their institutions to prevent class antagonism from devolving into class war, the United States built a legal system that required broad economic equality to function.
Other constitutions, Sitaraman told HuffPost, “built economic class right into the structure of government. In England, for example, you’ve got a House of Lords for the rich and you’ve got a House of Commons for the poor. We don’t have anything like that. … And the reason we don’t have that is that the founders looked around and they thought that America was uniquely equal economically in the history of the world.”
By not baking class division into the cake, the American system avoided granting explicit privileges and protections to the rich. But the lack of constitutional checks on the power of either the rich or the poor also makes the American republic uniquely unstable during periods of deep inequality. “If the middle class collapses and the gap between the rich and everyone else expands, economic inequality will soon lead to political inequality,” Sitaraman writes. “Eventually, the political system itself will be deformed to stack the deck in favor of the economic elites. Either the republic will transform into an oligarchy, or the people will be seduced by an authoritarian demagogue.”
Listen to HuffPost’s interview with Sitaraman in the HuffPost politics podcast, So That Happened, embedded below. The discussion begins at the 19:25 mark. 
Sitaraman’s account may surprise many liberals. For decades, the early years of the American government have been the intellectual property of the political right, with tri-cornered hats, fifes and snare drums serving as the iconography of conservatism. To the left, the American Revolution is widely seen as a war waged by wealthy white colonists infuriated by high taxes who somehow never got around to abolishing slavery while they were reshaping their political system (although Alexander Hamilton, an authoritarian who personally profited from the slave trade, is enjoying an odd resurgence of liberal popularity).
Sitaraman doesn’t deny the dark side of the founding generation. He bluntly denounces its shortcomings and bemoans the injustices committed against women, African Americans, Native Americans and other minorities throughout U.S. history. But he also teases out a uniquely American egalitarian economic tradition that includes not only the liberal-friendly upheavals of the Civil War and the Great Depression, but the writings of Thomas Jefferson and James Madison.
“The idea is that everyone within the political community should be relatively equal,” Sitaraman said. “It leaves open a really big question ― who’s in the political community? And that’s the fight that we’ve had over generations.”
Jefferson, in particular, comes in as a defender of such internal equality. In a letter to Madison, he claims to have “laid the axe to the root of Pseudoaristocracy” by banning primogeniture in Virginia and abolishing “entail” laws forbidding the division of agricultural estates. Elsewhere, he suggests “laying burthens on the richer classes, & encouraging the poorer ones,” develops a scheme for progressive land taxes, and calls for the government to give property to every man who does not already own at least 50 acres.
The founders also acknowledged that laws would need to change over time to preserve the egalitarian nature of the Republic, Sitaraman argues. He quotes an 1829 letter from Madison, in which the co-author of the Federalist Papers predicts that by 1930, an intolerable number of citizens will be “reduced by a competition for employment to wages which afford them the bare necessities of life.” At that point, “the institutions and laws of the Country must be adapted, and it will require for the task all the wisdom of the wisest patriots.”
The crisis Madison predicted came to pass in the form of the Great Depression, and American government survived by adopting Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s New Deal, which lifted millions out of poverty and subjected much of the economy to federal regulation. Sitaraman’s prescriptions for the current crisis are more modest. Taxes should be raised on the rich and redistributed to the poor, either as direct payments, or in the form of more robust social services. Tougher enforcement of antitrust laws would break up heavy concentrations of economic power. Campaign finance reform would reduce the threat of legalized bribery.
Unfortunately, none of these reforms will be possible for at least four years,  and they may already be too late. Donald Trump’s rapid rise to the presidency made plain America’s vulnerability to demagoguery. The symptoms of oligarchy have long been obvious in the workings of Congress, where intra-elite squabbles routinely sideline middle-class concerns. One particularly egregious example occurred in 2011. With the economy in the doldrums, the Senate spent more than six months battling over debit-card swipe fees, a fringe conflict between retailers and banks that had little to do with economic recovery. More recently, the Obama administration and Republican leaders expended tremendous effort trying to push through a trade pact that even its supporters believed would have only a minor effect on the flow of imports and exports ― a deal that also would have helped corporate insiders challenge profit-crimping laws and regulations before an international tribunal. 
But the depressing state of our politics should not detract from Sitaraman’s outstanding work. It is only April, and The Crisis of the Middle-Class Constitution may well prove to be the most important political book of the year.
“So That Happened” is hosted by Jason Linkins, Zach Carter and Arthur Delaney and produced by Zach Young. Send us an email at [email protected].
To listen to this podcast later, download our show on iTunes. While you’re there, please subscribe to, rate and review our show. Check out other HuffPost podcasts on iTunes here. You can also find us on Google Play Music, RadioPublic, or Acast.
Want more witty and informative political banter in your life? Sign up for our Politics email and find out how Trump and his new administration will impact you.
-- This feed and its contents are the property of The Huffington Post, and use is subject to our terms. It may be used for personal consumption, but may not be distributed on a website.
from DIYS http://ift.tt/2oN9ctF
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repwincoml4a0a5 · 7 years
Text
Can American Democracy Survive The Era Of Inequality?
Only in our obsessively data-driven era could an issue as socially profound as economic inequality be almost exclusively presented as a mathematical abstraction. Over the past 30 years, an equation has malfunctioned in America, and the numbers do not add up. Occupy Wall Street declares solidarity with the 99 percent, and French economist Thomas Piketty has centuries of figures to prove it. The fact that these bloodless metaphors serve as effective political slogans demonstrates the severity of the problem. Sen. Bernie Sanders’ (I-Vt.) statistically dense stump speeches attacking the 1 percent transformed him from an obscure hippie into the most popular politician in the country.
But inequality is not the breakdown of an awesome machine. It is a political crisis ― one that threatens the very foundations of American government, according to a startling new book by Vanderbilt University Law School professor Ganesh Sitaraman. In The Crisis of the Middle-Class Constitution, Sitaraman argues persuasively that the American Constitution requires a robust middle class to operate, and will break down in the face of prolonged, severe economic inequality.
In a narrative that reaches all the way back to ancient Athens, Sitaraman presents the American Constitution as a radical document that broke with all prior Western legal systems by rejecting the idea that significant economic inequality is both natural and inevitable. Where Athens, Rome and subsequent European empires constructed their institutions to prevent class antagonism from devolving into class war, the United States built a legal system that required broad economic equality to function.
Other constitutions, Sitaraman told HuffPost, “built economic class right into the structure of government. In England, for example, you’ve got a House of Lords for the rich and you’ve got a House of Commons for the poor. We don’t have anything like that. … And the reason we don’t have that is that the founders looked around and they thought that America was uniquely equal economically in the history of the world.”
By not baking class division into the cake, the American system avoided granting explicit privileges and protections to the rich. But the lack of constitutional checks on the power of either the rich or the poor also makes the American republic uniquely unstable during periods of deep inequality. “If the middle class collapses and the gap between the rich and everyone else expands, economic inequality will soon lead to political inequality,” Sitaraman writes. “Eventually, the political system itself will be deformed to stack the deck in favor of the economic elites. Either the republic will transform into an oligarchy, or the people will be seduced by an authoritarian demagogue.”
Listen to HuffPost’s interview with Sitaraman in the HuffPost politics podcast, So That Happened, embedded below. The discussion begins at the 19:25 mark. 
Sitaraman’s account may surprise many liberals. For decades, the early years of the American government have been the intellectual property of the political right, with tri-cornered hats, fifes and snare drums serving as the iconography of conservatism. To the left, the American Revolution is widely seen as a war waged by wealthy white colonists infuriated by high taxes who somehow never got around to abolishing slavery while they were reshaping their political system (although Alexander Hamilton, an authoritarian who personally profited from the slave trade, is enjoying an odd resurgence of liberal popularity).
Sitaraman doesn’t deny the dark side of the founding generation. He bluntly denounces its shortcomings and bemoans the injustices committed against women, African Americans, Native Americans and other minorities throughout U.S. history. But he also teases out a uniquely American egalitarian economic tradition that includes not only the liberal-friendly upheavals of the Civil War and the Great Depression, but the writings of Thomas Jefferson and James Madison.
“The idea is that everyone within the political community should be relatively equal,” Sitaraman said. “It leaves open a really big question ― who’s in the political community? And that’s the fight that we’ve had over generations.”
Jefferson, in particular, comes in as a defender of such internal equality. In a letter to Madison, he claims to have “laid the axe to the root of Pseudoaristocracy” by banning primogeniture in Virginia and abolishing “entail” laws forbidding the division of agricultural estates. Elsewhere, he suggests “laying burthens on the richer classes, & encouraging the poorer ones,” develops a scheme for progressive land taxes, and calls for the government to give property to every man who does not already own at least 50 acres.
The founders also acknowledged that laws would need to change over time to preserve the egalitarian nature of the Republic, Sitaraman argues. He quotes an 1829 letter from Madison, in which the co-author of the Federalist Papers predicts that by 1930, an intolerable number of citizens will be “reduced by a competition for employment to wages which afford them the bare necessities of life.” At that point, “the institutions and laws of the Country must be adapted, and it will require for the task all the wisdom of the wisest patriots.”
The crisis Madison predicted came to pass in the form of the Great Depression, and American government survived by adopting Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s New Deal, which lifted millions out of poverty and subjected much of the economy to federal regulation. Sitaraman’s prescriptions for the current crisis are more modest. Taxes should be raised on the rich and redistributed to the poor, either as direct payments, or in the form of more robust social services. Tougher enforcement of antitrust laws would break up heavy concentrations of economic power. Campaign finance reform would reduce the threat of legalized bribery.
Unfortunately, none of these reforms will be possible for at least four years,  and they may already be too late. Donald Trump’s rapid rise to the presidency made plain America’s vulnerability to demagoguery. The symptoms of oligarchy have long been obvious in the workings of Congress, where intra-elite squabbles routinely sideline middle-class concerns. One particularly egregious example occurred in 2011. With the economy in the doldrums, the Senate spent more than six months battling over debit-card swipe fees, a fringe conflict between retailers and banks that had little to do with economic recovery. More recently, the Obama administration and Republican leaders expended tremendous effort trying to push through a trade pact that even its supporters believed would have only a minor effect on the flow of imports and exports ― a deal that also would have helped corporate insiders challenge profit-crimping laws and regulations before an international tribunal. 
But the depressing state of our politics should not detract from Sitaraman’s outstanding work. It is only April, and The Crisis of the Middle-Class Constitution may well prove to be the most important political book of the year.
“So That Happened” is hosted by Jason Linkins, Zach Carter and Arthur Delaney and produced by Zach Young. Send us an email at [email protected].
To listen to this podcast later, download our show on iTunes. While you’re there, please subscribe to, rate and review our show. Check out other HuffPost podcasts on iTunes here. You can also find us on Google Play Music, RadioPublic, or Acast.
Want more witty and informative political banter in your life? Sign up for our Politics email and find out how Trump and his new administration will impact you.
-- This feed and its contents are the property of The Huffington Post, and use is subject to our terms. It may be used for personal consumption, but may not be distributed on a website.
from DIYS http://ift.tt/2oN9ctF
0 notes
rtscrndr53704 · 7 years
Text
Can American Democracy Survive The Era Of Inequality?
Only in our obsessively data-driven era could an issue as socially profound as economic inequality be almost exclusively presented as a mathematical abstraction. Over the past 30 years, an equation has malfunctioned in America, and the numbers do not add up. Occupy Wall Street declares solidarity with the 99 percent, and French economist Thomas Piketty has centuries of figures to prove it. The fact that these bloodless metaphors serve as effective political slogans demonstrates the severity of the problem. Sen. Bernie Sanders’ (I-Vt.) statistically dense stump speeches attacking the 1 percent transformed him from an obscure hippie into the most popular politician in the country.
But inequality is not the breakdown of an awesome machine. It is a political crisis ― one that threatens the very foundations of American government, according to a startling new book by Vanderbilt University Law School professor Ganesh Sitaraman. In The Crisis of the Middle-Class Constitution, Sitaraman argues persuasively that the American Constitution requires a robust middle class to operate, and will break down in the face of prolonged, severe economic inequality.
In a narrative that reaches all the way back to ancient Athens, Sitaraman presents the American Constitution as a radical document that broke with all prior Western legal systems by rejecting the idea that significant economic inequality is both natural and inevitable. Where Athens, Rome and subsequent European empires constructed their institutions to prevent class antagonism from devolving into class war, the United States built a legal system that required broad economic equality to function.
Other constitutions, Sitaraman told HuffPost, “built economic class right into the structure of government. In England, for example, you’ve got a House of Lords for the rich and you’ve got a House of Commons for the poor. We don’t have anything like that. … And the reason we don’t have that is that the founders looked around and they thought that America was uniquely equal economically in the history of the world.”
By not baking class division into the cake, the American system avoided granting explicit privileges and protections to the rich. But the lack of constitutional checks on the power of either the rich or the poor also makes the American republic uniquely unstable during periods of deep inequality. “If the middle class collapses and the gap between the rich and everyone else expands, economic inequality will soon lead to political inequality,” Sitaraman writes. “Eventually, the political system itself will be deformed to stack the deck in favor of the economic elites. Either the republic will transform into an oligarchy, or the people will be seduced by an authoritarian demagogue.”
Listen to HuffPost’s interview with Sitaraman in the HuffPost politics podcast, So That Happened, embedded below. The discussion begins at the 19:25 mark. 
Sitaraman’s account may surprise many liberals. For decades, the early years of the American government have been the intellectual property of the political right, with tri-cornered hats, fifes and snare drums serving as the iconography of conservatism. To the left, the American Revolution is widely seen as a war waged by wealthy white colonists infuriated by high taxes who somehow never got around to abolishing slavery while they were reshaping their political system (although Alexander Hamilton, an authoritarian who personally profited from the slave trade, is enjoying an odd resurgence of liberal popularity).
Sitaraman doesn’t deny the dark side of the founding generation. He bluntly denounces its shortcomings and bemoans the injustices committed against women, African Americans, Native Americans and other minorities throughout U.S. history. But he also teases out a uniquely American egalitarian economic tradition that includes not only the liberal-friendly upheavals of the Civil War and the Great Depression, but the writings of Thomas Jefferson and James Madison.
“The idea is that everyone within the political community should be relatively equal,” Sitaraman said. “It leaves open a really big question ― who’s in the political community? And that’s the fight that we’ve had over generations.”
Jefferson, in particular, comes in as a defender of such internal equality. In a letter to Madison, he claims to have “laid the axe to the root of Pseudoaristocracy” by banning primogeniture in Virginia and abolishing “entail” laws forbidding the division of agricultural estates. Elsewhere, he suggests “laying burthens on the richer classes, & encouraging the poorer ones,” develops a scheme for progressive land taxes, and calls for the government to give property to every man who does not already own at least 50 acres.
The founders also acknowledged that laws would need to change over time to preserve the egalitarian nature of the Republic, Sitaraman argues. He quotes an 1829 letter from Madison, in which the co-author of the Federalist Papers predicts that by 1930, an intolerable number of citizens will be “reduced by a competition for employment to wages which afford them the bare necessities of life.” At that point, “the institutions and laws of the Country must be adapted, and it will require for the task all the wisdom of the wisest patriots.”
The crisis Madison predicted came to pass in the form of the Great Depression, and American government survived by adopting Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s New Deal, which lifted millions out of poverty and subjected much of the economy to federal regulation. Sitaraman’s prescriptions for the current crisis are more modest. Taxes should be raised on the rich and redistributed to the poor, either as direct payments, or in the form of more robust social services. Tougher enforcement of antitrust laws would break up heavy concentrations of economic power. Campaign finance reform would reduce the threat of legalized bribery.
Unfortunately, none of these reforms will be possible for at least four years,  and they may already be too late. Donald Trump’s rapid rise to the presidency made plain America’s vulnerability to demagoguery. The symptoms of oligarchy have long been obvious in the workings of Congress, where intra-elite squabbles routinely sideline middle-class concerns. One particularly egregious example occurred in 2011. With the economy in the doldrums, the Senate spent more than six months battling over debit-card swipe fees, a fringe conflict between retailers and banks that had little to do with economic recovery. More recently, the Obama administration and Republican leaders expended tremendous effort trying to push through a trade pact that even its supporters believed would have only a minor effect on the flow of imports and exports ― a deal that also would have helped corporate insiders challenge profit-crimping laws and regulations before an international tribunal. 
But the depressing state of our politics should not detract from Sitaraman’s outstanding work. It is only April, and The Crisis of the Middle-Class Constitution may well prove to be the most important political book of the year.
“So That Happened” is hosted by Jason Linkins, Zach Carter and Arthur Delaney and produced by Zach Young. Send us an email at [email protected].
To listen to this podcast later, download our show on iTunes. While you’re there, please subscribe to, rate and review our show. Check out other HuffPost podcasts on iTunes here. You can also find us on Google Play Music, RadioPublic, or Acast.
Want more witty and informative political banter in your life? Sign up for our Politics email and find out how Trump and his new administration will impact you.
-- This feed and its contents are the property of The Huffington Post, and use is subject to our terms. It may be used for personal consumption, but may not be distributed on a website.
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rtawngs20815 · 7 years
Text
Can American Democracy Survive The Era Of Inequality?
Only in our obsessively data-driven era could an issue as socially profound as economic inequality be almost exclusively presented as a mathematical abstraction. Over the past 30 years, an equation has malfunctioned in America, and the numbers do not add up. Occupy Wall Street declares solidarity with the 99 percent, and French economist Thomas Piketty has centuries of figures to prove it. The fact that these bloodless metaphors serve as effective political slogans demonstrates the severity of the problem. Sen. Bernie Sanders’ (I-Vt.) statistically dense stump speeches attacking the 1 percent transformed him from an obscure hippie into the most popular politician in the country.
But inequality is not the breakdown of an awesome machine. It is a political crisis ― one that threatens the very foundations of American government, according to a startling new book by Vanderbilt University Law School professor Ganesh Sitaraman. In The Crisis of the Middle-Class Constitution, Sitaraman argues persuasively that the American Constitution requires a robust middle class to operate, and will break down in the face of prolonged, severe economic inequality.
In a narrative that reaches all the way back to ancient Athens, Sitaraman presents the American Constitution as a radical document that broke with all prior Western legal systems by rejecting the idea that significant economic inequality is both natural and inevitable. Where Athens, Rome and subsequent European empires constructed their institutions to prevent class antagonism from devolving into class war, the United States built a legal system that required broad economic equality to function.
Other constitutions, Sitaraman told HuffPost, “built economic class right into the structure of government. In England, for example, you’ve got a House of Lords for the rich and you’ve got a House of Commons for the poor. We don’t have anything like that. … And the reason we don’t have that is that the founders looked around and they thought that America was uniquely equal economically in the history of the world.”
By not baking class division into the cake, the American system avoided granting explicit privileges and protections to the rich. But the lack of constitutional checks on the power of either the rich or the poor also makes the American republic uniquely unstable during periods of deep inequality. “If the middle class collapses and the gap between the rich and everyone else expands, economic inequality will soon lead to political inequality,” Sitaraman writes. “Eventually, the political system itself will be deformed to stack the deck in favor of the economic elites. Either the republic will transform into an oligarchy, or the people will be seduced by an authoritarian demagogue.”
Listen to HuffPost’s interview with Sitaraman in the HuffPost politics podcast, So That Happened, embedded below. The discussion begins at the 19:25 mark. 
Sitaraman’s account may surprise many liberals. For decades, the early years of the American government have been the intellectual property of the political right, with tri-cornered hats, fifes and snare drums serving as the iconography of conservatism. To the left, the American Revolution is widely seen as a war waged by wealthy white colonists infuriated by high taxes who somehow never got around to abolishing slavery while they were reshaping their political system (although Alexander Hamilton, an authoritarian who personally profited from the slave trade, is enjoying an odd resurgence of liberal popularity).
Sitaraman doesn’t deny the dark side of the founding generation. He bluntly denounces its shortcomings and bemoans the injustices committed against women, African Americans, Native Americans and other minorities throughout U.S. history. But he also teases out a uniquely American egalitarian economic tradition that includes not only the liberal-friendly upheavals of the Civil War and the Great Depression, but the writings of Thomas Jefferson and James Madison.
“The idea is that everyone within the political community should be relatively equal,” Sitaraman said. “It leaves open a really big question ― who’s in the political community? And that’s the fight that we’ve had over generations.”
Jefferson, in particular, comes in as a defender of such internal equality. In a letter to Madison, he claims to have “laid the axe to the root of Pseudoaristocracy” by banning primogeniture in Virginia and abolishing “entail” laws forbidding the division of agricultural estates. Elsewhere, he suggests “laying burthens on the richer classes, & encouraging the poorer ones,” develops a scheme for progressive land taxes, and calls for the government to give property to every man who does not already own at least 50 acres.
The founders also acknowledged that laws would need to change over time to preserve the egalitarian nature of the Republic, Sitaraman argues. He quotes an 1829 letter from Madison, in which the co-author of the Federalist Papers predicts that by 1930, an intolerable number of citizens will be “reduced by a competition for employment to wages which afford them the bare necessities of life.” At that point, “the institutions and laws of the Country must be adapted, and it will require for the task all the wisdom of the wisest patriots.”
The crisis Madison predicted came to pass in the form of the Great Depression, and American government survived by adopting Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s New Deal, which lifted millions out of poverty and subjected much of the economy to federal regulation. Sitaraman’s prescriptions for the current crisis are more modest. Taxes should be raised on the rich and redistributed to the poor, either as direct payments, or in the form of more robust social services. Tougher enforcement of antitrust laws would break up heavy concentrations of economic power. Campaign finance reform would reduce the threat of legalized bribery.
Unfortunately, none of these reforms will be possible for at least four years,  and they may already be too late. Donald Trump’s rapid rise to the presidency made plain America’s vulnerability to demagoguery. The symptoms of oligarchy have long been obvious in the workings of Congress, where intra-elite squabbles routinely sideline middle-class concerns. One particularly egregious example occurred in 2011. With the economy in the doldrums, the Senate spent more than six months battling over debit-card swipe fees, a fringe conflict between retailers and banks that had little to do with economic recovery. More recently, the Obama administration and Republican leaders expended tremendous effort trying to push through a trade pact that even its supporters believed would have only a minor effect on the flow of imports and exports ― a deal that also would have helped corporate insiders challenge profit-crimping laws and regulations before an international tribunal. 
But the depressing state of our politics should not detract from Sitaraman’s outstanding work. It is only April, and The Crisis of the Middle-Class Constitution may well prove to be the most important political book of the year.
“So That Happened” is hosted by Jason Linkins, Zach Carter and Arthur Delaney and produced by Zach Young. Send us an email at [email protected].
To listen to this podcast later, download our show on iTunes. While you’re there, please subscribe to, rate and review our show. Check out other HuffPost podcasts on iTunes here. You can also find us on Google Play Music, RadioPublic, or Acast.
Want more witty and informative political banter in your life? Sign up for our Politics email and find out how Trump and his new administration will impact you.
-- This feed and its contents are the property of The Huffington Post, and use is subject to our terms. It may be used for personal consumption, but may not be distributed on a website.
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grgedoors02142 · 7 years
Text
Can American Democracy Survive The Era Of Inequality?
Only in our obsessively data-driven era could an issue as socially profound as economic inequality be almost exclusively presented as a mathematical abstraction. Over the past 30 years, an equation has malfunctioned in America, and the numbers do not add up. Occupy Wall Street declares solidarity with the 99 percent, and French economist Thomas Piketty has centuries of figures to prove it. The fact that these bloodless metaphors serve as effective political slogans demonstrates the severity of the problem. Sen. Bernie Sanders’ (I-Vt.) statistically dense stump speeches attacking the 1 percent transformed him from an obscure hippie into the most popular politician in the country.
But inequality is not the breakdown of an awesome machine. It is a political crisis ― one that threatens the very foundations of American government, according to a startling new book by Vanderbilt University Law School professor Ganesh Sitaraman. In The Crisis of the Middle-Class Constitution, Sitaraman argues persuasively that the American Constitution requires a robust middle class to operate, and will break down in the face of prolonged, severe economic inequality.
In a narrative that reaches all the way back to ancient Athens, Sitaraman presents the American Constitution as a radical document that broke with all prior Western legal systems by rejecting the idea that significant economic inequality is both natural and inevitable. Where Athens, Rome and subsequent European empires constructed their institutions to prevent class antagonism from devolving into class war, the United States built a legal system that required broad economic equality to function.
Other constitutions, Sitaraman told HuffPost, “built economic class right into the structure of government. In England, for example, you’ve got a House of Lords for the rich and you’ve got a House of Commons for the poor. We don’t have anything like that. … And the reason we don’t have that is that the founders looked around and they thought that America was uniquely equal economically in the history of the world.”
By not baking class division into the cake, the American system avoided granting explicit privileges and protections to the rich. But the lack of constitutional checks on the power of either the rich or the poor also makes the American republic uniquely unstable during periods of deep inequality. “If the middle class collapses and the gap between the rich and everyone else expands, economic inequality will soon lead to political inequality,” Sitaraman writes. “Eventually, the political system itself will be deformed to stack the deck in favor of the economic elites. Either the republic will transform into an oligarchy, or the people will be seduced by an authoritarian demagogue.”
Listen to HuffPost’s interview with Sitaraman in the HuffPost politics podcast, So That Happened, embedded below. The discussion begins at the 19:25 mark. 
Sitaraman’s account may surprise many liberals. For decades, the early years of the American government have been the intellectual property of the political right, with tri-cornered hats, fifes and snare drums serving as the iconography of conservatism. To the left, the American Revolution is widely seen as a war waged by wealthy white colonists infuriated by high taxes who somehow never got around to abolishing slavery while they were reshaping their political system (although Alexander Hamilton, an authoritarian who personally profited from the slave trade, is enjoying an odd resurgence of liberal popularity).
Sitaraman doesn’t deny the dark side of the founding generation. He bluntly denounces its shortcomings and bemoans the injustices committed against women, African Americans, Native Americans and other minorities throughout U.S. history. But he also teases out a uniquely American egalitarian economic tradition that includes not only the liberal-friendly upheavals of the Civil War and the Great Depression, but the writings of Thomas Jefferson and James Madison.
“The idea is that everyone within the political community should be relatively equal,” Sitaraman said. “It leaves open a really big question ― who’s in the political community? And that’s the fight that we’ve had over generations.”
Jefferson, in particular, comes in as a defender of such internal equality. In a letter to Madison, he claims to have “laid the axe to the root of Pseudoaristocracy” by banning primogeniture in Virginia and abolishing “entail” laws forbidding the division of agricultural estates. Elsewhere, he suggests “laying burthens on the richer classes, & encouraging the poorer ones,” develops a scheme for progressive land taxes, and calls for the government to give property to every man who does not already own at least 50 acres.
The founders also acknowledged that laws would need to change over time to preserve the egalitarian nature of the Republic, Sitaraman argues. He quotes an 1829 letter from Madison, in which the co-author of the Federalist Papers predicts that by 1930, an intolerable number of citizens will be “reduced by a competition for employment to wages which afford them the bare necessities of life.” At that point, “the institutions and laws of the Country must be adapted, and it will require for the task all the wisdom of the wisest patriots.”
The crisis Madison predicted came to pass in the form of the Great Depression, and American government survived by adopting Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s New Deal, which lifted millions out of poverty and subjected much of the economy to federal regulation. Sitaraman’s prescriptions for the current crisis are more modest. Taxes should be raised on the rich and redistributed to the poor, either as direct payments, or in the form of more robust social services. Tougher enforcement of antitrust laws would break up heavy concentrations of economic power. Campaign finance reform would reduce the threat of legalized bribery.
Unfortunately, none of these reforms will be possible for at least four years,  and they may already be too late. Donald Trump’s rapid rise to the presidency made plain America’s vulnerability to demagoguery. The symptoms of oligarchy have long been obvious in the workings of Congress, where intra-elite squabbles routinely sideline middle-class concerns. One particularly egregious example occurred in 2011. With the economy in the doldrums, the Senate spent more than six months battling over debit-card swipe fees, a fringe conflict between retailers and banks that had little to do with economic recovery. More recently, the Obama administration and Republican leaders expended tremendous effort trying to push through a trade pact that even its supporters believed would have only a minor effect on the flow of imports and exports ― a deal that also would have helped corporate insiders challenge profit-crimping laws and regulations before an international tribunal. 
But the depressing state of our politics should not detract from Sitaraman’s outstanding work. It is only April, and The Crisis of the Middle-Class Constitution may well prove to be the most important political book of the year.
“So That Happened” is hosted by Jason Linkins, Zach Carter and Arthur Delaney and produced by Zach Young. Send us an email at [email protected].
To listen to this podcast later, download our show on iTunes. While you’re there, please subscribe to, rate and review our show. Check out other HuffPost podcasts on iTunes here. You can also find us on Google Play Music, RadioPublic, or Acast.
Want more witty and informative political banter in your life? Sign up for our Politics email and find out how Trump and his new administration will impact you.
-- This feed and its contents are the property of The Huffington Post, and use is subject to our terms. It may be used for personal consumption, but may not be distributed on a website.
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chpatdoorsl3z0a1 · 7 years
Text
Can American Democracy Survive The Era Of Inequality?
Only in our obsessively data-driven era could an issue as socially profound as economic inequality be almost exclusively presented as a mathematical abstraction. Over the past 30 years, an equation has malfunctioned in America, and the numbers do not add up. Occupy Wall Street declares solidarity with the 99 percent, and French economist Thomas Piketty has centuries of figures to prove it. The fact that these bloodless metaphors serve as effective political slogans demonstrates the severity of the problem. Sen. Bernie Sanders’ (I-Vt.) statistically dense stump speeches attacking the 1 percent transformed him from an obscure hippie into the most popular politician in the country.
But inequality is not the breakdown of an awesome machine. It is a political crisis ― one that threatens the very foundations of American government, according to a startling new book by Vanderbilt University Law School professor Ganesh Sitaraman. In The Crisis of the Middle-Class Constitution, Sitaraman argues persuasively that the American Constitution requires a robust middle class to operate, and will break down in the face of prolonged, severe economic inequality.
In a narrative that reaches all the way back to ancient Athens, Sitaraman presents the American Constitution as a radical document that broke with all prior Western legal systems by rejecting the idea that significant economic inequality is both natural and inevitable. Where Athens, Rome and subsequent European empires constructed their institutions to prevent class antagonism from devolving into class war, the United States built a legal system that required broad economic equality to function.
Other constitutions, Sitaraman told HuffPost, “built economic class right into the structure of government. In England, for example, you’ve got a House of Lords for the rich and you’ve got a House of Commons for the poor. We don’t have anything like that. … And the reason we don’t have that is that the founders looked around and they thought that America was uniquely equal economically in the history of the world.”
By not baking class division into the cake, the American system avoided granting explicit privileges and protections to the rich. But the lack of constitutional checks on the power of either the rich or the poor also makes the American republic uniquely unstable during periods of deep inequality. “If the middle class collapses and the gap between the rich and everyone else expands, economic inequality will soon lead to political inequality,” Sitaraman writes. “Eventually, the political system itself will be deformed to stack the deck in favor of the economic elites. Either the republic will transform into an oligarchy, or the people will be seduced by an authoritarian demagogue.”
Listen to HuffPost’s interview with Sitaraman in the HuffPost politics podcast, So That Happened, embedded below. The discussion begins at the 19:25 mark. 
Sitaraman’s account may surprise many liberals. For decades, the early years of the American government have been the intellectual property of the political right, with tri-cornered hats, fifes and snare drums serving as the iconography of conservatism. To the left, the American Revolution is widely seen as a war waged by wealthy white colonists infuriated by high taxes who somehow never got around to abolishing slavery while they were reshaping their political system (although Alexander Hamilton, an authoritarian who personally profited from the slave trade, is enjoying an odd resurgence of liberal popularity).
Sitaraman doesn’t deny the dark side of the founding generation. He bluntly denounces its shortcomings and bemoans the injustices committed against women, African Americans, Native Americans and other minorities throughout U.S. history. But he also teases out a uniquely American egalitarian economic tradition that includes not only the liberal-friendly upheavals of the Civil War and the Great Depression, but the writings of Thomas Jefferson and James Madison.
“The idea is that everyone within the political community should be relatively equal,” Sitaraman said. “It leaves open a really big question ― who’s in the political community? And that’s the fight that we’ve had over generations.”
Jefferson, in particular, comes in as a defender of such internal equality. In a letter to Madison, he claims to have “laid the axe to the root of Pseudoaristocracy” by banning primogeniture in Virginia and abolishing “entail” laws forbidding the division of agricultural estates. Elsewhere, he suggests “laying burthens on the richer classes, & encouraging the poorer ones,” develops a scheme for progressive land taxes, and calls for the government to give property to every man who does not already own at least 50 acres.
The founders also acknowledged that laws would need to change over time to preserve the egalitarian nature of the Republic, Sitaraman argues. He quotes an 1829 letter from Madison, in which the co-author of the Federalist Papers predicts that by 1930, an intolerable number of citizens will be “reduced by a competition for employment to wages which afford them the bare necessities of life.” At that point, “the institutions and laws of the Country must be adapted, and it will require for the task all the wisdom of the wisest patriots.”
The crisis Madison predicted came to pass in the form of the Great Depression, and American government survived by adopting Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s New Deal, which lifted millions out of poverty and subjected much of the economy to federal regulation. Sitaraman’s prescriptions for the current crisis are more modest. Taxes should be raised on the rich and redistributed to the poor, either as direct payments, or in the form of more robust social services. Tougher enforcement of antitrust laws would break up heavy concentrations of economic power. Campaign finance reform would reduce the threat of legalized bribery.
Unfortunately, none of these reforms will be possible for at least four years,  and they may already be too late. Donald Trump’s rapid rise to the presidency made plain America’s vulnerability to demagoguery. The symptoms of oligarchy have long been obvious in the workings of Congress, where intra-elite squabbles routinely sideline middle-class concerns. One particularly egregious example occurred in 2011. With the economy in the doldrums, the Senate spent more than six months battling over debit-card swipe fees, a fringe conflict between retailers and banks that had little to do with economic recovery. More recently, the Obama administration and Republican leaders expended tremendous effort trying to push through a trade pact that even its supporters believed would have only a minor effect on the flow of imports and exports ― a deal that also would have helped corporate insiders challenge profit-crimping laws and regulations before an international tribunal. 
But the depressing state of our politics should not detract from Sitaraman’s outstanding work. It is only April, and The Crisis of the Middle-Class Constitution may well prove to be the most important political book of the year.
“So That Happened” is hosted by Jason Linkins, Zach Carter and Arthur Delaney and produced by Zach Young. Send us an email at [email protected].
To listen to this podcast later, download our show on iTunes. While you’re there, please subscribe to, rate and review our show. Check out other HuffPost podcasts on iTunes here. You can also find us on Google Play Music, RadioPublic, or Acast.
Want more witty and informative political banter in your life? Sign up for our Politics email and find out how Trump and his new administration will impact you.
-- This feed and its contents are the property of The Huffington Post, and use is subject to our terms. It may be used for personal consumption, but may not be distributed on a website.
from DIYS http://ift.tt/2oN9ctF
0 notes
stormdoors78476 · 7 years
Text
Can American Democracy Survive The Era Of Inequality?
Only in our obsessively data-driven era could an issue as socially profound as economic inequality be almost exclusively presented as a mathematical abstraction. Over the past 30 years, an equation has malfunctioned in America, and the numbers do not add up. Occupy Wall Street declares solidarity with the 99 percent, and French economist Thomas Piketty has centuries of figures to prove it. The fact that these bloodless metaphors serve as effective political slogans demonstrates the severity of the problem. Sen. Bernie Sanders’ (I-Vt.) statistically dense stump speeches attacking the 1 percent transformed him from an obscure hippie into the most popular politician in the country.
But inequality is not the breakdown of an awesome machine. It is a political crisis ― one that threatens the very foundations of American government, according to a startling new book by Vanderbilt University Law School professor Ganesh Sitaraman. In The Crisis of the Middle-Class Constitution, Sitaraman argues persuasively that the American Constitution requires a robust middle class to operate, and will break down in the face of prolonged, severe economic inequality.
In a narrative that reaches all the way back to ancient Athens, Sitaraman presents the American Constitution as a radical document that broke with all prior Western legal systems by rejecting the idea that significant economic inequality is both natural and inevitable. Where Athens, Rome and subsequent European empires constructed their institutions to prevent class antagonism from devolving into class war, the United States built a legal system that required broad economic equality to function.
Other constitutions, Sitaraman told HuffPost, “built economic class right into the structure of government. In England, for example, you’ve got a House of Lords for the rich and you’ve got a House of Commons for the poor. We don’t have anything like that. … And the reason we don’t have that is that the founders looked around and they thought that America was uniquely equal economically in the history of the world.”
By not baking class division into the cake, the American system avoided granting explicit privileges and protections to the rich. But the lack of constitutional checks on the power of either the rich or the poor also makes the American republic uniquely unstable during periods of deep inequality. “If the middle class collapses and the gap between the rich and everyone else expands, economic inequality will soon lead to political inequality,” Sitaraman writes. “Eventually, the political system itself will be deformed to stack the deck in favor of the economic elites. Either the republic will transform into an oligarchy, or the people will be seduced by an authoritarian demagogue.”
Listen to HuffPost’s interview with Sitaraman in the HuffPost politics podcast, So That Happened, embedded below. The discussion begins at the 19:25 mark. 
Sitaraman’s account may surprise many liberals. For decades, the early years of the American government have been the intellectual property of the political right, with tri-cornered hats, fifes and snare drums serving as the iconography of conservatism. To the left, the American Revolution is widely seen as a war waged by wealthy white colonists infuriated by high taxes who somehow never got around to abolishing slavery while they were reshaping their political system (although Alexander Hamilton, an authoritarian who personally profited from the slave trade, is enjoying an odd resurgence of liberal popularity).
Sitaraman doesn’t deny the dark side of the founding generation. He bluntly denounces its shortcomings and bemoans the injustices committed against women, African Americans, Native Americans and other minorities throughout U.S. history. But he also teases out a uniquely American egalitarian economic tradition that includes not only the liberal-friendly upheavals of the Civil War and the Great Depression, but the writings of Thomas Jefferson and James Madison.
“The idea is that everyone within the political community should be relatively equal,” Sitaraman said. “It leaves open a really big question ― who’s in the political community? And that’s the fight that we’ve had over generations.”
Jefferson, in particular, comes in as a defender of such internal equality. In a letter to Madison, he claims to have “laid the axe to the root of Pseudoaristocracy” by banning primogeniture in Virginia and abolishing “entail” laws forbidding the division of agricultural estates. Elsewhere, he suggests “laying burthens on the richer classes, & encouraging the poorer ones,” develops a scheme for progressive land taxes, and calls for the government to give property to every man who does not already own at least 50 acres.
The founders also acknowledged that laws would need to change over time to preserve the egalitarian nature of the Republic, Sitaraman argues. He quotes an 1829 letter from Madison, in which the co-author of the Federalist Papers predicts that by 1930, an intolerable number of citizens will be “reduced by a competition for employment to wages which afford them the bare necessities of life.” At that point, “the institutions and laws of the Country must be adapted, and it will require for the task all the wisdom of the wisest patriots.”
The crisis Madison predicted came to pass in the form of the Great Depression, and American government survived by adopting Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s New Deal, which lifted millions out of poverty and subjected much of the economy to federal regulation. Sitaraman’s prescriptions for the current crisis are more modest. Taxes should be raised on the rich and redistributed to the poor, either as direct payments, or in the form of more robust social services. Tougher enforcement of antitrust laws would break up heavy concentrations of economic power. Campaign finance reform would reduce the threat of legalized bribery.
Unfortunately, none of these reforms will be possible for at least four years,  and they may already be too late. Donald Trump’s rapid rise to the presidency made plain America’s vulnerability to demagoguery. The symptoms of oligarchy have long been obvious in the workings of Congress, where intra-elite squabbles routinely sideline middle-class concerns. One particularly egregious example occurred in 2011. With the economy in the doldrums, the Senate spent more than six months battling over debit-card swipe fees, a fringe conflict between retailers and banks that had little to do with economic recovery. More recently, the Obama administration and Republican leaders expended tremendous effort trying to push through a trade pact that even its supporters believed would have only a minor effect on the flow of imports and exports ― a deal that also would have helped corporate insiders challenge profit-crimping laws and regulations before an international tribunal. 
But the depressing state of our politics should not detract from Sitaraman’s outstanding work. It is only April, and The Crisis of the Middle-Class Constitution may well prove to be the most important political book of the year.
“So That Happened” is hosted by Jason Linkins, Zach Carter and Arthur Delaney and produced by Zach Young. Send us an email at [email protected].
To listen to this podcast later, download our show on iTunes. While you’re there, please subscribe to, rate and review our show. Check out other HuffPost podcasts on iTunes here. You can also find us on Google Play Music, RadioPublic, or Acast.
Want more witty and informative political banter in your life? Sign up for our Politics email and find out how Trump and his new administration will impact you.
-- This feed and its contents are the property of The Huffington Post, and use is subject to our terms. It may be used for personal consumption, but may not be distributed on a website.
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repwinpril9y0a1 · 7 years
Text
Can American Democracy Survive The Era Of Inequality?
Only in our obsessively data-driven era could an issue as socially profound as economic inequality be almost exclusively presented as a mathematical abstraction. Over the past 30 years, an equation has malfunctioned in America, and the numbers do not add up. Occupy Wall Street declares solidarity with the 99 percent, and French economist Thomas Piketty has centuries of figures to prove it. The fact that these bloodless metaphors serve as effective political slogans demonstrates the severity of the problem. Sen. Bernie Sanders’ (I-Vt.) statistically dense stump speeches attacking the 1 percent transformed him from an obscure hippie into the most popular politician in the country.
But inequality is not the breakdown of an awesome machine. It is a political crisis ― one that threatens the very foundations of American government, according to a startling new book by Vanderbilt University Law School professor Ganesh Sitaraman. In The Crisis of the Middle-Class Constitution, Sitaraman argues persuasively that the American Constitution requires a robust middle class to operate, and will break down in the face of prolonged, severe economic inequality.
In a narrative that reaches all the way back to ancient Athens, Sitaraman presents the American Constitution as a radical document that broke with all prior Western legal systems by rejecting the idea that significant economic inequality is both natural and inevitable. Where Athens, Rome and subsequent European empires constructed their institutions to prevent class antagonism from devolving into class war, the United States built a legal system that required broad economic equality to function.
Other constitutions, Sitaraman told HuffPost, “built economic class right into the structure of government. In England, for example, you’ve got a House of Lords for the rich and you’ve got a House of Commons for the poor. We don’t have anything like that. … And the reason we don’t have that is that the founders looked around and they thought that America was uniquely equal economically in the history of the world.”
By not baking class division into the cake, the American system avoided granting explicit privileges and protections to the rich. But the lack of constitutional checks on the power of either the rich or the poor also makes the American republic uniquely unstable during periods of deep inequality. “If the middle class collapses and the gap between the rich and everyone else expands, economic inequality will soon lead to political inequality,” Sitaraman writes. “Eventually, the political system itself will be deformed to stack the deck in favor of the economic elites. Either the republic will transform into an oligarchy, or the people will be seduced by an authoritarian demagogue.”
Listen to HuffPost’s interview with Sitaraman in the HuffPost politics podcast, So That Happened, embedded below. The discussion begins at the 19:25 mark. 
Sitaraman’s account may surprise many liberals. For decades, the early years of the American government have been the intellectual property of the political right, with tri-cornered hats, fifes and snare drums serving as the iconography of conservatism. To the left, the American Revolution is widely seen as a war waged by wealthy white colonists infuriated by high taxes who somehow never got around to abolishing slavery while they were reshaping their political system (although Alexander Hamilton, an authoritarian who personally profited from the slave trade, is enjoying an odd resurgence of liberal popularity).
Sitaraman doesn’t deny the dark side of the founding generation. He bluntly denounces its shortcomings and bemoans the injustices committed against women, African Americans, Native Americans and other minorities throughout U.S. history. But he also teases out a uniquely American egalitarian economic tradition that includes not only the liberal-friendly upheavals of the Civil War and the Great Depression, but the writings of Thomas Jefferson and James Madison.
“The idea is that everyone within the political community should be relatively equal,” Sitaraman said. “It leaves open a really big question ― who’s in the political community? And that’s the fight that we’ve had over generations.”
Jefferson, in particular, comes in as a defender of such internal equality. In a letter to Madison, he claims to have “laid the axe to the root of Pseudoaristocracy” by banning primogeniture in Virginia and abolishing “entail” laws forbidding the division of agricultural estates. Elsewhere, he suggests “laying burthens on the richer classes, & encouraging the poorer ones,” develops a scheme for progressive land taxes, and calls for the government to give property to every man who does not already own at least 50 acres.
The founders also acknowledged that laws would need to change over time to preserve the egalitarian nature of the Republic, Sitaraman argues. He quotes an 1829 letter from Madison, in which the co-author of the Federalist Papers predicts that by 1930, an intolerable number of citizens will be “reduced by a competition for employment to wages which afford them the bare necessities of life.” At that point, “the institutions and laws of the Country must be adapted, and it will require for the task all the wisdom of the wisest patriots.”
The crisis Madison predicted came to pass in the form of the Great Depression, and American government survived by adopting Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s New Deal, which lifted millions out of poverty and subjected much of the economy to federal regulation. Sitaraman’s prescriptions for the current crisis are more modest. Taxes should be raised on the rich and redistributed to the poor, either as direct payments, or in the form of more robust social services. Tougher enforcement of antitrust laws would break up heavy concentrations of economic power. Campaign finance reform would reduce the threat of legalized bribery.
Unfortunately, none of these reforms will be possible for at least four years,  and they may already be too late. Donald Trump’s rapid rise to the presidency made plain America’s vulnerability to demagoguery. The symptoms of oligarchy have long been obvious in the workings of Congress, where intra-elite squabbles routinely sideline middle-class concerns. One particularly egregious example occurred in 2011. With the economy in the doldrums, the Senate spent more than six months battling over debit-card swipe fees, a fringe conflict between retailers and banks that had little to do with economic recovery. More recently, the Obama administration and Republican leaders expended tremendous effort trying to push through a trade pact that even its supporters believed would have only a minor effect on the flow of imports and exports ― a deal that also would have helped corporate insiders challenge profit-crimping laws and regulations before an international tribunal. 
But the depressing state of our politics should not detract from Sitaraman’s outstanding work. It is only April, and The Crisis of the Middle-Class Constitution may well prove to be the most important political book of the year.
“So That Happened” is hosted by Jason Linkins, Zach Carter and Arthur Delaney and produced by Zach Young. Send us an email at [email protected].
To listen to this podcast later, download our show on iTunes. While you’re there, please subscribe to, rate and review our show. Check out other HuffPost podcasts on iTunes here. You can also find us on Google Play Music, RadioPublic, or Acast.
Want more witty and informative political banter in your life? Sign up for our Politics email and find out how Trump and his new administration will impact you.
-- This feed and its contents are the property of The Huffington Post, and use is subject to our terms. It may be used for personal consumption, but may not be distributed on a website.
from DIYS http://ift.tt/2oN9ctF
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exfrenchdorsl4p0a1 · 7 years
Text
Can American Democracy Survive The Era Of Inequality?
Only in our obsessively data-driven era could an issue as socially profound as economic inequality be almost exclusively presented as a mathematical abstraction. Over the past 30 years, an equation has malfunctioned in America, and the numbers do not add up. Occupy Wall Street declares solidarity with the 99 percent, and French economist Thomas Piketty has centuries of figures to prove it. The fact that these bloodless metaphors serve as effective political slogans demonstrates the severity of the problem. Sen. Bernie Sanders’ (I-Vt.) statistically dense stump speeches attacking the 1 percent transformed him from an obscure hippie into the most popular politician in the country.
But inequality is not the breakdown of an awesome machine. It is a political crisis ― one that threatens the very foundations of American government, according to a startling new book by Vanderbilt University Law School professor Ganesh Sitaraman. In The Crisis of the Middle-Class Constitution, Sitaraman argues persuasively that the American Constitution requires a robust middle class to operate, and will break down in the face of prolonged, severe economic inequality.
In a narrative that reaches all the way back to ancient Athens, Sitaraman presents the American Constitution as a radical document that broke with all prior Western legal systems by rejecting the idea that significant economic inequality is both natural and inevitable. Where Athens, Rome and subsequent European empires constructed their institutions to prevent class antagonism from devolving into class war, the United States built a legal system that required broad economic equality to function.
Other constitutions, Sitaraman told HuffPost, “built economic class right into the structure of government. In England, for example, you’ve got a House of Lords for the rich and you’ve got a House of Commons for the poor. We don’t have anything like that. … And the reason we don’t have that is that the founders looked around and they thought that America was uniquely equal economically in the history of the world.”
By not baking class division into the cake, the American system avoided granting explicit privileges and protections to the rich. But the lack of constitutional checks on the power of either the rich or the poor also makes the American republic uniquely unstable during periods of deep inequality. “If the middle class collapses and the gap between the rich and everyone else expands, economic inequality will soon lead to political inequality,” Sitaraman writes. “Eventually, the political system itself will be deformed to stack the deck in favor of the economic elites. Either the republic will transform into an oligarchy, or the people will be seduced by an authoritarian demagogue.”
Listen to HuffPost’s interview with Sitaraman in the HuffPost politics podcast, So That Happened, embedded below. The discussion begins at the 19:25 mark. 
Sitaraman’s account may surprise many liberals. For decades, the early years of the American government have been the intellectual property of the political right, with tri-cornered hats, fifes and snare drums serving as the iconography of conservatism. To the left, the American Revolution is widely seen as a war waged by wealthy white colonists infuriated by high taxes who somehow never got around to abolishing slavery while they were reshaping their political system (although Alexander Hamilton, an authoritarian who personally profited from the slave trade, is enjoying an odd resurgence of liberal popularity).
Sitaraman doesn’t deny the dark side of the founding generation. He bluntly denounces its shortcomings and bemoans the injustices committed against women, African Americans, Native Americans and other minorities throughout U.S. history. But he also teases out a uniquely American egalitarian economic tradition that includes not only the liberal-friendly upheavals of the Civil War and the Great Depression, but the writings of Thomas Jefferson and James Madison.
“The idea is that everyone within the political community should be relatively equal,” Sitaraman said. “It leaves open a really big question ― who’s in the political community? And that’s the fight that we’ve had over generations.”
Jefferson, in particular, comes in as a defender of such internal equality. In a letter to Madison, he claims to have “laid the axe to the root of Pseudoaristocracy” by banning primogeniture in Virginia and abolishing “entail” laws forbidding the division of agricultural estates. Elsewhere, he suggests “laying burthens on the richer classes, & encouraging the poorer ones,” develops a scheme for progressive land taxes, and calls for the government to give property to every man who does not already own at least 50 acres.
The founders also acknowledged that laws would need to change over time to preserve the egalitarian nature of the Republic, Sitaraman argues. He quotes an 1829 letter from Madison, in which the co-author of the Federalist Papers predicts that by 1930, an intolerable number of citizens will be “reduced by a competition for employment to wages which afford them the bare necessities of life.” At that point, “the institutions and laws of the Country must be adapted, and it will require for the task all the wisdom of the wisest patriots.”
The crisis Madison predicted came to pass in the form of the Great Depression, and American government survived by adopting Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s New Deal, which lifted millions out of poverty and subjected much of the economy to federal regulation. Sitaraman’s prescriptions for the current crisis are more modest. Taxes should be raised on the rich and redistributed to the poor, either as direct payments, or in the form of more robust social services. Tougher enforcement of antitrust laws would break up heavy concentrations of economic power. Campaign finance reform would reduce the threat of legalized bribery.
Unfortunately, none of these reforms will be possible for at least four years,  and they may already be too late. Donald Trump’s rapid rise to the presidency made plain America’s vulnerability to demagoguery. The symptoms of oligarchy have long been obvious in the workings of Congress, where intra-elite squabbles routinely sideline middle-class concerns. One particularly egregious example occurred in 2011. With the economy in the doldrums, the Senate spent more than six months battling over debit-card swipe fees, a fringe conflict between retailers and banks that had little to do with economic recovery. More recently, the Obama administration and Republican leaders expended tremendous effort trying to push through a trade pact that even its supporters believed would have only a minor effect on the flow of imports and exports ― a deal that also would have helped corporate insiders challenge profit-crimping laws and regulations before an international tribunal. 
But the depressing state of our politics should not detract from Sitaraman’s outstanding work. It is only April, and The Crisis of the Middle-Class Constitution may well prove to be the most important political book of the year.
“So That Happened” is hosted by Jason Linkins, Zach Carter and Arthur Delaney and produced by Zach Young. Send us an email at [email protected].
To listen to this podcast later, download our show on iTunes. While you’re there, please subscribe to, rate and review our show. Check out other HuffPost podcasts on iTunes here. You can also find us on Google Play Music, RadioPublic, or Acast.
Want more witty and informative political banter in your life? Sign up for our Politics email and find out how Trump and his new administration will impact you.
-- This feed and its contents are the property of The Huffington Post, and use is subject to our terms. It may be used for personal consumption, but may not be distributed on a website.
from DIYS http://ift.tt/2oN9ctF
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pat78701 · 7 years
Text
Can American Democracy Survive The Era Of Inequality?
Only in our obsessively data-driven era could an issue as socially profound as economic inequality be almost exclusively presented as a mathematical abstraction. Over the past 30 years, an equation has malfunctioned in America, and the numbers do not add up. Occupy Wall Street declares solidarity with the 99 percent, and French economist Thomas Piketty has centuries of figures to prove it. The fact that these bloodless metaphors serve as effective political slogans demonstrates the severity of the problem. Sen. Bernie Sanders’ (I-Vt.) statistically dense stump speeches attacking the 1 percent transformed him from an obscure hippie into the most popular politician in the country.
But inequality is not the breakdown of an awesome machine. It is a political crisis ― one that threatens the very foundations of American government, according to a startling new book by Vanderbilt University Law School professor Ganesh Sitaraman. In The Crisis of the Middle-Class Constitution, Sitaraman argues persuasively that the American Constitution requires a robust middle class to operate, and will break down in the face of prolonged, severe economic inequality.
In a narrative that reaches all the way back to ancient Athens, Sitaraman presents the American Constitution as a radical document that broke with all prior Western legal systems by rejecting the idea that significant economic inequality is both natural and inevitable. Where Athens, Rome and subsequent European empires constructed their institutions to prevent class antagonism from devolving into class war, the United States built a legal system that required broad economic equality to function.
Other constitutions, Sitaraman told HuffPost, “built economic class right into the structure of government. In England, for example, you’ve got a House of Lords for the rich and you’ve got a House of Commons for the poor. We don’t have anything like that. … And the reason we don’t have that is that the founders looked around and they thought that America was uniquely equal economically in the history of the world.”
By not baking class division into the cake, the American system avoided granting explicit privileges and protections to the rich. But the lack of constitutional checks on the power of either the rich or the poor also makes the American republic uniquely unstable during periods of deep inequality. “If the middle class collapses and the gap between the rich and everyone else expands, economic inequality will soon lead to political inequality,” Sitaraman writes. “Eventually, the political system itself will be deformed to stack the deck in favor of the economic elites. Either the republic will transform into an oligarchy, or the people will be seduced by an authoritarian demagogue.”
Listen to HuffPost’s interview with Sitaraman in the HuffPost politics podcast, So That Happened, embedded below. The discussion begins at the 19:25 mark. 
Sitaraman’s account may surprise many liberals. For decades, the early years of the American government have been the intellectual property of the political right, with tri-cornered hats, fifes and snare drums serving as the iconography of conservatism. To the left, the American Revolution is widely seen as a war waged by wealthy white colonists infuriated by high taxes who somehow never got around to abolishing slavery while they were reshaping their political system (although Alexander Hamilton, an authoritarian who personally profited from the slave trade, is enjoying an odd resurgence of liberal popularity).
Sitaraman doesn’t deny the dark side of the founding generation. He bluntly denounces its shortcomings and bemoans the injustices committed against women, African Americans, Native Americans and other minorities throughout U.S. history. But he also teases out a uniquely American egalitarian economic tradition that includes not only the liberal-friendly upheavals of the Civil War and the Great Depression, but the writings of Thomas Jefferson and James Madison.
“The idea is that everyone within the political community should be relatively equal,” Sitaraman said. “It leaves open a really big question ― who’s in the political community? And that’s the fight that we’ve had over generations.”
Jefferson, in particular, comes in as a defender of such internal equality. In a letter to Madison, he claims to have “laid the axe to the root of Pseudoaristocracy” by banning primogeniture in Virginia and abolishing “entail” laws forbidding the division of agricultural estates. Elsewhere, he suggests “laying burthens on the richer classes, & encouraging the poorer ones,” develops a scheme for progressive land taxes, and calls for the government to give property to every man who does not already own at least 50 acres.
The founders also acknowledged that laws would need to change over time to preserve the egalitarian nature of the Republic, Sitaraman argues. He quotes an 1829 letter from Madison, in which the co-author of the Federalist Papers predicts that by 1930, an intolerable number of citizens will be “reduced by a competition for employment to wages which afford them the bare necessities of life.” At that point, “the institutions and laws of the Country must be adapted, and it will require for the task all the wisdom of the wisest patriots.”
The crisis Madison predicted came to pass in the form of the Great Depression, and American government survived by adopting Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s New Deal, which lifted millions out of poverty and subjected much of the economy to federal regulation. Sitaraman’s prescriptions for the current crisis are more modest. Taxes should be raised on the rich and redistributed to the poor, either as direct payments, or in the form of more robust social services. Tougher enforcement of antitrust laws would break up heavy concentrations of economic power. Campaign finance reform would reduce the threat of legalized bribery.
Unfortunately, none of these reforms will be possible for at least four years,  and they may already be too late. Donald Trump’s rapid rise to the presidency made plain America’s vulnerability to demagoguery. The symptoms of oligarchy have long been obvious in the workings of Congress, where intra-elite squabbles routinely sideline middle-class concerns. One particularly egregious example occurred in 2011. With the economy in the doldrums, the Senate spent more than six months battling over debit-card swipe fees, a fringe conflict between retailers and banks that had little to do with economic recovery. More recently, the Obama administration and Republican leaders expended tremendous effort trying to push through a trade pact that even its supporters believed would have only a minor effect on the flow of imports and exports ― a deal that also would have helped corporate insiders challenge profit-crimping laws and regulations before an international tribunal. 
But the depressing state of our politics should not detract from Sitaraman’s outstanding work. It is only April, and The Crisis of the Middle-Class Constitution may well prove to be the most important political book of the year.
“So That Happened” is hosted by Jason Linkins, Zach Carter and Arthur Delaney and produced by Zach Young. Send us an email at [email protected].
To listen to this podcast later, download our show on iTunes. While you’re there, please subscribe to, rate and review our show. Check out other HuffPost podcasts on iTunes here. You can also find us on Google Play Music, RadioPublic, or Acast.
Want more witty and informative political banter in your life? Sign up for our Politics email and find out how Trump and his new administration will impact you.
-- This feed and its contents are the property of The Huffington Post, and use is subject to our terms. It may be used for personal consumption, but may not be distributed on a website.
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tinneeezy · 7 years
Text
Winter Quarter Week 1 Day 1 So one of my Bigs’ New Year’s Resolution was to write everyday and I agreed to do this with her so yeeee. I'ma try to write a daily summary of my day and we’ll see how long I could do this for before life gets hectic and I get lazy lol.
So yeah! Yeeee back in Davis. Thankful for that one month break because honestly it’s only been the first day back and all that stress, anxiety, and overwhelming 24/7 feeling is back! Quarter system is very interesting in the way that after every quarter, it’s like the first day of school all over again. New classes, new teachers, gotta make new friends and all that. But yeee I went to my Mat17B class and my professor is okay. He’s a little disorganized and confusing. Quarter system always means talking about the syllabus for 5 minutes and going straight to teaching lol. The material we learned today isn’t too bad. It’s about integrals and antiderivatives and I learned that in calc in high school. Gotta refresh though. But then my professor assigned like 100 problems for homework and even though it’s not mandatory it’s like wthhhh. And then we got a discussion quiz tomorrow. Yay college haha.
Right after that class I had PSC. That class is in our gym, the ARC, which is pretty odd haha. The classroom is literally a basketball court with desks just laid out for it lol. You would think that a school with a tuition this high could afford more lecture halls haha. Anyways, that class is cool cause I know a lot of people in it. Trina, my roommate Sarah, my MK grandbig Nikko, the famous Michael Abala, and my big Camille. So having a bunch of people I could study with makes me feel pretty good about the class. My first quarter I didn’t really have that many friends in any of my classes and I was kinda on my own in learning and understanding everything so it was lw hard. And I get to spend time and get closer to everybody so that always makes me happy. The subject PSC itself is pretty interesting. We haven’t learned anything yet lol but yeah. I haven’t taken PSC before in high school so we’ll see how it goes. The teacher seems chill tho. And all the exams are multiple choice and he drops the lowest grade so it’s all good.
Afterwards I had a break at 2 and I got to hang out with Mariah! And that made me pretty happy. We were talking about how we actually had hella classes together in high school. Honestly I think I’ve had more classes with her than I’ve had with any of my friends throughout high school and it’s crazy and kinda funny how we only started becoming friends now haha. We always had mutual friends and I always thought she was hecka cool so it makes me happy how close we’ve gotten over just one quarter. Woo! That’s my future roommate!! Haha. But yee. We ate some Fettuccini from Pizza Hut in the Silo and it was nice. And then Saira and Aubrey came to eat with us and aww I’ve missed them so much!! They make me happy. I’m still really bummed out with everything that’s happened, but hanging out with them again just reassured me that we’ll all always have each other’s backs and hang out and study together still and that’s pretty awesome to me. As long I still have them all in my life then it’s all good.
Afterwards I gave Stacey her lab stuff back for her lab and then I went to my Che2B discussion. I got to see Sydney again and I missed her so much too! I’m really happy I have her in that class with me and we’re gonna be lab partners yeeeees! We took a pre-assessment exam and yikes. I didn’t know anything lol. And then I biked back to my dorm and I just organized my notes and started doing some readings for my Hamilton class, my PreLab, and reading for my chem lecture tomorrow. I keep listening to Miguel’s song Waves on repeat rn. Idk why I just discovered this song but it’s so good. I love Miguel lol. But yee. Now I’m bed. It’s 1am. Gotta wake up at 7am for a new, good, rainy day! Best days happen on the rainy days, right? Lol not excited to be biking in that rain but we’ll see how it goes haha.
Oh! And I’m doing intramural basketball with my Filipino American Health Careers (FAHC) club! I haven’t played basketball in so long and I was never even good to begin with so we’ll see what happens LOL. My whole fam is on the team tho. My great grand, grand, my 2 bigs, my twin, and Stacey now too! Lol it’ll be cool.
I’m nervous for my Hamilton class cause as much as I love the musical omg idk how I'ma do in this class. There’s so much reading! Like, it’s cool being able to read the letters Alexander Hamilton writes and connecting it to the music but omg he does write A LOT. “Why do you write like you’re running out of time?¿???” Lol but we’ll see how that class goes. It’s either gonna be really lame or really cool so I’m hoping for the best!
On a serious note, I really wanna do good academically this quarter. I wanna redeem myself and prove that I am better than what my grades last quarter perceived me to be. I’m still pretty angry at myself for everything that happened to me because of my grades cause I know in my heart that I really did do my best and it sucks that it wasn’t enough. But I’m back and I’m better than ever!! Lol nah but I’m hoping for them A’s thoooo. Tryna get my life together and set a good foundation for myself. But even while I’m focusing on academics, I really hope this quarter will be fun and I get to be more involved in PCN so that’s something cool to look forward to (:
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