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#etho is a figment of my imagination
bemboob · 2 months
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facts (?) i have learnt about etho
- lives in the middle of nowhere in snow
- his gaming setup is incredibly cursed
- these revelations about his setup confirm that he does in fact have at least 2 arms. unsure about legs.
- his headphones are cursed in ways i don’t want to think about. but this is Proof he does in fact have a head
- a kid recognised him from his voice
- he hates onions
- used to help with his parent’s plant nursery business before it closed
- helped a girl out of her car after an accident
- has multiple generators
- doesn’t have a phone 😭😭
- probably chops wood and digs ditches?
- he still uses double tap to sprint
- a plastic bag once got stuck under his car and got burnt and stunk his car up for months
- he gets a nosebleed when he drinks carbonated drinks
- he had a cat named snuggles or snuckles who kiLLED A DUCK
- he likes baked potato but it’s actually baked in the MICROWAVE. for 3 hours?????
- a moose once broke his fence
- a moose once bit his sister (?)
- he went camping in the rocky mountains and messed up his ankles
- he likes peanut butter on bananas but he dropped it once but ate it anyway
- he made fireworks in his garage when he was younger and burnt a hole in a table
- he got stopped in an airport for having a BB gun i think it was
- his stopped uploading videos during the olympics. i don’t think this is a coincidence. i believe he is in the national hockey team. i have no proof.
- he is ripped with a 6 pack??
- he didn’t get vaccinated for a while when he was a kid?????
- he can make a popping noise by sticking his pinky finger in his ear
- always wears socks but hates sandals. not sure about the verdict on socks + sandals
- he can rotate his feet over 180 degrees. i think someone said it was 300 degrees but the thought of that makes me uncomfortable
- he likes the colour Green
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maievolution · 10 months
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my art was a terrible delusion.
“Never have I known the genius of cutting brilliantly to the heart. I knew only the grimace and breadth of my age. My art was not art. Anyone vaguely familiar with what I felt and its renditions into my writing, would recognize it as a terrible delusion” (pg. 1, Prologue, “When This City Was Ours).
never before have i experienced the profound brilliance of incisively reaching the core of a matter. throughout my life, my understanding was limited to the grimace and vast expanse of the era in which i lived. my artistic endeavours, though they bore the semblance of creativity, were devoid of true artistic essence. any possessing even a faint familiarity with my innermost sentiments and the resulting literary expressions would readily discern that it was nothing more than a grievous illusion. in the depths of my soul, i yearned for that elusive spark of genius that would enable me to unravel the layers of human experience. i longed to captivate the essence of existence, to convey its essence in a way that resonated with the deepest recesses of the human psyche. yet, despite my fervent aspirations, my artistry fell short. they became mere reflections of my own limitations and the prevailing ethos of my time.
it was a bitter realization, one that slowly crept into my consciousness like a silent spectre. the gap between the art i envisioned and the art i produced grew wider with each passing day. i found solace in the fleeting moments of inspiration, where the muse would briefly grace me with her presence, to catch a glimpse of the brilliance that lay just beyond my reach. but these moments were fleeting, like stars that shone so brightly only to go supernova. i grappled with the dissonance between my aspirations and my achievements. the chasm between the ideal and the not, and this reality weighed heavily upon me.
was i to be forever confined to mediocrity? was there truly a genius lurking within me, waiting to be set free, or was it merely a figment? of my imagination?
in the eyes of those who knew me and my work, my delusion was so disgustingly evident. i repulsively saw through the façade of my would-be art, recognizing it for what it truly was — a feeble attempt to capture the ineffable, to make sense of a world that defied comprehension. i was painfully aware of the boundaries of my creative prowess, the poverty of language. the gap between what i longed to express and what i conveyed grew wider, wider, and wider, and it left subtle undertones of delusion and disillusionment.
still, my delusion was not of failure, but rather a testament to my relentless pursuit of artistic truth. never again would i allow my art to be a mere reflection of my age. i would transcend the limitations of my time, to create something timeless and universal; a legacy. isn’t that what we all strive for?
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pigrank · 2 years
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i’m also canadian and the thought that i could have like walked past etho on the street or something is frightening like he doesn’t feel like a real person he’s imaginary. hes like a figment of my imagination
he spawns like a boss when you enter an unspecified neighbourhood in toronto so watch out!
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The TRUTH about Cubfan135! The Science!
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Hello Internet, welcome to GAME THEORY.
Cubfan has always been a strange entity with Hermitcraft. Is he human? Vex? A meme? Cryptid? A figment of Goodtimeswithscar's imagination? The ghost of christmas capitalism? I'm here to prove to you that Mr Cubfan 'Cub' 135 is actually none of those. (Or maybe some of those.) As I have done an immense amount of research and drank so much tea to bring you the theory to end all theories:
Is Cubfan135 a villager?
Let's look at the facts.
I spent 5 whole minutes googling Cubfan's skin. He has 2 pixels across, 1 pixel high eyes. Now, due to the limitedness of minecraft skin's, we're going to use the proportions of other hermits to help us.
There are a few types of eyes found on hermits skins.
1x1 - Mumbo
2x1 - Cubfan, Etho, Hypno, Iskall, Joe Hills, Rendog, Tango, TFC, VintageBeef, XBCrafted, Xisuma, Zedaph, ZombieCleo
1x2 - Grian
2x2 - Bdouble0100, FalseSymmetry, Scar, iJevin, Impulse, StressMonster
3x3 - Docm77, Keralis
So based on this data, we found that 1/26 hermits have beedy eyes that scare me, 1/2 hermits have short but slim eyes (almond?) 1/26 have no soul, 3/13 have round eyes and 1/13 have eyes so big that you can only look into their eyes and nothing but their eyes.
So from this, we can infer that hermits with 2x1 eyes are the most dominant eye shape.
I went back on google and lo and behold, our research proves right:
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But what does this have to do with Cubfan? Well, you see, Cubphan is actually apart of that 2x1 club. Wanna know who else is? The minecraft villagers.
Of course, as we've established, this is a dominant trait in the hermitcraft continuity so I wouldn't be surprised if you aren't convinced.
But what about their baldness? We know from ingame breeding mechanics that villagers are born bald meaning they most likely can't grow hair on their head to begin with. But do we have evidence that Kubfan134 was bald as a child? Well, no.
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But! We do have evidence of what Cub looked like in his 'youth!' As far as I'm aware, this skin goes unused. (Don't quote me on that, if it does get used, can someone please tell me where? I really want to know the story behind this one.) Also, we have no evidence Cub didn't have hair as a child so I win.
Wanna know who else has a hairless head? The villagers! (And also potentially Xisuma. Could you imagine?)
Still not convinced? Look above their eyes. What do you see? Eyebrows. There's only 7 hermits with eyebrows (some could be argued that it's actually eyeliner, bringing that down to 4 hermits if you really wanted to) meaning either EVERYONE COLLECTIVELY SHAVED THEIR EYEBROWS OFF or it's more likely a recessive trait. And Ckubfan has that recessive trait. But who else has eyebrows? The VILLAGERS! Well actually, it's a unibrow, but because Cub's are bushy I'm just going to say that maybe villagers grow eyebrows really fast and just keep them well groomed.
But here's one more connection. What was Ckubthan135 infamous for in season 6? No, not golf or vex, his capitalism. Kub was so capitalist he and Scar made money even after closing down Concorp shops and saying "stop giving us money, we're retired." The villagers are also very capitalist, being the only other mob to have a currency and trading system.
"But Mat Pat!" I hear you plead, "if Cub was a villager, where is his nose?!" And to that I say, Villagers are humanoid, right? And Cub has many traits villagers don't. For example, a lack of visible nose, placing and destroying blocks, being able to speak, being well liked by most hermits.
So here's my theory: Cub is half villager and half human.
"But what about the Vex?!" Well my dear viewers, that's going to have to be saved for a part two. I'm sorry, I really didn't want to split this into two parts, but this script is long enough as is.
Speaking of long scripts, let's make this script even longer! So Cub is half villager and half human. But let me tell you, I think one of the hermits may be responsible for his creation. Can you guess who? I'll give you a second.
...
Had a second? Okay, drum roll please! (Table smacking noises.) Mumbo! Mumbo is Cub's dad!
"But Mat Pat! Cub is older than Mumbo!" Or is he? Time travel is an established thing in the Hermitcraft universe, so is rapid ageing/de-ageing. Just look at Scar! If he can go from 30 to 60 between seasons, Mumbo probably can too! (In reverse.)
Let's look at the genetics.
Cub had black hair? Mumbo has black hair.
Mumbo is brilliant at redstone. Perhaps he passed that on?
Their eyes aren't similar at all. Cub's are 2x1 whereas Mumbo's are a single pixel. But villagers have 2x1 eyes. But they're green and Cub's are black. But aha! Mumbo's are black so we're okay!
Both have brilliant facial hair. Facial hair growth is actually reliant on the amount of testosterone you have and given that Cub and Mumbo's voices seem to sit around the same note of A or A#, I wouldn't be surprised if they had similar amounts of testosterone.
So, Cub is a half villager half human who's dad is Mumbo Jumbo himself.
But that's just a theory... A GAME THEORY!!! Thanks for watching!
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man, those humans sure are mortal, aren’t they?
In the notes of my Fat Controller I vs. Fat Controller II analysis, @galinneall-dearg​ posed the question of how the engines might have reacted to FC1′s death. 
Actually, she first wondered how FC1 might reacting to knowing FC2 had ever... actually... punished Thomas for something (vapors)!
Curious, I looked it up, and Thomas had a limited amount of time to get up to any shenanigans during that window: 
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... yeah, FC1 timed that retirement pretty damn well. (Also, btw: Am I stretching it to say that Henry was named after the governor’s son?) 
Had a brainwave about the main question of reactions to FC1′s death... I’ve chatted before about the headcanon that the engines tend to be terrible when it comes to human facial recognition and names. 
And tonight I was just thinking that, specifically, you could probably fool an engine who ‘ought’ to know your face very well by shaving or dying your hair or wearing something unexpected. 
So, I think you see where this is going... What if the engines never actually knew that FC1 (or FC2) died? 
What if, by adopting ‘the dress uniform,’ the Hatts have been maintaining perfect continuity as far as their railway’s sentient stock are concerned? 
I’m not even saying that the Hatts had to have done this intentionally, or that the board elected them for this reason... I’ve seen someone (the name escapes me, sorry) explain the Xerox generation, and a dude in 2011 still going about in Edwardian formal wear, as just “the Hatts know good marketing when they see it!” And it would be good marketing, both for family brand, and for the railway... railways do tend to go in for a sort of fictional ethos, complete sometimes with “mascots” and characters. (@brownsugar-chan​ has totally convinced me that at least one RWS/TTTE character is nothing but a figment of the marketing department’s imagination... though I reckon I should not share details without her permission.)
But, whether it was their first priority or not, the continuation of ‘the FC character’ would allow the engines unbroken emotional continuity over the decades... probably important, considering that as early as FC1 this railway’s controller has been so intimately involved in the day-to-day management, and his engines seem to have meaningful relationships with him. And I’m sure it’s been observed that happy engines do better work and more of it, so... the board of directors certainly would find that a persuasive argument: stick with the Hatt line, and never have the productivity downturn associated with an entire fleet in shock and mourning. 
I’m not saying I totally buy it, but it’s interesting... 
#the fat controller#ttte analysis#ttte headcanon#actually some further headcanons: so i think Henry NEVER got over the tunnel thing with FC1#like he feigns enthusiasm and compliance in order to. like. live.#but never trusts FC1 again#that being said he's not as relieved as he would think he would be at FC1's death#he finds that he's Shook#also headcanon: Gordon and FC1 spent four decades+ just locking horns#it was a continual power struggle#(the likes of which we don't really ever see once we get to FC2 era)#(Gordon blows off steam with his driver and his Barrow plotting for a month but apart from that)#(and maybe he was just spoiling for a battle after having been Good for years now)#and yet#despite that Gordon has every reason to like FC2 better#since FC2 treats him so well#(and really his heart is won deep down)#he's also so... resistant to change#so he spends the next three decades continually comparing FC2 unfavorably to FC1#everyone around him knows he's being dumb but whaddaya want#that's just Gordon#who now has on Nostalgia Sunglasses#... Thomas really had a very hard time with FC1's death#and Percy being transferred out his way#was largely a favor to Percy#but FC2 also noticed that Thomas needed some shaking up/a change#and sure enough having Percy on his line was the new bosom friend that he needed#also both Edward and James are seen fretting about late connecting trains in Edward's book#... because they're engines and that's what they do...#but also because we are FRESH into FC2 era and they like everyone else are anxious to (re-)prove themselves to the new controller
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boopypastaissalty · 4 years
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Here sre some of my Sanders Sides theories. Long post btw so yee
Roman and Remus were originally one all-encompassing creativity, then they split and become the two different sides of creativity, or the "Creativitwins". Their names seem to follow a theme: Ancient Rome, specifically the legend surrounding the creation/beginning of Rome. I think that the original creativity's name was Romulus. Here's why: Remus killed Romulus over a land dispute and then started the city of Rome in his brother's name. Citizens of Rome are called Romans. Though it could be argued that Thomas's moral sense as a concept, not necessarily Patton, separated the two, thus "killing" the original creativity.
Patton may have suffered from anxiety and could have created Virgil as a way to relieve some of his stress, therefore making him Virgil's "dad" in a sense, in Patton's mind warranting him calling Virgil "kiddo" all the time.
We all know that Patton is allergic to cats, but what about the others? What are their weaknesses? My speculations are that Virgil is iron deficient, as he doesn't like to rise up because it makes him dizzy, he is also described by Roman to be the "fairest of them all" and then admitting it was a pale joke in Virgil's expense. Roman is lactose intolerant, as when Patton is feeding him cream of broccoli soup, Logan says that it will "upset Princey's stomach". Logan is OCD: Always planning and organizing things. He gets upset when things don't go exactly as he plans it. He also feels the need to always be right and to make sure everyone else is kept in line. Also: Patton seems to suffer from depression. Oftentimes depressed people crack jokes and give people the general idea that they are happy. They also try to make other people happy. Patton also sometimes gets into these sad funks and even says "I had this problem where I'd hide my less than awesome feelings, so when I would feel like sobbing I'd just smile and crack jokes. I thought that was coping, only joking, never showing sadness, hoping it would just go away".
The thumbnail for "Putting Others First - Selfishness v. Selflessness Redux" has a character selection screen telling the viewer to "select a side", but one thing I noticed is that there is a blank box, indicating a locked character or a character who hasn't been revealed yet. Another thing I noticed is that the sides have a rainbow theme going on. Thomas even says that he is "full rainbow all the time" as an allusion to his sexuality, and possibly even the sides in general. Roman is red, there is no known orange side, Janus is yellow, Remus is green, Patton is light blue, Logan is indigo, and Virgil is violet/purple. Red is the color of physical strength, power, confidence, and passion, which suits Roman's personality. Yellow can be happiness and joy, but also directly means cowardice and deceit, which is self explanatory. Green is a color of healing, life, and vitality, but the flip side being greed, jealousy, pessimism, and superficially. Blue is the color of trust, loyalty, faith, wisdom, truth, patience, and understanding, which sums Patton up pretty well. Indigo resembles wisdom, integrity, fairness, impartiality, and justice, which is all right up Logan's alley. Violet is the color of ambition, dignity, devotion, pride, mystery, independence, magic, being cynical, and mourning, which all makes sense in Virgil's case. Now to orange, which resembles joy, sunshine, risk taking, adventure, enthusiasm, creativity, attraction, success, rudeness, frivolity, and untrustworthiness, which is a balance of traits that both Roman and Remus have and directly resembles creativity, so orange could be a fusion of Roman and Remus, the original creativity before they split. Another possibility for the next side is someone who resembles ethos, as we have pathos and logos (Patton and Logan).
All the sides have an ancient Rome theme going on. Roman and Remus, after the legend surrounding the beginning of Rome. Virgil, after the Roman poet Publius Vergilius Maro, who is often called Virgil. Janus (formerly known as Deceit) after the Roman god of the same name (Janus is the god of new beginnings and transitions, often depicted with two faces facing in opposite directions, one for the past and one for the future). All of the sides except for Patton and Logan, whose names are derived from pathos and logos, an ancient Greek concept proposed by Aristotle. And have you noticed that they mirror each other in almost every way, suggesting that, much like Roman and Remus, they are brothers, possibly even twins?
Dukes tend to not be a part of the royal family, but if so they are princes who have gotten married. Does this mean that Remus is married?!?!? If so to whoooo?
Welcome to me overthinking things again! What if Roman has control over the other sides? Like he's creativity and the sides are figments of Thomas' imagination, so like what if one day he was just done with Logan's nonstop fact train he just (this is extreme) went: "Fuck you, Logan, you're dead now" and Logan straight up dies? Like where would his power end if he could do that? Overthinking things can be scary kids, let me do it for you.
If you overthink it: Patton basically just was like "Nah" in POF SvSR. So he said in SvS that going to the wedding would make Thomas feel good, something that he basically controls because he is Thomas' moral sense and at the center of most of his feelings. Basically Thomas went to the wedding and Patton was like: "This is nice and all and you did the right thing, but uhmmm about those happy feelings. No." And then got all sorts of frustrated about being wrong. So yee. I am just doing the overthinking things thing again.
What if creativity split solely as a big "Fuck you, Logan"? Like I just imagine: C: "Hey Logan, I'm performing mitosis"
L: "Yes, your cells- *he looks up* Whaaaaa?"
R&R: "Cha cha real smooth, Logan"
And thus the twins were "born"
Logan thinks feelings are bad and claims to not have feelings, even though he clearly does (cough, cough, Crofters the Musical? Getting angry in some episodes? Logan, you're a bad liar, bud). So he bottles up most of his feelings, for all practical purposes making him a ticking time bomb. Something's probably going to happen and he won't be able to hold it all in and he'll have an emotional breakdown of sorts. Another thing is he will not duck out. He knows he's too important to Thomas' mental wellbeing for that. He is also getting progressively more angry as the others listen to him less, so he's probably going to overwork himself trying to get everyone to listen to the point where he physically can't be there for Thomas. Cuz like I suspect Logan leaving would have the same effect as Thomas having a massive stroke: The right side of his body wouldn't work, he wouldn't be able to talk/communicate, and his reasoning skills would be gone.
Janus just loves philosophy. Every episode in the main timeline, he makes references to famous philosophers to get his point across.
Patton is always the first of the light sides to accept the dark sides. First with Virgil and then with Janus. He may be taking them in as his troubled but lovable children who he will defend under almost any circumstance.
Virgil's name is not Virgil. People think his full name is Virgilius, though Thomas and Joan have previously stated that it isn’t. Bc of that, some people have theorized that Virgil was lying about his name, or that when he moved to the “light sides” he changed/used a different name, and maybe they’re going to reveal that sometime. Like the scene with Remus and Vee where Re goes, “I would never hide anything from you” looks pointedly at Virgil, and you assume it’s bc he took forever to tell Thomas, but what if it’s bc he was lying about his name from the moment he told Thomas??? And also the moment when Janus says "It takes a liar to know a liar" and Virgil says "Don't" and the response was "What? I'm only talking about your name" I think his name could be Acanthus
Ya know, Patton probably has an indirect role in how the other sides look. Not like "But you're anxiety, you wear the hoodie" but closer to Thomas beliefs of stuff like lying is bad and the fact that Janus often plays devils advocate, so he has a snake face
Random thoughts:
Virgil has the most ace/demi aesthetic and I love that
SvS: Multi part episode, "bad/evil/dark" side gets accepted, the FEELS, angst. Hmmm…
The twins getting along and just like sitting at a table causing minor chaos.
Patton randomly hugs everyone. He just does.
Janus and Patton: animal bros
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newstechreviews · 3 years
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The car horns blared as Joe Biden took the stage just before 1 a.m.—not to proclaim victory, but to urge his supporters not to lose hope, no matter what President Donald Trump might say. “We believe we are on track to win this election,” the former Vice President told the crowd in Wilmington, Del., on Nov. 4. “It ain’t over until every vote is counted. Keep the faith, guys.”
As the new day dawned and dragged on, it increasingly looked as though Biden was right. Having flipped Michigan, Arizona and Wisconsin, Biden appeared to be inching toward victory. Pennsylvania, Georgia, Nevada and North Carolina remained too close to call as of the evening of Nov. 4. Independent forecasters believed Biden was likely to eke out the requisite 270 electoral votes when all the votes were counted, over the President’s noisy objections.
Even with the White House nearing their grasp, Biden’s supporters could be forgiven if they found it hard to keep the faith. The 2020 election did not go according to plan for the Democrats. It was a far cry from the sweeping repudiation of Trump that the polls had forecast and liberals craved. After all the outrage and activism, a projected $14 billion spent and millions more votes this time than last, Trump’s term is ending the way it began: with an election once again teetering on a knife’s edge, and a nation entrenched in stalemate, torn between two realities, two cultural tribes, two sets of facts.
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Even if he has lost, a President who trampled the rule of law for four years was on pace to collect millions more votes this time. And though they braced for a bloodbath, the congressional Republicans who enabled him instead notched gains across the board. The GOP appeared poised to retain the majority in the Senate and cut into the Democratic House majority, defying the polls and fundraising deficits. Republicans held onto states such as Florida, South Carolina, Ohio and Iowa that Democrats had hoped to flip. They cut into Democrats’ margins with nonwhite voters, made gains with Latinos in South Florida and the Rio Grande Valley, and racked up huge turnout among non-college-educated white people, while halting what many conservatives feared was an inexorable slide in the suburbs.
Amid record turnout, Biden seemed sure to win the popular vote, possibly with an outright majority—a resounding statement by any standard. But many Democrats expected more. They believed that voters had soured on Trump and his party, that his mishandling of the pandemic and divisive style had alienated a wide swath of voters, that a new political era was about to be born and Trumpism banished to history’s dustbin. Instead, they awoke to a different reality. “Democrats always argued, ‘If more people voted, we would win,’” says GOP strategist Brad Todd, co-author of The Great Revolt: Inside the Populist Coalition Reshaping American Politics. “Well, guess what? Everybody voted, and it didn’t help the Democrats. There is a multi-racial, working-class ethos that is animating the new Republican coalition.”
As the votes were tallied into the following day, the candidates’ positions fell along predictable lines. The challenger encouraged the core exercise of democracy to continue, while the President tried to stop it. Biden’s camp urged patience; Trump voiced unfounded suspicions about fraud and cast unwarranted doubt on still incoming returns. Despite widespread fears of chaos, the vote was mostly peaceful and devoid of major irregularities. The President’s baseless declaration of victory was a sign that the test he has posed to American institutions isn’t over yet.
Biden’s campaign was predicated on a return to the pre-Trump political order, a “normal” that may always have been a figment of the collective imagination. If he emerges as the winner, his achievement—toppling an incumbent who manipulated the levers of government to try to gain an advantage, and made voter suppression a core campaign strategy—shouldn’t be discounted. But even if he becomes the next President, it seems clear that he will be governing Trump’s America: a nation unpersuaded by kumbaya calls for unity and compassion, determined instead to burrow ever deeper into its hermetic bubbles. Win or lose, Trump has engineered a lasting tectonic shift in the American political landscape, fomenting a level of anger, resentment and suspicion that will not be easy for his successor to surmount.
Whoever takes the oath of office on Jan. 20 will be tested by a historic set of challenges. The COVID-19 pandemic has just entered its worst phase yet, rampaging across the country virtually unchecked. The economic fallout from the virus continues to worsen without new federal aid. Trump has given few hints of what his next months in office may hold, but few expect them to be smooth. An urgent set of policy problems, from climate change to health care to the nation’s crumbling infrastructure, may run into the wall of divided government. America’s democratic institutions will continue to teeter. “If in fact Biden wins, it’s still the case that an openly bigoted aspiring authoritarian not only won the presidency but captured the complete loyalty of one of two major political parties, and—but for a once-in-a-century pandemic—he might have been re-elected,” says Ian Bassin, co-founder of Protect Democracy, a non-partisan legal group. “If that doesn’t tell you that something is completely rotten in the foundations of our democracy, I don’t know what would.”
The story of American politics in the 21st century has been one of escalating polarization and gridlock, a nihilistic feedback loop that has made the country all but impossible to lead. For years, a chaos-ridden nation has waited to deliver its verdict on Trump’s unorthodox presidency. But this is 2020—the year when up was down and real was fake, the year of the plague, the year of the unexpected: of course it would not be that easy. Both sides hoped for a knockout blow, a landslide that would forever settle the question of which version of America is the true one. Instead, our identity crisis continues.
The campaign unfolded over a year so convulsive that the third presidential impeachment in history now seems a distant memory. COVID-19 upended Americans’ lives and drained their bank accounts. Millions of people, from all walks of life, took to the streets to protest police violence. The West Coast’s sky was blotted by fire for weeks, while the East was battered by a record hurricane season. And yet, against this backdrop of chaos there was an odd political stasis: Trump’s standing in polls remained about where it had been when Biden first entered the race—a sign, Democrats believed, that Trump had little chance of persuading an electorate that had long since rejected him.
Not that he particularly tried. Strategists of both parties believe the campaign was winnable for the incumbent if he had embraced a more traditional strategy and style—something his entire presidency has shown him to be uninterested in doing. Discarding the advice of the political professionals, Trump insisted on rerunning the 2016 election, down to the leaked emails and antiestablishment rhetoric. He made little alteration to his bull-in-a-china-shop attitude, even though the hellscape he raged against was now one that unfolded on his watch. “COVID certainly didn’t help, but this election was about the President’s performance over the last four years, not just the last nine months,” says Brendan Buck, a former top adviser to the GOP ex–House Speaker Paul Ryan. “It was four years of bumbling his way through every issue, alienating everyone who didn’t agree with him, and never being able to use the tools he had for any particular good.”
As Trump careened from one outrage to another, Biden limited his campaign to theatrically cautious appearances: masked speeches to small, distanced groups; “drive-in” rallies where attendees sat in their cars. The longtime pol known for his garrulousness and gaffes stuck unerringly to the script. Many lines in his final TV ads were identical to what he said when he launched his campaign a year and a half before. Unusually for a general-election candidate, Biden actually saw his standing with the public improve over the course of the campaign. Only about 10% of the ads aired by Biden’s campaign and allies were attacks on Trump, according to the Wesleyan Media Project. His campaign believed that his themes of unity, compassion and expertise were an implicit rebuke to the incumbent. “The message has been incredibly consistent: an implicit contrast between Trump’s character flaws and their consequences for real people,” says Democratic strategist Jesse Ferguson, a veteran of Hillary Clinton’s 2016 campaign. “Trump is self-absorbed and chaotic; Biden is the opposite: in it for others, stable, the antidote to everything Trump represents.” But Democrats now wonder if Biden, like Clinton before him, put too much emphasis on character and not enough on kitchen-table issues, and whether his decision not to campaign more in person was a missed opportunity.
Biden was buoyed by a vast grassroots movement: the Trump era has seen a frenzy of political action, with thousands of newly motivated activists leading local political groups. Middle-class women gathered their Facebook friends to drink wine and make canvassing phone calls; disaffected Republicans waged a multimillion-dollar campaign to mobilize their peers. A weak fundraiser who ended the primary essentially broke, Biden shattered general-election fundraising records—his campaign hauled in $952 million, dwarfing the incumbent by more than $300 million—as liberals showered donations on him and the party’s congressional candidates.
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Angela Weiss—AFP/Getty Images“It’s not my place or Donald Trump’s place to declare who’s won this election. That’s the decision of the American people.” — Joe Biden, at the Chase Center in Wilmington, Del., just after midnight on Nov. 4.
Peter van Agtmael—Magnum Photos for TIME“We’ll be going to the U.S. Supreme Court.” — Donald Trump, in the East Room of the White House early on the morning of Nov. 4.
But Trump had his own army of enthusiastic supporters. His massive rallies—held at cavernous airport hangars and sports arenas with no social distancing and limited mask wearing—were not just aimed at flattering Trump’s ego or creating images of enthusiastic throngs for local and national media. Republican National Committee (RNC) teams perched outside each event, registering new voters and creating a database of supporters. “People sometimes pooh-pooh the rallies and say there’s really no campaign structural benefit to them,” says Brian Ballard, a Republican lobbyist with close ties to Trump. But they allowed the campaign to “utilize the crowds that not only go, but the crowds that registered to go, and sometimes that number is five times the amount of folks that actually show up.”
Trump’s campaign also kept up its field-organizing program through the summer, while Biden’s team hung back out of safety concerns. The joint field program between the RNC and the Trump campaign boasted 2.6 million volunteers, according to figures provided by the RNC. They made more than 182 million voter contacts—more than five times what they did in 2016—and added nearly 174,000 new GOP voters to the rolls. Early voter-registration figures in Florida, North Carolina and other states showed that Republicans had “essentially neutralized what had been a Democrat advantage” by mobilizing new voters, says John Podesta, who ran Clinton’s failed 2016 presidential bid.
Democrats underestimated the Trump tribe’s breadth to their detriment. “I think you miss some of the Trump quotient [in polls] because these folks come out of the woodwork, and they’re out of the woods and waters of South Carolina,” says former GOP Representative Mark Sanford, a Trump critic whose Charleston-area district Republicans took back on Nov. 3. Despite putting more than $100 million behind Senate candidate Jaime Harrison, Democrats fell short of defeating Senator Lindsey Graham by double digits. “These Trump rallies and Trump parades and all those kinds of things, they don’t strike me as the type that would be answering a polling call,” Sanford says.
Having made the decision to forgo traditional field organizing, Biden’s campaign manager, Jen O’Malley Dillon instead turned the Biden campaign into what may be the largest digital-organizing machine in American political history. “Jen O’Malley Dillon took a risk in investing as much in digital acquisition as she did,” says Patrick Stevenson, chief mobilization officer at the Democratic National Committee. “You’re putting down $1 million in April that you’re expecting to show back up as $5 million in August.” By September, the digital operation was printing money. Digital organizers recruited more than 200,000 volunteers and deployed them on hundreds of millions of text messages and phone calls. But the result raises questions about whether this virtual juggernaut could really substitute for old-fashioned face-to-face campaigning.
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Lorenzo Meloni—Magnum Photos for TIMEThe different style of the campaigns— and of their supporters—was echoed in their Pennsylvania offices.
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Lorenzo Meloni—Magnum Photos for TIMEDavid Lawrence, a Republican supporter, in Erie on Nov. 3.
What comes next is anybody’s guess. There are 2½ months until the next Inauguration. A lame-duck President with the world’s biggest platform, an even larger ego, and millions of supporters who internalized his rhetoric about election “rigging” could stir a lot of trouble on his way out of town. So much, including the odds of violence erupting, depends on Trump’s rhetoric in the days and weeks to come. Then there is the question of tapping the federal treasury on the way out—his companies and family have pocketed millions in government funds during his time in office—and whether he might seek to pardon himself and his allies. “His impulse might be to abuse executive authority, and my hope and prayer is that those around him would restrain him, though they haven’t been very successful so far,” says Tom Ridge, the GOP former Pennsylvania governor and Homeland Security Secretary who endorsed Biden. “I have never felt that this President has ever truly respected the Constitution, the rule of law and the freedoms embodied in our democratic process.”
If Biden does take office, he will confront a set of challenges like few Presidents before him. He has laid out a comprehensive—and expensive—federal plan to combat the COVID-19 pandemic that includes promoting mask wearing, ramping up testing and the production of protective equipment, improving information transparency and scientific reopening guidance, and creating and distributing a vaccine. Democrats have previously proposed trillions in new spending to help individuals, businesses and local governments and shore up the health care system needs that will only grow in the coming months.
The coronavirus is far from the only problem Biden and the Democrats have promised to solve. A former chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Biden would likely devote great attention to restoring America’s traditional trade and security alliances. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi recently said the congressional agenda for 2021 would include a major infrastructure bill and an expansion of health care. Liberals will be pushing for fast action on police reform, climate and immigration. Democrats have been remarkably unified since Biden effectively sewed up the nomination in March, but the party’s left wing has signaled it will not be so deferential once victory is in hand. Progressive groups have been circulating lists of potential Biden nominees they would (and would not) accept for key Administration posts.
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John Locher—APReflecting the exhaustion on both sides of the aisle, a Trump fan rests on a table at an election-night party in Las Vegas.
Four years of Trump have left Democrats with few worries about overreading their mandate. “If we win the election, we have a mandate to make change, period,” says Guy Cecil, president of the Democratic super PAC Priorities USA. But if Republicans retain their hold on the Senate, prospects for major legislation will be dim. Republicans had won 48 seats as of the evening of Nov. 4, with at least one January runoff in Georgia that could decide the balance of power in the chamber.
Whatever the ultimate result, the election exposed the shaky edifice of U.S. democracy. From the antiquated governing institutions that increasingly reward minoritarian rule, to the badly wounded norms surrounding the independent administration of justice, to the flimsy protections of supposedly universal suffrage, to the nation’s balky and underfunded election infrastructure, Trump’s presidency has laid bare the weaknesses in our system. But initiatives to reform campaign finance, government ethics and voting rights seem fated to run aground in a divided Washington.
A round of harsh recriminations seems certain for the Democrats, who had assumed that their coalition of minorities, college-educated white people and young voters was destined only to grow as a share of the electorate, while the post-Trump GOP would be doomed to rely on a dwindling population of older, white, non-college-educated voters. Instead, Republicans appeared to have increased their share of the Black and Latino vote. Democrats failed to topple any GOP incumbents in Texas and lost a congressional seat in New Mexico. Their hopes for a surge of college-educated suburban voters also fell short, suggesting that the GOP’s attacks on liberal ideology proved effective in places like Oklahoma City and Cedar Rapids, Iowa. “Democrats need to ask themselves why someone like Joe Biden is an endangered species in the party,” says Justin Gest, a political scientist at George Mason University and author of The New Minority: White Working Class Politics in an Age of Immigration and Inequality. “Why is the party of experts, urban intellectuals and woke social-movement activists not producing candidates who can mobilize people in Montana, Ohio, North Carolina? It just doesn’t look like a national party.”
Republicans, even if they lose the presidency, are likely to feel emboldened to continue pursuing Trump’s themes. “Donald Trump isn’t going away,” says Buck, the former Ryan adviser. “He’s still going to be the leader of the party and the biggest voice, and he’ll at least flirt with the idea of running again. It’s going to continue to be a populist, grievance-fueled party.”
Some elections mark a breakthrough—the emergence of a new American majority after years of conflict and gridlock. A landslide like Franklin D. Roosevelt’s in 1932 or Ronald Reagan’s in 1980 would have signaled a nation ready to move on from its cultural and ideological cleavages and seek some way forward together. Instead it looks more bitterly split than ever. “There was a substantial political divide in this country before Donald Trump was elected,” Ridge says. “His presidency has exacerbated that divide to an almost unimaginable degree. But that did not begin with Donald Trump, and it will not end with him, either.” —With reporting by Charlotte Alter, Brian Bennett and Tessa Berenson/Washington; Anna Purna Kambhampaty/Honolulu; and Mariah Espada, Alejandro de la Garza and Simmone Shah/New York
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cutsliceddiced · 3 years
Text
New top story from Time: Even If Joe Biden Wins, He Will Govern in Donald Trump’s America
The car horns blared as Joe Biden took the stage just before 1 a.m.—not to proclaim victory, but to urge his supporters not to lose hope, no matter what President Donald Trump might say. “We believe we are on track to win this election,” the former Vice President told the crowd in Wilmington, Del., on Nov. 4. “It ain’t over until every vote is counted. Keep the faith, guys.”
As the new day dawned and dragged on, it increasingly looked as though Biden was right. Having flipped Michigan, Arizona and Wisconsin, Biden appeared to be inching toward victory. Pennsylvania, Georgia, Nevada and North Carolina remained too close to call as of the evening of Nov. 4. Independent forecasters believed Biden was likely to eke out the requisite 270 electoral votes when all the votes were counted, over the President’s noisy objections.
Even with the White House nearing their grasp, Biden’s supporters could be forgiven if they found it hard to keep the faith. The 2020 election did not go according to plan for the Democrats. It was a far cry from the sweeping repudiation of Trump that the polls had forecast and liberals craved. After all the outrage and activism, a projected $14 billion spent and millions more votes this time than last, Trump’s term is ending the way it began: with an election once again teetering on a knife’s edge, and a nation entrenched in stalemate, torn between two realities, two cultural tribes, two sets of facts.
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TIME illustration
Even if he has lost, a President who trampled the rule of law for four years was on pace to collect millions more votes this time. And though they braced for a bloodbath, the congressional Republicans who enabled him instead notched gains across the board. The GOP appeared poised to retain the majority in the Senate and cut into the Democratic House majority, defying the polls and fundraising deficits. Republicans held onto states such as Florida, South Carolina, Ohio and Iowa that Democrats had hoped to flip. They cut into Democrats’ margins with nonwhite voters, made gains with Latinos in South Florida and the Rio Grande Valley, and racked up huge turnout among non-college-educated white people, while halting what many conservatives feared was an inexorable slide in the suburbs.
Amid record turnout, Biden seemed sure to win the popular vote, possibly with an outright majority—a resounding statement by any standard. But many Democrats expected more. They believed that voters had soured on Trump and his party, that his mishandling of the pandemic and divisive style had alienated a wide swath of voters, that a new political era was about to be born and Trumpism banished to history’s dustbin. Instead, they awoke to a different reality. “Democrats always argued, ‘If more people voted, we would win,’” says GOP strategist Brad Todd, co-author of The Great Revolt: Inside the Populist Coalition Reshaping American Politics. “Well, guess what? Everybody voted, and it didn’t help the Democrats. There is a multi-racial, working-class ethos that is animating the new Republican coalition.”
As the votes were tallied into the following day, the candidates’ positions fell along predictable lines. The challenger encouraged the core exercise of democracy to continue, while the President tried to stop it. Biden’s camp urged patience; Trump voiced unfounded suspicions about fraud and cast unwarranted doubt on still incoming returns. Despite widespread fears of chaos, the vote was mostly peaceful and devoid of major irregularities. The President’s baseless declaration of victory was a sign that the test he has posed to American institutions isn’t over yet.
Biden’s campaign was predicated on a return to the pre-Trump political order, a “normal” that may always have been a figment of the collective imagination. If he emerges as the winner, his achievement—toppling an incumbent who manipulated the levers of government to try to gain an advantage, and made voter suppression a core campaign strategy—shouldn’t be discounted. But even if he becomes the next President, it seems clear that he will be governing Trump’s America: a nation unpersuaded by kumbaya calls for unity and compassion, determined instead to burrow ever deeper into its hermetic bubbles. Win or lose, Trump has engineered a lasting tectonic shift in the American political landscape, fomenting a level of anger, resentment and suspicion that will not be easy for his successor to surmount.
Whoever takes the oath of office on Jan. 20 will be tested by a historic set of challenges. The COVID-19 pandemic has just entered its worst phase yet, rampaging across the country virtually unchecked. The economic fallout from the virus continues to worsen without new federal aid. Trump has given few hints of what his next months in office may hold, but few expect them to be smooth. An urgent set of policy problems, from climate change to health care to the nation’s crumbling infrastructure, may run into the wall of divided government. America’s democratic institutions will continue to teeter. “If in fact Biden wins, it’s still the case that an openly bigoted aspiring authoritarian not only won the presidency but captured the complete loyalty of one of two major political parties, and—but for a once-in-a-century pandemic—he might have been re-elected,” says Ian Bassin, co-founder of Protect Democracy, a non-partisan legal group. “If that doesn’t tell you that something is completely rotten in the foundations of our democracy, I don’t know what would.”
The story of American politics in the 21st century has been one of escalating polarization and gridlock, a nihilistic feedback loop that has made the country all but impossible to lead. For years, a chaos-ridden nation has waited to deliver its verdict on Trump’s unorthodox presidency. But this is 2020—the year when up was down and real was fake, the year of the plague, the year of the unexpected: of course it would not be that easy. Both sides hoped for a knockout blow, a landslide that would forever settle the question of which version of America is the true one. Instead, our identity crisis continues.
The campaign unfolded over a year so convulsive that the third presidential impeachment in history now seems a distant memory. COVID-19 upended Americans’ lives and drained their bank accounts. Millions of people, from all walks of life, took to the streets to protest police violence. The West Coast’s sky was blotted by fire for weeks, while the East was battered by a record hurricane season. And yet, against this backdrop of chaos there was an odd political stasis: Trump’s standing in polls remained about where it had been when Biden first entered the race—a sign, Democrats believed, that Trump had little chance of persuading an electorate that had long since rejected him.
Not that he particularly tried. Strategists of both parties believe the campaign was winnable for the incumbent if he had embraced a more traditional strategy and style—something his entire presidency has shown him to be uninterested in doing. Discarding the advice of the political professionals, Trump insisted on rerunning the 2016 election, down to the leaked emails and antiestablishment rhetoric. He made little alteration to his bull-in-a-china-shop attitude, even though the hellscape he raged against was now one that unfolded on his watch. “COVID certainly didn’t help, but this election was about the President’s performance over the last four years, not just the last nine months,” says Brendan Buck, a former top adviser to the GOP ex–House Speaker Paul Ryan. “It was four years of bumbling his way through every issue, alienating everyone who didn’t agree with him, and never being able to use the tools he had for any particular good.”
As Trump careened from one outrage to another, Biden limited his campaign to theatrically cautious appearances: masked speeches to small, distanced groups; “drive-in” rallies where attendees sat in their cars. The longtime pol known for his garrulousness and gaffes stuck unerringly to the script. Many lines in his final TV ads were identical to what he said when he launched his campaign a year and a half before. Unusually for a general-election candidate, Biden actually saw his standing with the public improve over the course of the campaign. Only about 10% of the ads aired by Biden’s campaign and allies were attacks on Trump, according to the Wesleyan Media Project. His campaign believed that his themes of unity, compassion and expertise were an implicit rebuke to the incumbent. “The message has been incredibly consistent: an implicit contrast between Trump’s character flaws and their consequences for real people,” says Democratic strategist Jesse Ferguson, a veteran of Hillary Clinton’s 2016 campaign. “Trump is self-absorbed and chaotic; Biden is the opposite: in it for others, stable, the antidote to everything Trump represents.” But Democrats now wonder if Biden, like Clinton before him, put too much emphasis on character and not enough on kitchen-table issues, and whether his decision not to campaign more in person was a missed opportunity.
Biden was buoyed by a vast grassroots movement: the Trump era has seen a frenzy of political action, with thousands of newly motivated activists leading local political groups. Middle-class women gathered their Facebook friends to drink wine and make canvassing phone calls; disaffected Republicans waged a multimillion-dollar campaign to mobilize their peers. A weak fundraiser who ended the primary essentially broke, Biden shattered general-election fundraising records—his campaign hauled in $952 million, dwarfing the incumbent by more than $300 million—as liberals showered donations on him and the party’s congressional candidates.
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Angela Weiss—AFP/Getty Images“It’s not my place or Donald Trump’s place to declare who’s won this election. That’s the decision of the American people.” — Joe Biden, at the Chase Center in Wilmington, Del., just after midnight on Nov. 4.
Peter van Agtmael—Magnum Photos for TIME“We’ll be going to the U.S. Supreme Court.” — Donald Trump, in the East Room of the White House early on the morning of Nov. 4.
But Trump had his own army of enthusiastic supporters. His massive rallies—held at cavernous airport hangars and sports arenas with no social distancing and limited mask wearing—were not just aimed at flattering Trump’s ego or creating images of enthusiastic throngs for local and national media. Republican National Committee (RNC) teams perched outside each event, registering new voters and creating a database of supporters. “People sometimes pooh-pooh the rallies and say there’s really no campaign structural benefit to them,” says Brian Ballard, a Republican lobbyist with close ties to Trump. But they allowed the campaign to “utilize the crowds that not only go, but the crowds that registered to go, and sometimes that number is five times the amount of folks that actually show up.”
Trump’s campaign also kept up its field-organizing program through the summer, while Biden’s team hung back out of safety concerns. The joint field program between the RNC and the Trump campaign boasted 2.6 million volunteers, according to figures provided by the RNC. They made more than 182 million voter contacts—more than five times what they did in 2016—and added nearly 174,000 new GOP voters to the rolls. Early voter-registration figures in Florida, North Carolina and other states showed that Republicans had “essentially neutralized what had been a Democrat advantage” by mobilizing new voters, says John Podesta, who ran Clinton’s failed 2016 presidential bid.
Democrats underestimated the Trump tribe’s breadth to their detriment. “I think you miss some of the Trump quotient [in polls] because these folks come out of the woodwork, and they’re out of the woods and waters of South Carolina,” says former GOP Representative Mark Sanford, a Trump critic whose Charleston-area district Republicans took back on Nov. 3. Despite putting more than $100 million behind Senate candidate Jaime Harrison, Democrats fell short of defeating Senator Lindsey Graham by double digits. “These Trump rallies and Trump parades and all those kinds of things, they don’t strike me as the type that would be answering a polling call,” Sanford says.
Having made the decision to forgo traditional field organizing, Biden’s campaign manager, Jen O’Malley Dillon instead turned the Biden campaign into what may be the largest digital-organizing machine in American political history. “Jen O’Malley Dillon took a risk in investing as much in digital acquisition as she did,” says Patrick Stevenson, chief mobilization officer at the Democratic National Committee. “You’re putting down $1 million in April that you’re expecting to show back up as $5 million in August.” By September, the digital operation was printing money. Digital organizers recruited more than 200,000 volunteers and deployed them on hundreds of millions of text messages and phone calls. But the result raises questions about whether this virtual juggernaut could really substitute for old-fashioned face-to-face campaigning.
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Lorenzo Meloni—Magnum Photos for TIMEThe different style of the campaigns—and of their supporters—was echoed in their Pennsylvania offices.
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Lorenzo Meloni—Magnum Photos for TIMEDavid Lawrence, a Republican supporter, in Erie on Nov. 3.
What comes next is anybody’s guess. There are 2½ months until the next Inauguration. A lame-duck President with the world’s biggest platform, an even larger ego, and millions of supporters who internalized his rhetoric about election “rigging” could stir a lot of trouble on his way out of town. So much, including the odds of violence erupting, depends on Trump’s rhetoric in the days and weeks to come. Then there is the question of tapping the federal treasury on the way out—his companies and family have pocketed millions in government funds during his time in office—and whether he might seek to pardon himself and his allies. “His impulse might be to abuse executive authority, and my hope and prayer is that those around him would restrain him, though they haven’t been very successful so far,” says Tom Ridge, the GOP former Pennsylvania governor and Homeland Security Secretary who endorsed Biden. “I have never felt that this President has ever truly respected the Constitution, the rule of law and the freedoms embodied in our democratic process.”
If Biden does take office, he will confront a set of challenges like few Presidents before him. He has laid out a comprehensive—and expensive—federal plan to combat the COVID-19 pandemic that includes promoting mask wearing, ramping up testing and the production of protective equipment, improving information transparency and scientific reopening guidance, and creating and distributing a vaccine. Democrats have previously proposed trillions in new spending to help individuals, businesses and local governments and shore up the health care system needs that will only grow in the coming months.
The coronavirus is far from the only problem Biden and the Democrats have promised to solve. A former chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Biden would likely devote great attention to restoring America’s traditional trade and security alliances. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi recently said the congressional agenda for 2021 would include a major infrastructure bill and an expansion of health care. Liberals will be pushing for fast action on police reform, climate and immigration. Democrats have been remarkably unified since Biden effectively sewed up the nomination in March, but the party’s left wing has signaled it will not be so deferential once victory is in hand. Progressive groups have been circulating lists of potential Biden nominees they would (and would not) accept for key Administration posts.
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John Locher—APReflecting the exhaustion on both sides of the aisle, a Trump fan rests on a table at an election-night party in Las Vegas.
Four years of Trump have left Democrats with few worries about overreading their mandate. “If we win the election, we have a mandate to make change, period,” says Guy Cecil, president of the Democratic super PAC Priorities USA. But if Republicans retain their hold on the Senate, prospects for major legislation will be dim. Republicans had won 48 seats as of the evening of Nov. 4, with at least one January runoff in Georgia that could decide the balance of power in the chamber.
Whatever the ultimate result, the election exposed the shaky edifice of U.S. democracy. From the antiquated governing institutions that increasingly reward minoritarian rule, to the badly wounded norms surrounding the independent administration of justice, to the flimsy protections of supposedly universal suffrage, to the nation’s balky and underfunded election infrastructure, Trump’s presidency has laid bare the weaknesses in our system. But initiatives to reform campaign finance, government ethics and voting rights seem fated to run aground in a divided Washington.
A round of harsh recriminations seems certain for the Democrats, who had assumed that their coalition of minorities, college-educated white people and young voters was destined only to grow as a share of the electorate, while the post-Trump GOP would be doomed to rely on a dwindling population of older, white, non-college-educated voters. Instead, Republicans appeared to have increased their share of the Black and Latino vote. Democrats failed to topple any GOP incumbents in Texas and lost a congressional seat in New Mexico. Their hopes for a surge of college-educated suburban voters also fell short, suggesting that the GOP’s attacks on liberal ideology proved effective in places like Oklahoma City and Cedar Rapids, Iowa. “Democrats need to ask themselves why someone like Joe Biden is an endangered species in the party,” says Justin Gest, a political scientist at George Mason University and author of The New Minority: White Working Class Politics in an Age of Immigration and Inequality. “Why is the party of experts, urban intellectuals and woke social-movement activists not producing candidates who can mobilize people in Montana, Ohio, North Carolina? It just doesn’t look like a national party.”
Republicans, even if they lose the presidency, are likely to feel emboldened to continue pursuing Trump’s themes. “Donald Trump isn’t going away,” says Buck, the former Ryan adviser. “He’s still going to be the leader of the party and the biggest voice, and he’ll at least flirt with the idea of running again. It’s going to continue to be a populist, grievance-fueled party.”
Some elections mark a breakthrough—the emergence of a new American majority after years of conflict and gridlock. A landslide like Franklin D. Roosevelt’s in 1932 or Ronald Reagan’s in 1980 would have signaled a nation ready to move on from its cultural and ideological cleavages and seek some way forward together. Instead it looks more bitterly split than ever. “There was a substantial political divide in this country before Donald Trump was elected,” Ridge says. “His presidency has exacerbated that divide to an almost unimaginable degree. But that did not begin with Donald Trump, and it will not end with him, either.” —With reporting by Charlotte Alter, Brian Bennett and Tessa Berenson/Washington; Anna Purna Kambhampaty/Honolulu; and Mariah Espada, Alejandro de la Garza and Simmone Shah/New York
This appears in the November 16, 2020 issue of TIME.
via https://cutslicedanddiced.wordpress.com/2018/01/24/how-to-prevent-food-from-going-to-waste
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Brudenell Groove meets... Leeds Asylum Seekers Support Network.
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Despite the social progress of recent decades, xenophobic, jingoistic and racist sentiments are still prevalent within large sections of our society. Over the last few years, the international conflict fuelled European migrant ‘crisis’ has stirred and exacerbated these residual tensions immensely. The influence of largely, though not exclusively, right wing propaganda has been significant in creating an atmosphere where suspicion is normalised, and under a government that so often treats social issues with calculated apathy, the work of grassroots organisations in protecting and supporting minority groups is indispensable.
One such organisation is Leeds Asylum Seekers Support Network (LASSN), whose efforts here in Yorkshire have helped hundreds of refugees to adjust to life in the UK and overcome some of the various obstacles they face every day. As one of the charities that we’re supporting with our next party, we felt it important to find out a little more about the organisation by reaching out to Jon Beech, the charity’s Director.
“What we need”, Jon argues, is to “make people realise that asylum seekers are just people who are scared witless of going home”. Whilst Western media so often echoes the dangerous and divisive rhetoric of Huntington’s Clash of Civilisations, LASSN operate on the principle that difficulties in achieving integration are never insurmountable. “A lot of the time we’re no different, we’re just from different parts of the world.”
Sensationalist cries from the more venomous sections of the media often dehumanise refugees, reducing them to statistics or, even worse, presenting them as threats to British life or values. “Whilst people remain an abstract – figments of people’s imaginations – the most helpful thing that we can do is to offer friendship, and to be open”, Jon suggests, emphasising the importance of looking within communities when tackling the sense of ‘otherness’ that xenophobic discourse promotes. “Wherever you are active in your community, wherever you have influence, you just need to think about what you can do to show solidarity and support… it’s a small thing but it’s also an enormous thing,” he says, suggesting that sometimes the first step towards helping someone feel at home can be as simple as “smiling at a bus stop”.
LASSN’s primary roles are twofold: to help asylum seekers find somewhere to stay, and to help them learn English. Beyond these basic aims, the team at LASSN work to break down boundaries between local and migrant communities, creating connections in order to establish the support networks that refugees need to adjust to life in a new country.  Where possible, these connections will be made around shared interests, whilst English lessons are generally focused on practical tasks, tailored towards the needs of each individual.
“If they need to go to the doctor, we’ll base our lessons entirely on preparing to do that, the same if it’s about understanding a school report that a kid has brought home”, Jon tells me. “Because they’re doing what they’re interested in, they learn faster, they’re committed to it and we achieve for free what colleges manage to achieve at pretty much the same speed.”
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Lessons are conducted in their own homes, and are provided to people who are not able to get places on English courses at colleges in Leeds, either because of oversubscription – the number of places has dropped by 40% over the last five years – or because of childcare responsibilities or transport issues.
“It isn’t just about workers; it isn’t just about staff and professionals. It’s about ordinary people going ‘What can we do?’”, Jon asserts, explaining that a large part of LASSN’s work rests on helping their beneficiaries connect with the community around them, for instance by mobilising local residents “to help them find a way of providing support to people who are often really frightened and really isolated”.  Whilst their team of professionals is extensive, much of LASSN’s work is conducted by volunteers. “You don’t have to be an expert in order to be able to teach English and help somebody to learn, you just need a bit of patience”, he insists. “You don’t need to be a professional housing adviser to offer someone a free room for a few nights until they’ve got themselves together; everyone in Leeds has got something that they can offer to someone quite a long way away. That’s what we stand for.”
This idea of opening up their work to encourage the wider community to partake encapsulates much of what I love about Leeds at the moment, with a wealth of altruistic organisations demonstrating Jon’s belief that “the practical ways” of making a difference within society “are all things that are in most people’s reach”. The proof of this is in the results that LASSN have achieved with these methods; last year they directly helped 288 individuals, a number that swells to around the 650 mark if you include their families and dependants. Since April 2016 they have provided 3500 nights of accommodation, 1700 hours of English lessons and a comparable number of ‘befriending hours’, which focus on helping asylum seekers integrate with their new community  through interaction with local people and volunteers.
This is what City of Sanctuary, a like-minded and collaborative organisation, terms “creating a cultural welcome”: something that we can contribute to on a daily basis without even breaking from our usual routines. “What that means is being kind. It sounds really small and really trite in some respects, but being friendly; being tolerant of people who don’t speak English particularly well; smiling. It is being the very opposite of the hate that shouts out of the newspapers every other day.”
Fighting the intolerance, ignorance and prejudice that many refugees face is an everyday battle, and one in which we can and must play our part. For anyone wanting to go a step further, the website http://helpinleeds.com/ was set up by LASSN to compile volunteering opportunities with other organisations that help refugees and asylum seekers in Leeds. The website allows you to find opportunities that match with your interests. Whether you have a room to offer for a night, or an hour of your week to teach English, chat or go for a kick about, there are plenty of organisations that can help set you up, and nearly all of them can be found on the Help In Leeds website.
“Thankfully we’re not on our own in Leeds; we’re part of a network of people who care about this stuff. I see it as part of our role to be supportive of those initiatives too”, Jon says, echoing the community-minded ethos that we try to foster with Brudenell Groove.
Whilst we hope that we can raise a fair bit of money for LASSN and Maggie’s Centres with our Italo Disco party this Saturday, it is my hope that our support for causes like these can extend beyond one off donations, and in the coming months we’ll be exploring ways that we can work closely with LASSN in the future, with the hope of at some point cooperating to organise some community-oriented music workshops, talks or listening sessions.
“There’s definitely a gap in the market for some pre-revolutionary Iranian soul jazz”, Jon laughs. We think he might be onto something.
For more information on how you can help asylum seekers and refugees head to http://lassn.org.uk/
Written by Andrew Kemp.
Photos courtesy of LASSN.
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itsrattysworld · 5 years
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Adrina Legister Gift of a Granddaughter 4 May 2019
The start of the millennial is/was a time that I will never be able to forget in the annals of my history for many different reasons. That’s why I am here once more creating legacies as I am on a journey heading towards my 60th birthday. However, I need to make a few stops along the way as there was a time when I didn’t believe for a moment that I would be healthy and living to see my 3 scores years with such delight for living and being grateful for God’s blessings. Therefore, I will take time out to be a reflective practitioner, who developed the listening ethos. Resulting from the opportunities I was afforded at the Open University during studies 2004 to 2010. That’s why I must credit [email protected] PI: W3323643.
I have been making use of every available opportunity to empower myself from the time I decided to take on any job that was going to earn me money for my upkeep. If you want to know more about my journey you can find me at https://www.google.com. I have been using my initiatives to access all the windows of opportunity that are even slightly ajar from the time I arrived in the UK in June 1992. Since my life is an “Open Book” and charted, I will move on with my story about the gift of a granddaughter. This story is dedicated to my only granddaughter because I am an only girl who was privileged to grow up with seven (7) brothers. Five (5) of whom were older and two (2) younger. So I get to play the roles of a big and little sister to my heart’s content.
I am positive that my experiences with my brothers are just another aspect of my life that’s responsible for shaping the person I am today. Let me give an insight into aspects of my life that bear some reflections of my transitions into this woman who is not afraid to call a spade what it is. For fear of being criticised or not believed. I will get on with writing my stories to tell my truths. Because if I leave for others to do, they will embellish my stories to put a spin on my life to suit their own biases. Already www.peachespublications.co.uk decided to abuse her authority and went about taking over my book to publishing her preconceived ideas of who she would like me to be. Her notions come from the fallacy been peddled by those who can’t accept others.
Therefore, I will not entertain anyone else colluding to defame my name and character like has been done from the time I arrived in the UK and experience domestic violence. There are some who are ready to put others down to suit their own perverted self-fulfilling prophecy of superiority with their gloom and doom. It was after coming back from holidays in the summer of 2000 that my life was turned into turmoil. Because my ex-husband put his plans into action to get me out of his life. On reflections, I am thinking this was just another of those blessings in disguise that God has in store for me? God already have my life mapped out to help me escape the life my ex planned to enslave me. But like www.leyf.org.uk I survive to be writing to help others.
I managed to live with domestic violence even in the presence of mum, who was visiting in 1999. Let me tell you that it is only worthless men or women abuse their other half in the presence of their mothers, children and other family members.  Mum was here to support me when my mother-in-law died whilst I was still studying. I was part-time carer to her, helping with the shopping and in the later stages preparing her soup on Saturdays. My ex-husband would probably have strangled me that day if his sister wasn’t present. He would think nothing of abusing me in his children’s presence. That’s one of the reasons I decided that I would not live anywhere without having control of the keys to my front door. That’s how www.hfw.org.uk.
My ex-husband went away on his annual pilgrimage despite his mum asking him not to go. He preferred to be with his woman than to stay for his mum. But had the nerve to accuse me about the outcome, when he had to return after her death. The fact that I was an informal carer, helping mum, was preparation enough for me. I had done the Care Assistant training in 1996. I am not sure my Care Assistant is registered at https://ofqual.gov.uk/qualifications-and-assessment/qualification-frameworks/levels-of-qualifications/? By the time I was made homeless, my ex had plans to bring his woman from Jamaica to the UK. I the summer of 2000 when I had to run to the Brixton Police Station for rescue.
I was ready to make some decisions that help me become a strong woman, who I am now. That’s why I have made a complaint to www.hfw.org.uk about the neighbour from hell the past eighteen (18) years. Because they rescued me from homelessness in December 2000, when I had to run for my life. My ex was crafty enough to try and use his psychopathic tendencies to get me out of the Refuge. This was so I don’t have anywhere to turn to. I still have one of his letters as proof of his lies and this was not a figment of my imagination. I refused to accept his gift offerings because I can’t be brought. And if I make my mind up, not even God can get me to change it. After spending September to November in Southwark Women’s Aid run Refuge I got my flat in Bermondsey and is still living here now.
I have to pay homage to my friend who was there for me during those times when I had no one else. We meet at the Ministry of Agriculture Food and Fisheries (MAFF) when I was doing Contract Cleaning and she works in the Café. She became a secure base where I was welcome to her home for that sense of familiarity, continuity, and consistency that I needed to survive. That’s why I am challenging everyone who is thinking they can get away by not implementing www.acas.org.uk/researchpapers that I was a participant in after the discrimination at Kings College Hospital NHS Foundation Trust. This was where I have the first nervous breakdown after the death of my brother from colon cancer in 2008.
The fact that my friend lives in Bermondsey might have played a pivotal role in me getting my flat in the area? Her advice as a more streetwise person, with her own “personal challenges” was important for me in my transitions to becoming solely reliant, living on my own. My survival is the result of those who convinced me during the times when I doubted myself that I could do it on my own. Without putting up with abuse from others who tried putting me down to make themselves look better. No one else is going to make me believe that I am not worthy and that’s why I am spending less time on https://www.facebook.com/public/Mervelee-Myers. I have been accepting the challenges ever since I moved into my flat in December 2000.
However, I have to give thanks to every person who provided me with that support network that is crucial to my survival. That’s why I am upset by the way I have been treated by the authority from the time I have to ask www.icsouthlondon.co.uk to share my story to get my money back from fraudsters. Because I have seen the way how my neighbour TESS was treated during her time of needs. My old folks used to say no one care how you live, but they want to know how you die. That’s why I will be getting rid of some of those who have been using me to build their brands and turn around ripping me off. Because of my vulnerability. So www.personnelconsultancy.com be prepared for been called to justice for misrepresentations of Mervelee Myers.
The www.express.co.uk Russell Grant Taurus states New Challenges will test your ability to be versatile. An authority figure will challenge you. Since you know what you are capable of, this is your chance to prove what you can do. Keep valuables under lock and when visiting unfamiliar places. My Evaluation: Let me warn that I have had some awful encounters with some people who are users, from the time I was young. Most of this is due to them not understanding me. So Winsome Duncan introduces https://www.ryanclement.com/ to scam me after she was privy to confidential information when I signed the Agreement for her to help me with an online business and to publish my book. I was scammed by Julie Powell who used my vulnerability against me. And sharing this with Winsome Duncan is what led to her scamming me.
Let me, therefore, document the fact about some of the individuals from the establishments and systems that set out to discriminate against me from 2004 to date. These are they that would like to rewrite my stories to suit their criminal and psychological pervasive intentions as was the case why I was referred to https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/record-retention-and-disposition-schedules. Because if you are not careful they will airbrush you out of history like the Windrush Generation. After using www.ico.org.uk for Subject Access Request, LEYF claims not to have any data of my time working with them. But I have Subject Access Request – Data Protection Act – 117119 from [email protected] to bring my case forward about Modern Slavery thriving in the UK.
Since my stories are already created in cyberspace, I will have to move on with my transitional journey. But I will return to fill in some of the blanks in due course to complete my cyber footprints.
An introduction is Key to Some of my Relationships
I meet my husband Mr. Myers via an introduction from my best friend. The same happened with Mr. Tomlinson. However, this was because of a default introduction when someone else decided to return home. That’s why I intend to go back home, but I am here for the long haul. Until my husband no longer needs my attention.
2004 to 2019 are Key to my Existence
Let me give you an insight into how I ended up becoming a victim because I refuse to accept mediocrity from those in authority abusing their power.
2003 – Started working at Mapother House Day Nursery. Here’s where I had the first nervous breakdown after the death of my brother in 2008 from colon cancer. Later I was to understand the impact of developing traumas from a young age from slam-iapt.nhs.uk/southwark.
2004 – I had an unclear pap smear and had treatment for the next 5 years. At the time I have no knowledge about cancer in my DNA. But I later joined cruk.org to raise funds for charity in honour of my brother. As a result of more devastating experiences since the death of my mother, I set up Janet Beeput Facebook Page.
2004 – I lost the sense of smell. I later learned this might be linked to Parkinson’s disease in my DNA. I have since become involved with https://www.parkinsons.org.uk/get-involved/events.
2004 – I enrolled with the OU and became a graduate open.ac.uk/ceremonies before my 50th birthday in May 2009. Ten (10) years later I am struggling to clear my name, and I am positive the authority responsible will not get away with the injustices of the past five (5) years.
2004 – I contacted crb.gov.uk and www.disclosure.gov.uk about the manager at Kings College Hospital NHS Foundation Trust workplace nursery. Once I helped to build their brand I was targeted and this was to become the pattern of my life.
The trend continued as I contacted HR and http://unison.org.uk about the discrimination at KINGS in 2006.
2006 – I contacted the LEA and Southwark Council [email protected] seeking advice about matters to do with Safeguarding in order that I am on course with my Professional Development Plan (PDP) towards aoug.uk/awards.
2006 – I changed my life around applying a holistic approach to managing my disabilities. I was diagnosed with Chronic Anxiety in 2006. But it’s only now I have had some support with my disabilities when healthmanltd.com advised me to seek CBT (CBT) to find out why I react the way I do to certain situations.
2006 – I visited the USA to get away from the discrimination at KINGS.
2008 – I lost my brother to colon cancer. Then the allegations started and I self-referred to KINGS Occupational Health. I was passed fit for work. But once you cross that boundary of taking a stance that will be the end of my career. Because I was blacklisted and networked against after taking my case to the Employment Tribunal Services. That’s why I am standing my grounds after the second miscarriages of justice by http://www.justice.gov.uk/tribunals/employment/claims/responding. Because they have been negligent in allowing employers to get away with destroying lives, for lack of accountability.
2009 – Still in the wilderness trying to accept that the Employment Tribunals can sell out my case to the highest bidder and left me a victim with my life shattered.
May 2009 – Advised about applying to Westminster Children Society for a job. They were recruiting. Got the job before the interview was completed.
Summer 2009 – Went home for the Family Reunion I’d planned. But God I was in for more rude awakenings.
Come back to the UK, ready to start over.
  The LEYF Years 2009 – 2014 in Fitzrovia & Luton Street 
September 2009 – April 2010
2009 – Got the opportunity to empower me with training. Then the green-eyed monster set out to trigger my traumas. But I was rescued by a former colleague from William Wilberforce, Lambeth Walk Day Nursery. Suffice it to say Joelle Lax fall victim to the discrimination that can be viewed at leyf.org.uk reviews by parents and former employees.
2010 – Find my place at Luton Street where I was to empower myself and be responsible for building LEYF brand as can be verified at nurseryworld.co.uk with my first publications. But I should let it be known that I was attending the www.nurseryworldshow.com/london and SEN Conference before I worked with LEYF.
2010 – Started laying foundation creating legacies on https://www.facebook.com.
2010 – Entered the world of cyberspace at http://worldreferee.com/referee/valdin-legister/bio with my skills. Have to acknowledge the contributions of my former colleagues from Fitzrovia for my empowerment.
2011 – I was sharing stories with express.org.uk and contributing to the Mental Health CRUSADE.
2011 – I was representing LEYF and my https://ofqual.gov.uk/qualification-and-assessment/qualification-frameworks/levels-of-qualifications/ was used by LEYF to build their brand.
2011 – I was not given the job I applied for, months after representing LEYF on http://skynews.com/.
2011 – I went to http://communityplaythings.co.uk/ for training. Later worked in partnerships, only for them to join LEYF in discrimination in 2016. Refusing to hand over the intellectual property that I made an Agreement with them for.
2012 – Diagnosed with diabetes. Since actively involved with dibetes.org.uk. Participant in www.heal-d.co.uk after completing www.desmond-project.org.uk from the time I was on borderline.
May 2012 – I stated http://www.myvision.org.uk
June 2012 – June O’Sullivan issued Memo for staff to contribute to her blog on Social Media. I joined https://www.linkedin.com to be a part of that Community of Practice. The reception caused me to publish about TOLERANCE.
2013 – The rot sets in at LEYF. That’s why I am making the decision not to let morellomarketing.com and others use my intellectual property to build their brand and treat me like I am a criminal.
2013 – Started going about and meeting influential people from Community of Practices.
December 2013 – Visited Jamaica for my son’s wedding
January 2014 – Said my final goodbye to my mother in Jamaica. I diagnosed her dementia from my OU studies. The reason I am fundraising for alzheimers.org.uk/getinvolved. I am now a www.dementiafriends.org.uk as I am finding ways to occupy my time after my job was taken away by LEYF and cohorts.
January 2014 – Attended LEYF New Year Staff Party for the first time
March 2014 – Changes at Luton Street. New Leaders in place. OFSTED visited
April 2014 – Signed off work for stress
May 2014 – Overheard new manager Gemma Manns questioning a parent about me.
June 2014 – Went back to bury my mother.
July 2014 – Attended my oldest grandson’s graduation
Transferred to BIB 23 July 2014
July 2014 – Sorted Luton Street after granting of transfer to BIB. Meet staff from BIB who attended Luton Street for Induction into LEYF Core Values and Ethos.
Introduction to my work as EYFS coordinator, SENCO and Multigenerational Working Approach Facilitator – refer to Contract signed on 7th October 2009. Now using ico.org.uk LEYF claim not to have any data for me.
July 2014 – Transferred to BIB
August 2014 – Covered at Noah’s Ark and Hilda Miller and Lynne Kelly started the allegations that were to trigger my disabilities at BIB.
September 2014 – OFSTED at BIB. My disability used to show how they promoting Reasonable Adjustments to ofsted.gov.uk in line with the EYFS Welfare Requirements and the Equality Act 2010.
October 2014 – CEO Long Service Award – LEYF claim not to have any record of it – refer to https://www.google.com for my profiles
October 2014 – LEYF awarded Nursery Chain at Nursery World Show. See who were invited from BIB?
October 2014 – Allegations at BIB by Trainee Deputy Nicola O’Hanlan resulted in meeting after work with Lynne Kelly – refer to ET bundles.
Mewe Mechese Leaving Party – refer to ET bundles and her note to me about working at BIB.
November 2014 – June O’Sullivan visited BIB – refer to Letter & Case Studies
New Deputy – refer to her review at leyf.org.uk.
December 2014 – Early Years Consultant Stella Louis – refer to Lynne Kelly statements in bundles
Leading up to the Christmas celebrations – I narrated the Christmas Play.
BIB Staff Christmas Party
January 2015 – Rumi’s wedding – refer to ET bundles
January 2015 – MBE and CO visited BIB – refer to letter
January 2015 – Unannounced visits to BIB – refer to Policies & Procedures. Senior HR Dilys Epton tried to stitch me up re allegations. Tried to get me to take grievance, knowing I have no concrete evidence
Dilys Epton promised me support when I informed her about the DEPRESSION
February 2015 – Signed off sick
March 2015 – More allegations & chef suspended
Manager Michele comes to do Investigation after Supply Staff Whistleblowing
NHS Speech & Language training
More allegations and Investigations
Transferred to HOC 17 March 2015
Sent on Medical Suspension – refer to healthmanltd.com who recommended I seek CBT
Escorted out of HOC like a criminal
Invitation to Disciplinary
Got voicetheunion.org.uk involved
Passed fit to return to work
Taken out grievances after advice from Independent Solicitors
Transferred to New Cross 2 June 2015
Please see https://www.gov.uk/employment-tribunal-decisions/ms-m-myers-v-london-early-years-foundation-2300047-2016 for how the ET presided over the second miscarriage of justice.
Please see www.judicialombudsman.gov.uk to see how the EAT continued the hate crime in the Reserved Judgement online.
Please see https://petition.parliament.uk/help#standards for why I will not let the Government or Parliament get away with sanctioning the Modern Slavery thriving in the UK.
Written in honour of my granddaughter Adrina Legister on her 15th birthday. Another female should not have to endure what I have been through in the Mother Country.
Author: Mervelee Myers FD (Open) WTC (Open)
Mental Health & SEND Advocate,  Carer & Mother.
  Celebrating My Granddaughter’s 15th Birthday In May 2019 – A Gift From God Adrina Legister Gift of a Granddaughter 4 May 2019 The start of the millennial is/was a time that I will never be able to forget in the annals of my history for many different reasons.
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icechuksblog · 7 years
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Former Minister of Petroleum Resources, Diezani Allison Madueke has finally spoken on several allegations of financial impropriety levelled against her by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC. Diezani said she never stole Nigeria’s money. The former Minister made the claim in a statement she issued yesterday. She said the anti-graft agency was taking advantage of her silence to try and convict her in the media hence her response. Recall that the EFCC had alleged that Diezani Alison-Madueke, a former minister of Petroleum Resources, by an order of a Federal High Court has forfeited $153.3 million to the Federal Government. Diezani’s statement, which was made available to newsmen in Abuja, reads, “I wish to state I cannot forfeit what was never mine.“I do not know the basis on which the EFCC has chosen to say that I am the owner of these funds as no evidence was provided to me before the order was obtained, and they have not, in fact, served me with the order or any evidence since they obtained it.” “Let me re-state categorically as I have always maintained, for the record, I have not and will never steal money from or defraud the Federal Government of Nigeria. I am willing to respond to charges brought against me that follow duly laid down procedures,” she said. The former Minister dared the EFCC to without further delay, publish details of the Nigeria National Petroleum Corporation, NNPC’s accounts from where the said $153.3 million was taken. She also said that the report that Italian prosecutors indicted her for sharing in the loot of the $1.3 billion OPL 245 oil block deal, which involved Malabu and the Joint Venture Multinational partners, ENI (AGIP) and Royal Dutch was false. She continued, “Let me once again state for the record that this is another figment of the author’s imagination, which, given the persistent bid to ensure my destruction and stick all of the sins of the corruption that plagued oil and gas sector in the last 30 years upon my head, probably emanated from the EFCC itself.“Let me clear the history of OPL 245, otherwise known as Malabu. You will find a full chronology in the attached report that I made to the House of Representatives in late 2011 (Annex 2A/Annex-2B).“In 2010, shortly after I was appointed as Minister of Petroleum Resources, the issue of OPL 245 was brought to my attention. I looked into the case and immediately became aware of the inherent and long standing sensitivities around this issue.“It became clear from the onset that this case was not within the direct purview of the Minister of Petroleum Resources, but, in the main, was centered around issues of law.“By this time, there was already an International Centre for Settlement of Investment Dispute (ICSID) investigation and claims against the FGN running into billions of dollars. “Therefore, we took directives from the Chief Legal Officer of the nation; the Attorney General and Minister of Justice. In all of these matters due process was followed to the letter at all times.“I wish to categorically state that I have never held any discussions on this matter, with any individuals or entities outside of official channels.“As Minister of Petroleum Resources, I did not participate in any activity relating to financial payments on the Malabu matter, other than those statutorily mandated to the Minister of Petroleum Resources by the Petroleum Act.“My role in this matter was purely a statutory, one as required by law in the Petroleum Act 3.“In response, I have chosen not to insult, accuse or demonise any person or persons. In spite of all the allegations that have been made against me, not one has been factually proven.“I remain very proud of the fact that all the policies, tenets and plans that I initiated in the oil and gas sector are still underpinning the entire structure. This is because they were put in place with the good of the entire nation and its people in mind.“They were not factional or tribal, neither were they based on religious bias.“I am a woman from the Niger Delta, who, through perseverance and sheer hard work rose to one of the highest positions in the country’s premier International Oil Company, and in tune with my ethos of hard work, I earned the prestigious British Foreign and Commonwealth Chevening Scholarship Award and was, thereafter, admitted to my MBA programme at the World renowned Cambridge University,” she said.
http://icechuks2.blogspot.com/2017/08/90-billion-loot-diezani-finally-breaks.html
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davezini-blog · 7 years
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Pt.10pt.2-what remains shall then be considered an asset
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This is where things start to get personal… a glimpse into the dark hole that davezini digs himself into under the guise of glory, courage and virtue. Nobody who I had been close to in my previous 24 years of existence had a very clear idea of where I was going and under what circumstances. Not even me.
So it goes…
The episode we're transitioning into now caused me to conceive a new framework of fatalism and stoicism I'll carry around with me for the rest of my days. Keep reading; I implore thee.
________________________________
Walnut Creek, CA. July 22, 2016
Jimmy, Truman, Kent, and I suit up for a hippie fest somewhere in Mendocino.
We laid out all our shit in the driveway, in lieu of trying to fit our extraneous mass of supplies and rations between Kent's VW Touareg and Truman's pickup truck.
The ole 12 sheets of insulation for the hexayurt, a generator, gas cans, popups, tables, misters, totes and totes of Jimmy's wardrobe and spirit animals, and what else.
Still had to make a Costco run for food and the exorbitant amounts of liquor necessary to get us through the weekend (though the rules of the hippie fest purported a no-alcohol policy). Also a Home Depot run to replace a few sheets of insulation injured at Woogie. Of course this series of errands kept us running around the bay for a few hours. Kent likes to be prepared.
When we were finally an hour or 2 out, Kent had the fantastic idea of munching some shrooms to spice up the ride.
Me behind the wheel, I popped a stem. Within 10 or 15 minutes things were quite a bit more colorful, vibrant. We trudged on through this winding canyon road, reality becoming all but a figment of my imagination. I was jabbin' away at Jimmy in the other car via walkie, laughing and having him guide me through the rainbow road we were on.
Kent and I were lit. He decided that we needed to make one more stop for rations before reaching the festie. He was trying to find a grocery store in the next town on his smart (-er-than-him) phone. This is never an easy task for a shroomed out co-captain.
He was doing his best though, bless his heart. Until he told me to exit, upon which I started veering towards the upcoming exit. He suddenly grabs the wheel and yanks it to the left, nearly trading paint with an innocent citizen's vehicle. I scream, “What the fuck!” and he claimed to have thought that I was losing consciousness, about to drive off the road.
We locate the grocery store and I'm still high as a kite. We both wander in and split up. I walk around exchanging strange looks with people and promptly go back to the parking lot, where Jimmy and Truman have arrived, and they're macking on some honey, trying to convince her to sneak into the fest with us. Fat chance.
She took off. And Kent emerged from the store with another cart full of enough food to feed a small Mexican village. After another 30 min trying to stuff it all into our already full load, we hit the road, the   sun soon to disappear behind those celestial Mendo mountains.
[Bear in mind that this is one small episode I've chosen to exemplify the buffoonery involved in being on the road with Kent. Plenty more of these to come. And mind you, getting there is just as eventful (depends on your standards) as being there, setting up, breaking down, and getting home.]
Enchanted Forest
So the weekend goes. I'm still new to the festival thing at this point, though it seems everyone around me is quite privy with it.
Besides Kent. He doesn't try to be anything but the boisterous, obnoxious self he is. This doesn't always vibe well with hippies of course, the jaded ass motherfuckers.
So there's the workshops; yoga, tantra, Indian chants, power foods, basket weaving, you name it. And there's a river snaking through the festival grounds. And there is music (but who gives a shit, really).
We happened to be camped next to a renegade stage run by Carnie's, in the parlance of NorCal hippies. These are folks that typically rep the “family” (referring to Grateful Dead family), look like gutter trash from Hippie Hill, and evidently run the drug trade at most festivals in the region and are immune to rules such as “no drugs”, “no renegade stages”, and “everyone must have a ticket”.
It's their land. Even hippies have a price tag.
They were bumping grimy, monotonous robot music the entire time. Nice people.
Day 2 I copped some speed (Adderall, people) and was jajajajabbin' around the festival grounds, getting acquainted, shooting video. Of course slamming the sauce as well.
I hit the media tent, told them about my project and they forked out a press pass, making me an official media guy.
The power of words.
From then on I was being my own damn silly self. Cruising around emphatically with my camera, my cocktail, my paisley pants (nicknamed the “Paisley Cowboy”), hitting on girls, shaking my ass, diffusing altercations between my traveling buds.
[I spend a decent chunk of my life helping people get along.]
The harmony at these sorts of gatherings is polished to the point of being questionable.
You don't see a lot of black people. Nor Mexicans. Some Asians (proximity to the bay, mind you).
You do see many sun baked, dreaded, smiling faces, clad in some variation of Aladdin or Bodhisahtva.
I don't know. I'm not hating. The culture that I was immersing myself in was just very peculiar to me- mostly white people pursuing a hedonist shortcut to feigned fulfillment.  
It all seemed pretty much natural to me though. I don't dress like it, or act like it, but the 3rd eye health food transcendent haughty lifestyle is how I'm wired naturally. No need to show it.
But many of these people don't take me seriously. Because of how I dress act and project my outward image.
And many are bandwagoners that don't even take the world seriously. The world is a serious place. And sacred. And it's seriously fucked up as well. Escaping to the fucking LaLaLand of the music gathering world doesn't make you any better than a punk, a gym enthusiast, or self-absorbed businessman. No qualms- most days consist of rejoicing without inhibition in the lofty way they've chosen to live their life. I have my things. Indian snake charmers have theirs. And so do festival chasing hippies.
So what's the fucking point?
As you can tell if you've been reading along, I'm a very go with the flow kind of guy. I can't help it. It's just who I am.
It has its pros and cons. Paying rent is a pain sometimes. Working with what your menial capital permits requires seasoned problem solving abilities.
Much more, in your nararator's humble opinion, than the burb dwelling townie driving a leased 2014 Hyundai Sonata smoking vape pen thinking about the next sports game or McDonald's visit.
I like to make things complicated for myself. Which ultimately makes everything quite simple; I simply live to do whatever comes next, and handle whatever issue at hand with finesse and pizazz.
I'm a hippie at heart. By ethos. The OG hippie ethos.
Rise above the savage nature of us & them, and the world will exponentially become a better place.
Finished rambling for now. TBC
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