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departure-s · 5 years

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Chinese Art: Changes over a Critical Era

Caytlin Meribela

December 2018

Since the turn of the twentieth century Chinese traditional art has undergone a series of trial and tribulations that have drastically changed the use, technique, content, and overall cultural view of art. These influences include western European art styles and their incorporation into China’s continually changing art education programs, adoption of communist ideology, particularly through absorption/modification of Socialist Realism as the main form of propaganda art that dominated China, and reformist attitudes that stripped away the traditional ways of artistic expression. This is an important topic of discussion in China specifically as we analyze the way these changes reflect the battle between modernity and tradition, and debatably allow for a complete loss of China’s ability to produce traditional art free of external and Maoist influences.

Chinese artists began to stray from the traditional methods while the rest of China struggled to do the same. A series of unfair treaties forcing China to open its doors to Western Imperial powers and interaction with Japan forced China’s sphere of influence to increase in such a way that “no period in history has challenged Chinese art as greatly”. It is the education of Chinese art students in Japan that allowed for China’s adoption of Western style art. China looks to Japan, a close and convenient spot for students, as a role model for modernization and stears towards realism. Here they were taught western art academically, but return home equipped with the means of producing it themselves as well as a fond interest for such art. Shanghai School of Painting administered the incorporation of western art in the curriculum as early as the first decade of the twentieth century. Here, mastering realist techniques such as the use of light and dark in shading and perspective allowed Chinese artists to freely create qualityworks based on thorough observation. There is also a change in the content of what is portrayed. We see an increase in the use of nudity and concern surrounding it. In 1913, Li Shutong was the first Chinese professor to use a nude model in the classroom, a topic that later came under scrutiny in Mao’s China.

Sharing Chairman Mao’s views and rising in power was an art bureaucracy.The CCP had a developed Department of Propaganda which oversaw the Ministry of Culture and its line of subordinates including the Chinese Artists association and the League of Left Wing Artists. These groups were tasked with the training of cultural curators, guiding of production, and censorship of less desirable artistic works. Anyone in power under these organizations has the means to control public consciousness and the education curriculum. Cai Yuanpei, as China’s first minister of education, promoted aesthetic education as a means of social modernization. He believed, during a time of widespread purging of imperial and feudalistic traditions, that aesthetic education should replace such superstition. His philosophy, reflected in the national curriculum was based upon the encouragement of western realism in practice and the development of an understanding of the science of aesthetics. Once implemented this really inaugurated the “systematic study of art in China as an academic discipline”. The growth in interest of art, pushed for the establishment of Liangjiang Higher Normal School and a slew of other universities located in large cities such as Beijing, Nanjing, and Shanghai, that would facilitate the training of new art teachers to meet demands.

The last two decades of nineteenth century Chinese art were brilliant and captivating in the traditional sense and artists had an established base for commercial art. Shanghai specifically was a flourishing port for the sale of both domestic and foreign art. “The founding of art associations thus provided a supportive environment for social networking among soujouring artists, the social elite, and collectors. The activities sponsored by these art societies further stimulated the commercialization of traditional Chinese painting and calligraphy”. Even following the Revolution of 1911, artists’ adoption of western art in a changing market allowed the Chinese art world to continue commercial art production.

Occuring during this flourishing market time for Chinese art, in 1929 was the First Chinese National Art Exhibition. This feature was broken into five categories: painting, woodblock prints, new years pictures, cartoons, sculptures. What is notable about this breakdown is the inclusion of western style art within the categories. They made no effort to distinguish the non-native forms in an exhibition that is inherently ‘Chinese’ and ‘National’. The overall adoption of western style art was voluntary and done so with enthusiasm by young Chinese artists.

During the 1930’s the art world was thriving. The open atmosphere in schools provided space for artists learning western art to experiment with dadaism, constructivism, surrealism, and adapt an oil painting style that is both realist and romantic [Xu Beihong]. However, by 1937 the conflict between China and Japan breaks out at the expense of art. Many art academies were forced to shut down or move as the Japanese pushed inward China searching for control of raw materials. Pieces produced during the war era were minimal and somber, signaling a push towards propaganda art.

With the growing power of the Chinese communist party and Maoist thought, which later becomes the only acceptable ideology, Mao’s talks at Yan’an on literature and culture shape the way Chinese society sees and produces art as well as the way the artists themselves are seen. After 1942 art changed from being a tool for modernization to a political platform. Mao outlines the “fronts of the pen” as being “powerful weapons for uniting and educating people and for attacking and destroying the enemy”. The hierarchy of art should, with the intent of serving the masses, start as the lower levels of society, with the peasants, whom Mao believed were the core of the revolution, and work its way to the top in terms of effective distribution. He emphasizes the party line by saying artists should learn from the peasants by participant observation and one of the famous slogans “Go among the masses!”. Insisting also that the ability to make art for the proletariat requires a deep understanding of Marxist-Leninist thought, and therefore all artists who wish to be successful must study the tenets of socialist communism and accept the leading CCP. Failure to adapt to the Communism resulted in denouncement and exclusion. A system of recertification and cadre investigation was enacted throughout the following year, in which artists were required to be educated in Marxist-Leninist-Mao Zedong thought to ensure a deep understanding of the party line and purpose of art. The cadre investigation was for anyone who publicly opposed the party or anyone who was accused of the party. This was particularly bad for those traditional artists., although select elders who mastered their technique were excused, most artists using feudalistic symbols were subject to intense scrutiny by the party. This is a further alienation of traditional art in Chinese society.

Furthermore, Mao does not call for abolition of old art and practices but instead, insists such art should be modified to fit the current political situation. Historical analization of these forms is also acceptable, despite the fact that such works that would be looked at are products of petty bourgeois. After these talks there was a general understanding that art was now for the purpose of propaganda and propaganda alone. There was no “art for art’s sake” any longer. “Free thinking and unfettered creativity were no longer to be tolerated” a sort of attitude that defeats the traditional purpose of art as a means of personal expression.

Ironically Mao’s appreciation for the common people and their art led to a resurgence in the old folk art of Nianhua. Nianhua is the traditional Chinese new year picture; a form of woodblock print art that was common during the lunar new year holiday, typically depicting old gods and symbols of superstition. The large brightly colored posts were easily comprehensible by uneducated citizens and so popular every single peasant household had one that was traditionally replaced each year, a perfect medium of conveying messages. By infusing communist ideology with peasant folk art the communist party could reach a larger audience in a way that is largely accepted by the people. The CCP seized control and mass production began with simple but vivid renditions of such pieces, now referred to as new nianhua. Although as industrial production overtook this medium and it strayed further from its folk origins the general public saw it as representing the culture of the rural population and was therefore an appealing mode of increasing peasant consciousness. In a few ways, say the replacing of traditional Spring Ox images with the tractors and the gods with model workers, the Chinese Communist Regime effectively used the new nianhua as a form of widespread brainwashing, taking the traditional sentiment and forcing a turn towards communism. Nonetheless the new nianhua movement was “a critical step in the development of Chinese socialist modernization”. The Party and Department of Propaganda als began issuing National awards to nianhua prints they deemed the most acceptable, setting a standing for the rest of artists to follow and work towards the great honor of being formally recognized by the state.

The adoption of Soviet socialist-communism didn’t stop there. With the early Soviet advisors and training of Chinese in the Soviet union, China adopted the artistic style of Socialist Realism. This is the most important adoption of Chinese artists in the, arguably, the whole of Chinese history. The term itself is credited to Stalin, and the form pushes to remove the elitist nature of art and make high art more accessible to the broad masses of people. Subject matter focused on peasants, workers, soldiers, and favored political figures. This style was strictly done in oil paint, which although was convenient to those students well-versed in western art, further alienated Chinese traditional art from modern society, as well as the elderly arts who practiced it.

Posters in general were a fast, cheap, and easy way to distribute propaganda, the “most flexible mass visual tool” the CCP had. Moving away from new nianhua, posters maintained bright colors dramatic lines, human figures, and simple direct slogans all characteristics primarily imported from Soviet popular art, that were highly popular during communist China. Cost of production was kept down by limiting color pallets to red white and black; this also provided dramatic sense of urgency of the topics depicted. Most popular were so called Big Character Posters in which there was little to no artistic representation but instead large characters reading simple but direct slogans. These posters exemplify the artistic importance of calligraphy in China and are the only traditional form that was never attacked under communist rule, as “in China power does not speak it writes”. Although the art was never attacked as critically as traditional ink painting the censorship of what could and could not be said is a continuing trend of limiting expression of the individual.

During the Great Leap Forward the communist party encouraged the mass of peasants, factory workers and soldiers to take up the brush and personally convey the struggle of the Chinese people. Producing propaganda was an act that conveyed enthusiasm for the and as the saying goes “it is better to be red than expert”, thus art was no longer an act reserved for highly trained creative minds, but one for the masses. With minimal guidance from professional artist but an abundance of enthusiasm for politics and national pride the work of these lowly life people was raised from purely beginners work to being recognized on a national level. The CCP effectively turned all members of society into propagandists, encouraged by Chairman Mao’s wife, Jiang Qing, a dominant figure in the Chinese cultural spheres. Jiang Qing also implemented the ideal “red, smooth, and glowing” standard for oil paintings and propaganda posters following the Sino-Soviet split in 1960.

The image of Mao was the primary focus for Jiang’s “red, smooth and glowing” ideal. The portrayal of chairman Mao is yet another peculiar transition in Chinese art. His physical body was also symbolic of his favorable position in China. Following his complaint in the early 1950’s, Chairman Mao was to always be depicted as tall as, if not taller than other leaders, particularly Stalin. This representation of the hierarchical status of achievement shows the Chinese treatment of space to be “representational rather than conceptual”. Also seen in the painting of Mao’s profile, nearly always showing his left side, which is non-coincidentally his political alignment. After spending the decades surrounding the turn of the century expelling feudalism and superstition from Chinese culture from 1966-1969 China experienced an overproduction of images of Mao Zedong that allowed for his deification. The early years of the PRC focused on Mao in paintings, being sure his image was centered and painted in good light. This resembled Western iconography and the depiction of God, who is located in the center and surrounded by the heavenly color of gold or yellow. Based on photographs the images were realistic but conceptualized for perfection; Mao standing boldly face glowing over a sea of Red flags, an admirable depiction to match an admirable political figure.

Survival under the People’s Republic was difficult enough for artists; the fear of being straying from Mao’s outlined purpose of art and literature and being labelled as being bourgeois kept most artists in line. However, in 1957 with the implementation of the Anti-Rightist Campaign the struggle of being an artist with an opinion becomes exponentially more difficult. A prime example of this would be Jiang Feng. Jiang Feng was widely well-known for his experience in revolutionary woodblock printing and distribution of propaganda prints; his most famous being a black and white print titles Kill the Resistors. Although his work was not the best in terms of expertise his enthusiasm earned him recognition, after all it is better to be red than expert. His devotion to the advancement of art and faith in the art bureaucracy led his to continue his studies of revolutionary block printing while in jail. As an active member in the art bureaucracy he led China through the new nianhua movement and watched the adaption of socialist realism; however, his failure to admit to wrongdoing earned him a new title: Number One Rightist in the Art World. There is complexity behind the accusations and their accuracy; however, his fall brought forth his acquaintances as witnesses to provide evidence against him. Those who failed to do so were targeted themselves. The irony in this movement lies in the months before its initiation with the opening of the Institute of Chinese Painting in Beijing which sought to “preserve China’s living heritage by providing financial and institutional support for older traditional artists”.

Now as Youhua, Chinese oil painting, has been fully assimilated to fit the Chinese, and the dust began to settle after the deep influences of the west, Soviet union, and Japan are removed from China, the use of art was secondarily shifted to “distort or reinvent history”. Encouraged by Mao’s call for “reconstruction of historical forms to better suit modernity” at the Yan’an forum there was a blatant altering of existing Chinese painting to better serve the Chinese communist party. This practice, particularly concerning the portrayal of political figures, was highly common in the Cultural Revolution. A prime example of this was Dong Xiwen’s Founding Ceremony painting, one of many paintings made for display in the Central Museum of Revolutionary History in Beijing. The painting depicts Mao and fellow comrades on October 1st 1949 in Tiananmen Square declaring the founding of the people's republic to a crowd. The painting is portraying perhaps the most important moment in Chinese communist history and thus the intense view of it seems reasonable. Accompanying Mao in the painting was Gao Gang, a member of the party who became a victim of the first wave of intense party purging, and after social condemnation Mao demanded his removal from the famous painting. Reluctantly Dong Xiwen did as he was asked, and a second time with the removal of Liu Shaoqi. But with the third request to paint over Lin Boqu Dong bravely refused. The communist regime, however, always gets its way, Dong was dismissed and the painting was copied and the figure removed as the party seemed fit. This is a blatant form of censorship that aimed to influence the way Chinese saw their own political environment. It wasn't until after the death of Mao and an era of reform including mass rehabilitation under Deng Xiaoping that the original was restored.

A common tension between intellectuals was the struggle between accepting modernity and maintaining tradition. Although it is important to understand the complexity of such topics and that in speaking of one's argument for a given side the lines may not be concrete and many intellectuals of the time could be considered to share moral ideology on both sides of the disagreement, generally speaking the debate of tradition and modernity was held between revolutionaries who advocated the modernization of China and academics who wished to conserve the traditions and history of the past. Cai Yuanpei is certainly a revolutionary who appreciated the westernization of art and saw how the western approach to art was scientific. He thought his was the most logical approach to and the basis of science could be applied to everything. This was truly revolutionary in Chinese art as tradition is based on the conveyance of emotion through fast, spontaneous brushwork. Traditional Chinese artists achieved spiritual likeness in these ways while western art is focused on form likeness.

Following the death of Mao, Deng Xiopeng’s rise to power signaled a shift to a reformist attitude and allowing artists and the general public to more openly reflect on the era of Mao and the brutality of the Cultural Revolution. This reflection led to the movement in Chinese art known as Scar art. This was a time for reflection and mourning of the loss of lives, humanity and tradition in China’s cultural realm. Although the adoption of western art styles and enthusiasm towards propaganda production was opted for by artists, it’s indoctrination was not voluntary and following its height artists became very aware of the traumas they willingly endured.

China’s adoption of western style painting, including the Soviet influences, threw the nation askew from its traditional heritage. The enthusiasm for modernization, although much necessary and reasonable, left Chinese techniques of brushwork and landscape painting to be overshadowed by emphasis on propaganda art and the artists to be brainwashed by the education and censoring programs of the CCP. The Cultural Revolution often referred to as the “ten lost years” was exactly that, a lapse in China’s progression as a nation and a stopping point for proud traditional artists. Adhering to and surviving Communist rule became more important than artistic heritage as China moved forward as a modernizing country.

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Andrews, Julia F. "Traditional Painting in New China: Guohua and the Anti-Rightist Campaign." The Journal of Asian Studies 49, no. 3 (1990): 555-77. doi:10.2307/2057771.

Desnoyers, Charles A. Patterns of Modern Chinese History. New York ; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017.

Flath, James Alexander. The Cult of Happiness: Nianhua, Art, and History in Rural North China. Seattle, WA: Univ. of Washington Press, 2004.

Fong, Wen C. "The Modern Chinese Art Debate." Artibus Asiae53, no. 1/2 (1993): 290. doi:10.2307/3250520.

Jiang, Jiehong. Burden or Legacy: From the Chinese Cultural Revolution to Contemporary Art. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2007.

Needham, Joseph, and Ling Wang. Science and Civilisation in China. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995.

Pong, David. "Art: Policy since ‘49, Soviet Influence, Japanese Influence, History, Schools and Colleges, Oil Painting, Socialist Realism, Propaganda Art." Encyclopedia of Modern China. Detroit: Charles Scribners Sons/Gale, Cengage Learning, 2009.

Yen, Yuehping. "Calligraphy and Power in Contemporary Chinese Society." 2004. doi:10.4324/9780203590607.

Zedong, Mao. "On Literature and Art." Speech.

Zheng, Sheng Tian., Richard King, Ralph C. Croizier, and Scott Watson. Art in Turmoil: The Chinese Cultural Revolution, 1966-76 (Contemporary Chinese Studies). University of British Columbia Press, 2010.

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lmast-arts346 · 2 years

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Ch. 6 The Typographic Message

Dada, Constructivism, and Destijl were movements that are so independent from any other set of movements I have studied before. Maybe because they are always easiest to picture in my mind, and in my opinion strike as the first modern approach to the art & design world; even philosophy and literature too. I admire the goal of the movements: that the work must have a functional use and relate back to our new industrialized way of life- so valid!!!

My life is very industrialized, I wonder what my work would be if I was in a rural, countryside environment. Our surroundings and resources greatly affect our work, but that is a big duh. What I mean though is that while design has great functionality use from elements like typography, imagery, hand lettering, and legibility, do all works of art have a function? In my head I like to think that all work I have created, creating, will create has some purpose even if it just evokes a feeling for one singular person. Maybe this is because of the art movements first listed above, and how much they have affected artists in today’s world.

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classyfoxdestiny · 3 years

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Shanthie Mariet D’Souza on how India was ‘ill-prepared’ for the dramatic Taliban takeover

The Taliban are in charge in Afghanistan. The rapid overthrow of the Afghan government that many expected would take another few months ended last week, as the Taliban entered Kabul, prompting President Ashraf Ghani to flee the country. This sudden development has major ramifications for every nation in the South Asian region, not least India – which benefited greatly from the US presence in Afghanistan and may now have to see Pakistan once again playing a dominant role in the country.

What can New Delhi do? How is it to deal with the fallout? Shanthi Mariet D’Souza is the founder of research outfit Mantraya, founding professor at the Kautilya School of Public Policy and an Afghanistan expert who has worked on the country for years, including as adviser, Independent Directorate of Local Governance to the Afghanistan government in 2015-16. She has also edited Afghanistan in Transition: Beyond 2014?

I spoke to D’Souza over e-mail about what the Taliban takeover means for New Delhi, whether the question of engaging with the Taliban is any different from the last time they were in power in the 1990s, and what this means for India’s relations with other major powers.

For some background to the conversation, read our interview with Avinash Paliwal, back in May, when India was still debating the question of whether to engage with the Taliban.

For the reader, could you tell us a little bit about how you got into studying Afghanistan and your background with the country? I am a scholar, researcher and founding professor with specialisation in International Relations with more than a decade-long experience of working in think tanks, universities, governmental and non-governmental sectors, as a consultant, adviser and board director for think tanks, governments and international organisations in Afghanistan and South Asia, as an associate editor and editorial board member for international peer reviewed journals, and as a subject matter expert and trainer designing modules on regional and international security, governance, economic development, gender and non-traditional security challenges in Asia for diplomats and security personnel. I have also conducted field studies in Pakistan, China, Africa, Canada, United States, Australia, Jammu and Kashmir and India’s North East.

My interest in Afghanistan sparked in the 1990s, when I embarked on my M Phil program at the American Studies division of the School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi. At that time, I found that there was scant academic and policy attention on Afghanistan, which was in India’s neighbourhood. It was a glaring gap in academia and policy research.

As I started my M Phil in the summer of 1999, the IC-814 hijacking brought attention to Afghanistan and the Taliban regime when the plane with Indian citizens was hijacked from Kathmandu and taken to Kandahar and the then Bharatiya Janata Party government was brought to its knees and had to swap passengers for terrorists. This was an important lesson for India not only in hostage negotiations, but also in lack of policy attention on Afghanistan since withdrawal from that country in the wake of the capture of power by the Taliban in the mid-1990s.

As I commenced my doctoral programme at SIS, JNU on the topic “United States and emergence and decline of the Taliban”, in the summer of 2001, the 9/11 terror attacks took place in the American homeland. That once again brought back the US and world attention to a country, which was largely forgotten and considered distant. While most analysts concluded that the US military intervention of October 2001 would result in the decimation of the Taliban, my hypothesis was to the contrary and proved correct in the years that followed.

The central argument of my PhD thesis and critique of the nature of the international intervention in 2001 was that the international community did not pay adequate attention and resources in institution building, shoring up the capabilities of the Afghan government (host nation) or addressing the issue of sanctuaries and external support that the Taliban received from their sponsors in Pakistan from where they regrouped, rearmed and carried out attacks in Afghanistan.

The reemergence of the Taliban was evident in 2005-06, when US President George W Bush diverted the limited resources and troops from the “the limited and quick” war in Afghanistan to Iraq. The aversion to nation building did not help build institutions that Afghanistan required to rebuild its security, political and economic sectors. Most of the international aid created parallel structures of governance rather than strengthening the Afghan government’s institutions for governance and revenue.

President Barack Obama refocused attention on the “just war” in Afghanistan from Iraq through his Af-Pak strategy, but announced exit by 2014 along with the troop surge which strengthened the battlefield and negotiating potential of the Taliban. The repeated calls for exit were based on the American political calendar under President Donald Trump and now President Joe Biden’s administration, and not on the needs of the Afghans or conditions on the ground. The Taliban bided their time. In the villages of southern Afghanistan where I visited, the Taliban would in a jocular vein say, “the Americans have the watches, we have the time”.

The international community needed to focus attention and resources for the long term stabilisation of Afghanistan, building key institutions of service delivery and strengthening the security, political and economic sectors to build the credibility of the Afghan government. Most of the quick impact projects of the international community did little to build the credibility and/or extend the writ of the Afghan government. The security sector needed to be built, trained and equipped to fight insurgency and not a conventional army, as Afghanistan is fighting an asymmetrical war.

The western notions of democracy and state building had limited utility in the long term stabilisation of Afghanistan and preventing its slide into present levels of chaos and violence. Afghanistan needed assistance to build its own security, political and economic institutions based on its needs and specificities rather than replicating foreign models.

I have, since the completion of my doctoral studies and Fulbright Fellowship, studied Afghanistan through various prisms – the security sector, political and peace building, sub national governance, and regional cooperation, to understand the challenges and prospects of long term stabilisation of Afghanistan, which the rest of the international community has not paid much attention to.

From my specialisation in American Studies, I have tried to make myself useful to academia, policy-makers, security and diplomatic personnel, media and international non governmental organisations, by focusing my attention and work on the internal and external dynamics of the Afghan conflict, India-Afghanistan relations, and prospects of regional cooperation in Afghanistan through various field studies, assignments and consultancy projects in various provinces of Afghanistan, rather than confining myself to Kabul, to provide a better understanding of the urban-rural divide and help bridge the disconnects.

As Team leader the for Local Planning and Budgeting–IDLG-UNDP-LOGO project, Kabul, Afghanistan (2020); Adviser, Independent Directorate of Local Governance (IDLG), Government of Islamic Republic of Afghanistan (2015-16); International Election Observer for the audit and recount of Afghanistan’s Presidential Runoff elections,( 2014); Senior Transition Consultant, United Nations Mine Action Service (2013), Kabul and External Reviewer for the country programme of Action Aid International, Afghanistan (2011), I have worked with governmental and non-governmental sectors for more than a decade in various provinces of Afghanistan.

US soldiers stand guard behind barbed wire at the airport in Kabul. Photo: Wakil Kohsar/AFP

Would you say that you take any particular approach, or fall into a specific school of thinking, when it comes to your analysis? I do not consider myself to be belonging strictly to any particular school of thought. However, broadly, I do see myself as aligned to the school of Constructivism, seeing the world as socially constructed and exploring the role of identities and interests. Constructivists believe agency and structure are mutually constituted, which implies that structures influence agency and vice versa.

Agency can be understood as the ability of someone to act, whereas structure refers to the international system that consists of material and ideational elements. I have increasingly witnessed that while studying Afghanistan and policy-making either in India or outside, there has been little understanding and application of the structure-agency debate and role of identities and interests. More importantly, there is very little anthropological study of the tribal dynamic and social networks, culture and religion in Afghanistan. Thus, Afghanistan remains a puzzle that many have not taken the time and effort to understand.

I charted my own path to tread into unknown terrain, taking many risks and moving out of my comfort zone with multiple field visits to Afghanistan from Singapore and India to get first-hand, primary, qualitative and ethnographic data, rather than relying on secondary sources and not contributing anything new or useful to the academic and policy debate.

I have muddied my hands to work on issues of governance (which is the key to stabilisation) and election observation, to understand Afghans and Afghanistan, and debunk many myths about the people and the country. I have used different approaches and prisms to understand the challenges and prospects of long-term stabilisation of Afghanistan. These include the social network approach, participant observation, ethnographic data, and first hand information collected through interviews and discussions with Afghans across a wide spectrum. I have travelled to various provinces in Afghanistan for collection of primary resource material for more than a decade. I have carried out interviews, discussions and “person on the street” narratives to gather qualitative data.

My field visits to Afghanistan and interactions with key policy-makers, interlocutors, scholars, security and media personnel, members of international organisations, non-governmental organisations, civil society organisations, women’s groups, youth groups, farmers’ associations, dairy associations, business groups and “person on the street” narratives have helped deepen my knowledge of the country and the need to adopt alternative approaches to bring in long term peace and stability.

I have conducted field-based research and consultancies with the governmental and non-governmental sectors in Afghanistan. As an Adviser on downward accountability with the Independent Directorate of Local Governance (DFID funded project), Government of Islamic Republic of Afghanistan (2015-2016), I have worked on issues of sub-national governance and strengthening downward accountability; developed guidelines and data collection instruments to enable provincial councillors improve service delivery in eight crucial sectors – education, agriculture, health, roads, electricity, water and sanitation, security and legal services.

I have contributed to the development and finalisation of the Provincial Council (PC) internal procedure and oversight regulatory authority; developed formal internal procedures for the channelling of PC reports to relevant line ministries at the Centre (through the IDLG) and provinces (through the governor); and revised the reporting template for the PCs informing councillors of their mandates, legal and policy frameworks, minimum service delivery standards and constraints to effective service delivery. I also provided organisational assistance in restructuring, strategic and annual plans, training materials and manuals for the conduct of consultative workshops and capacity building programmes for provincial councillors and awareness workshops for women provincial councillors.

As a Senior Transition Consultant, United Nations Mine Action Service, Afghanistan (September 2013), I conducted extensive field analysis, interviews and focused group discussions with Afghan government officials, key policy-makers, donors, non-governmental organisations, UN Mine Action personnel, de-miners, community elders and other key stakeholders to review the mine action programme in Afghanistan. Case studies considered for the project included Cambodia, Laos, Liberia, South Sudan, Mozambique, Bosnia, Kosovo, Azerbaijan, Iraq, Colombia, Lebanon, Western Sahara, Mali, Ivory Coast, DRC, and Yemen, which helped in learning from the best practices in actualising transition in the Afghan context.

At the end of the field study, I presented the findings at a workshop in Kabul and submitted a report identifying options to locate responsibility for the mine action mandate within the Afghan government and key stakeholders with a list of “pros and cons” for each option and the steps required for implementation in the transformation decade.

As an international Election Observer, Afghanistan with The Asia Foundation, for the audit of Afghanistan’s Presidential Runoff elections held in June 2014, I was involved in report writing, data entry and short-medium term observation of the audit and recount process.

I have been a Consultant and Reviewer for the country programme of Action Aid International Afghanistan, May-June 2011. I conducted programmes and organisational reviews of AAA’s programmes, project and functioning in Kabul and other provinces of Afghanistan using a Rights based approach and a participatory approach, like Participatory Rural Appraisal, to analyse, plan and monitor the development activities. I submitted a detailed report titled “Country Programme Review” with key learning gaps to inform the management on the state of the country programme as well as provided recommendations on future directions to guide the formulation of the next country strategy paper on developmental strategy and policy planning.

The speed of the Taliban takeover has taken everyone by surprise. You wrote recently that “there is an overwhelming sense of helplessness” in New Delhi “as its contributions and gains made in the last two decades wither away.” Why is that so? Do you think it will be some time before that sense is shaken off or is it likely to remain as long as the Taliban are in charge? India has pursued its soft-power approach in Afghanistan under a security umbrella provided by the US since 2001. It is the largest regional donor, having pledged more than $3 billion in various capacity building and infrastructure development projects. Its development assistance policy accrued a tremendous amount of goodwill for India. The challenge was to convert soft power gains into long term tangible outcomes when the tide turned. Even though there was a sense in India that the US would withdraw its forces in 2014 – the date of withdrawal announced by President Obama – India did not prepare for such a scenario and hoped for an outcome that would not put the Taliban in a dominant position.

However, all those calculations have changed quickly. The sense of shock and dismay from the fall of Kabul and the total capture of power by the Taliban is not unique to India. In the coming days, the entire world will be forced to internalise the dramatic changes that have taken place in Afghanistan and how those changes have made past policies redundant. India too will have to go through that phase of self-assessment and revisit its policies in the face of new realities.

Indian citizens aboard a military aircraft at the airport in Kabul on Tuesday. Photo: AFP

What are the immediate implications for India – both in terms of interests and policies – with the new Afghanistan situation, once the question of evacuating citizens and others is taken care of? India’s challenges are multiple and at various levels. These include:

Evacuation/safety of all Indians, friends of India in Afghanistan (Afghans who worked for India), and the willing members of the Hindu and Sikh communities;

Preservation of the gains made by India in the last two decades, i.e, the infrastructure projects and, also, the leverage within the political elite;

Dealing with the resurgence of Pakistani and Chinese influence;

Staying engaged in Afghanistan’s development sector to prevent a humanitarian crisis and continuing the existing level of trade and commerce; and

Developing working relations with the new political dispensation as stipulated in the Agreement of Strategic Partnership ( October 2011).

India has been ill-prepared for this scenario. Even evacuating its personnel was difficult. The Taliban set up roadblocks, making it difficult to reach the airport. More importantly, India could not evacuate Afghans who worked for its embassy and consulates, leaving them in great danger and discontent.

For India, which had pledged more than $3 billion dollars in development assistance since 2001 and accrued a huge amount of goodwill, Afghanistan is now a dramatically transformed terrain. New Delhi faces disruption to its intense engagement in the country’s development sector. Its gains of the past two decades, achieved through high-value and small-scale projects, face dangers of reversal.

India, a regional stakeholder and an unwavering supporter of an “Afghan-led, Afghan-owned and Afghan-controlled” peace and reconciliation process, has struggled to find a place in the numerous groupings that seek to decide the fate of the country. Its last-ditch efforts at opening a channel of communication with the Taliban, as part of its bid to engage with all stakeholders in the Afghan conflict, too has not yielded much result.

Is India likely to play a role in offering a home to Afghans – either refugees or, as it has in the past, some of the political elite? Yes. It will probably do so on a limited scale, given the declared prioritisation only for the Hindus and Sikhs. Some members of the political elite are already in India. A few others will be in India in the coming weeks. Similarly, the government will have to clarify its policies on the thousands of Afghans who are either on study or medical visa in the country. For obvious reasons, India can’t send them back to Afghanistan, where their lives will be at risk. India needs a coordination cell dealing with repatriation, refugee and IDP settlement and humanitarian assistance.

Does India’s presence as chair of the USNC alter the potential path in any significant way? Internationally, India needs to take a leadership role as the current UNSC chair in framing resolutions, providing relief, setting up humanitarian response teams and conflict mediation mechanisms. India cannot afford to abandon the people of Afghanistan once again without implications for its image as a reliable friend and a major power in the region. This is a unique opportunity to demonstrate its leadership role at the UNSC.

Given India’s history with them, would you expect questions about recognition of the Taliban government by New Delhi to go differently from the 1990s? New Delhi faces a stark choice of engaging the Taliban and recognising them, or opting to totally disengage from that country. The latter would imply a return to the 1990s, where a contact-vacuum facilitated events like the IC-814 hijacking and anti-India groups like LeT, JeM finding bases to operate from that country.

A realist’s approach would be to reach out to the Taliban in order to continue aid and development assistance, and a constructivist approach seeking to link aid with conditionalities that will help in mainstreaming and blunting the extremist worldviews particularly in dealing with women, minorities and children.

While the Taliban’s ascendancy is clearly a disruptor of India’s presence in Afghanistan, some opportunities for its continued engagement could also be available in the near-medium term. The Taliban leadership has made favourable statements asking India to continue with its developmental activities. The Taliban search for legitimacy may help India retain its foothold in the country, although it may not be as intense as it used to be. However, engagement should not be tantamount to granting recognition or legitimacy.

India needs to continue its aid policy for Afghanistan to prevent a humanitarian disaster and refugee crisis. It must establish some communication links in that country to moderate the extremist movements ideology and protect the rights of women and minorities.

Taliban fighters sit over a vehicle on a street in the Laghman province on Sunday. Photo: AFP

The Northern Alliance is nothing like what it was in the 1990s. Do you believe there is space for India to continue to court players in Afghanistan to counter the Taliban? Yes. The erstwhile Northern Alliance is a redundant force as most of the leaders have reached out to the Taliban, surrendered or fled the country. The call by the Vice President, Amrullah Saleh, to be a caretaker President to counter the Taliban and defend the territory could lead to a new resistance. To gather India’s support, Mr Saleh will have to establish his reach and unifying effort within the NA as a potent adversary to the Taliban.

You’ve written that India “missed the bus” on Afghanistan, and that “in strategic terms, India’s loss would be Pakistan and China’s gain”. Could you explain to the reader why you believe that is the case?The withdrawal of the US and resultant political change has created a huge strategic vacuum in Afghanistan. Pakistan, due to its locational and strategic advantages and links with the Taliban, and China, due to its proactive policy and links with Pakistan can hope to occupy much of this vacuum. India had twenty years to make up for its strategic and locational disadvantages.

However, it chose to rely on a policy, which looked impressive while at work, but had no long-term strategic thinking and planning built into it. One can understand the strategic competition with Pakistan which had nurtured the Taliban to regain strategic depth. But at one point of time, India was thinking of joint projects with China in Afghanistan as declared at the Wuhan informal summit. Did that fail because of China’s attitude or New Delhi’s own lackadaisical approach? This needs to be answered by policy-makers.

Do you think the current Indian administration has sufficient capacity and will to engage with all dimensions of the Afghanistan question? The MEA is understaffed and doesn’t have enough capability and skills to get feelers from the ground. As the situation was rapidly deteriorating, New Delhi continued with its “wait and watch” policy. This has led to systemic inertia, risk aversion, lack of long-term planning, and policy fuzziness. The MEA needs trained specialists who know the language, culture, ethnography and have contacts in the field for real time information flow and action.

Some fear that the Taliban’s return to Kabul will empower terrorists and militants, and that India may see fresh surges on the LoC. Others have said that the security implications for India may not be so direct or immediate. What do you make of these fears? The security threat is real if not immediate. Pakistan-based terror groups Lashkar-e-Taiba and Jaish-e-Mohammad have a presence in Afghanistan and are known to have built checkpoints in certain areas with the help of the Taliban. While the US-Taliban peace agreement obligates the Taliban to stop using Afghan territory for terror attacks by the al Qaeda and the Islamic State against the US and its allies, no such guarantee insulates countries like India from the activities of Kashmir-specific groups such as the LeT and JeM, and even the AQ and Islamic State’s Khorasan Province.

Its assurance to not operate in Kashmir notwithstanding, the Taliban’s capacity to prevent self-activation of these groups against India is questionable. It will boost terrorist morale and ability. However, whether it will actually result in a dramatic rise in terror attacks in J&K remains to be seen. India has pursued militancy with a multi-dimensional approach, which includes neutralisation of hundreds of cadres, targeting their over-ground networks and their financial resources. Yet, the infrastructure and the factors that breed terrorism and militancy remain.

Just a month ago you wrote a number of policy prescriptions for India in Afghanistan over the next decade, but most of them were predicated on at least a prolonged period of civil war, and not such a quick Taliban takeover. What would your list look like today? My list had also included suggestions in the wake of a rapid take over by Taliban. My writings and suggestions were based on scenario-building, which included the rapid takeover of power by the Taliban as the worst-case scenario which the policy makers in New Delhi needed to pay heed to.

A pragmatic and astute policy would explore ways and means of engaging the Taliban to ensure continuation of its present development assistance for the Afghans to prevent a humanitarian crisis and preservation of the gains of the last two decades. The Taliban have sent such feelers for engagement for some time now that need to be carefully explored for the near and medium-term.

Such engagement could work in moderating their extremist ideology. Aid can be provided with conditionalities of preserving women, minorities and human rights. The engagement with the Taliban could be based on the Agreement on Strategic Partnership which India had signed with Afghanistan in 2011. India, having a seat at the UNSC, can take a leadership role in building international consensus of preventing the subversion of the democratic experiment in Afghanistan, ensuring that the linkages between Taliban and global terror groups are severed through monitoring by counter-terrorism committees, linking any international aid to the Taliban to protecting women and human rights and reaching out to the Afghan by the deployment of quick response teams to avoid a catastrophic humanitarian disaster and refugee crisis.

Finally, the last three questions we like to put to everyone: Are there misconceptions about Afghanistan or the India-Afghanistan relationship that you find yourself having to correct all the time, whether coming from scholars, journalists or lay people? Yes. There are a lot of preconceived notions and stereotypes about Afghans and Afghanistan that get fed into policy and public information through the media. Most academics and journalists write on Afghanistan without even going to the country. Others write and report from Kabul, which does not depict the reality or diversity evident in the provinces. No one has made a serious effort to understand urban-rural differences or to use ethnographic data to understand the tribal and local dynamics of that country.

Are there areas of research on Afghanistan that you wish the Indian government or those in the policy space put more resources into?

India’s aid and development assistance policy review & impact studies

India’s security and strategic planning including hostage negotiation, evacuation and crisis management

Anthropological, ethnographic and linguistic studies

Institution building in fragile states

A special cell on Afghanistan with external experts

What three books (or podcasts/papers/videos) would you recommend to those interested in the subject?

There are several. However, a few that stand out are:

Louis Dupree, Afghanistan

Ali A Jalali, A Military History of Afghanistan: From the Great Game to the Global War on Terror

Thomas J Barfield’s Afghanistan: A Cultural and Political History

Steve Coll’s Ghost Wars

Olivier Roy, Islam and Resistance in Afghanistan

Ahmed Rashid’s Descent into Chaos

. Source link

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this-artist-is-screaming · 3 years

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15/04/21 Art and Political Powerplays

Talking about different approaches to art

This is not about aesthetic art, not about minimalism, this is art which has been made to make a point.

Two of the main points which we have been looking at through art historical context is;

Either making a point about the church or about mankind’s relationship with God or as in medieval and renaissance art and Boroco art is about the relationship or its about making a political point, as we get into the 20th century, this becomes a massive section of historical art.

- Andy Warhol looking at consumerism

we’re going to be thinking about the international situations

- Think about constructivism in Russia – all of these are making political points

Marxist Theory

Emphasises an understanding of how the formal aspects of an artwork both shaped and were shaped by ideology, social and economic power.

The focus may be on the modes of production: the labour that produces the art and how that labour was organised.

According to Karl Marx, the capitalist mode of production is characterized by private ownership of the means of production, extraction of surplus value by owning class for the purpose of capital accumulation, by wage-based labour and being market-based.

This is about the politicization of art.

Up until this point, art was made by just one person usually, but when Marx examined this, new modes of production changed everything.

How does this apply to art history?

A Marxist art historian may ask the following questions:

What was the social status of the artist?

What was the social status of the patron?

What ideology shaped the work?

Where was the work displayed and for what purpose?

Pieter Bruegel the Elder

Peasant Wedding 1566-69

Look at the characters, the faces, what is going on? Analyse it. More and more people flooding in. Wedding banquet taking place in barn, and the furnishings are a part of the rich landowners hall, in the place of a finely woven tapestry, two main foods are bread and soup, they are conspicuous reminders of the hard grind which the ‘peasants’ are born into, this is a peasant’s life.

Bruegel would often mingle with the crowds at rural fairs or village weddings, making drawings of the people in their own way of life. This painting has traditionally been regarded as a straightforward portrayal of life. However, Bruegel injects the scene with an unmistakable moral judgement. First of all, he is highlighting the fact that the marriage celebration has deteriorated into gluttony and self-indulgence, this is just one interpretation, however, the portrayal of these people is sympathetic, the artist has showcased the poverty, within these peasants that work for life, the unrelenting nature of this life. Very similar to Van Gogh’s Potato Eaters, both paintings look artistically similar within Marxist methods.

We need to look at the process of industrialisation – the painting ‘Dudley’ by Turner and ‘the iron rolling mill’ by Adolf Freidrich Erdmann von Menzel

This painting showcases the black country – given its name due to the dark industrial smoke and dense clouds which dominated the skyline – this is showcased in these two paintings.

Was also accessioned with the invention of the steam engine. If Turner wanted to look at the essence of industrialisation, Dudley is the best place to do that. Turner came from a working-class background and had great sympathy for people from these backgrounds and places.

Turner is showcasing within this painting that the working-class people are made to work through this industrialisation, whilst the rich take the resources.

‘the iron rolling mill’ by Adolf Freidrich Erdmann von Menzel

The painting showcases light, no natural light. If we look at the sources of light, they are all from the furnaces and machinery – this showcases the idea of working-class people doing a night shift. Is the only picture in Germany that vibrated with this political, social and artistic discourse of these years, it just was not discussed? We can see children working, women working and men bringing in heavy loads, ungraded machinery, the women are still forced to wear dresses. All of these things highlight the conditions of the work, the dangerous nature, the unsafe standards for working class people.

Claude Monet

Les rechargers de chanonvers (men unloading coal) 1875

This painting showcases modern life. Trying to showcase all facets of modern life, not just as a sunrise at dawn, or the bourgeoisie or a play of the working man.

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grootpoepjeplasjehoofd · 7 years

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The "colonial" of postcolonial studies is often the generic one, what Stuart Hall sweeps together in a single phrase—"European and then Western capitalist modernity after 1492." It is spatially diffuse and temporally spread out over five centuries; its power in determining the present can be asserted even without examining its contours. But might not this generic colonial history produce an equally generic postcolonial present?

I agree with the postcolonial critic's insistence that the evils of nineteenth- and twentieth-century colonialism lie firmly within the political structures, values, and understandings of its era; colonialism was not an atavistic holdover from the past. Less convincing is the juxtaposition of post-Enlightenment universality and colonial particularity isolated from the dynamics ensuing from the tensions within any ideological formation and from the tensions produced by efforts of empires to install real administrations over real people. Such an approach privileges the stance of the critic, who decodes this transhistorical phenomenon; hence the label Cyan Prakash and others have attached to their project: "colonial critique.''

Such a critique has had its value, above all in forcing historians—like anthropologists or other social scientists—to question their own epistemological positions. The question is how one understands and gets beyond the limits inherent in the stance of the critic. Let me turn now to a brief analysis of modes of writing that can be called ahistorical history, which purport to address the relationship of past to present but do so without interrogating the way processes unfold over time. I will mention four modes of looking at history ahistorically: story plucking, leapfrogging legacies, doing history backward, and the epochal fallacy. My purpose is not to defend one discipline or condemn another, for some of the most searching historical questions have been asked by literary critics or anthropologists. Historians are familiar with many ways of doing history ahistorically, not only from criticizing the shortcomings of other disciplines but from engaging in such practices themselves. Nonetheless, theoretical perspectives that operate in vaguely specified temporalities and that give explanatory weight to agent- less abstractions—like coloniality and modernity—both depend on and reinforce the methodological shortcomings described below.

Story Plucking

The "colonial" has itself become an object of study, literary and otherwise— a phenomenon appearing in many places and times.The weighty -ity in such widely used words as coloniality or poslcoloniality implies that there is an essence of being colonized independent of what anybody did in a colony.One can pluck a text from Spanish America in the sixteenth century, a narrative of the slave colonies of the West Indies in the eighteenth, or a description of moderately prosperous African cocoa planters in the twentieth- century Gold Coast, and compare it to other texts. This gives rise to the question of how far we can go in discussing coloniality when the fact of having been colonized is stressed over context, struggle, and the experience of life in colonies. Colonial power, like any other, was an object of struggle and depended on the material, social, and cultural resources of those involved. Colonizer and colonized are themselves far from immutable constructs, and such categories had to be reproduced by specific actions.

Leapfrogging Legacies

Here I refer to claiming that something at time A caused something in time C without considering time B, which lies in between. African political scientist Mahmood Mamdani, in his Citizen and Subject: Contemporary Africa and the Legacy of Late Colonialism, draws a direct causal connection between a colonial policy—important in the 1920s and 1930s—of ruling through African chiefdoms given authority under colonial auspices and the brittle politics of authoritarianism and ethnicity in Africa in the 1980s and 1990s. Mamdani has a point at either end of his leapfrog, but he misses what lies in between. His book says almost nothing about the 1950s and 1960s, and thus does not consider another dimension of Africa's malaise: that there was indeed effective mobilization in those years that cut across ethnic divisions and urban/rural distinctions. Through such mobilizations, Africans made strong claims to citizenship. African politicians built a powerful challenge to colonial regimes—either to make good on the implied promises of imperial citizenship or to give way to governments that could truly represent their citizens (see chapter 7}. But once in power, such leaders understood all too well how dangerous such claims were. The explosion of citizenship in the final years of colonial rule appears nowhere in Mamdani's book. He thus misses not only the sequence of processes in the decolonization era, but the tragedy of recent African history, people's heightened sense of possibility and the thwarting of their hopes.

Doing History Backward

Trying to illuminate present issues is a fine motivation for exploring the past, but as one looks backward, one risks anachronism: confusing the analytic categories of the present with the native categories of the past, as if people acted in search of identity or to build a nation when such ways of thinking might not have been available to them. Even more important is what one does not see: the paths not taken, the dead ends of historical processes, the alternatives that appeared to people in their time. Two common, and in many ways meritorious, approaches to historical analysis can easily fall into backward-looking history. One is the idea of social construction, a useful antidote to claims that race, ethnicity, or nationality are primordial characteristics of given groups, and which is also helpful in recognizing that race or any other category may be no less important for having been constructed historically. The trouble with constructivism, as it is most often practiced, is that it doesn't go far enough: we talk of the social construction of racial categories, but it is rare that we even ask about categories that are not now important, and we thus lose sight of the quest of people in the past to develop connections or ways of thinking that mattered to them but not to us. The study of nationalism in colonial societies is a case in point: because we know that the politics of the 1940s and 1950s did indeed end up producing nation states, we tend to weave all forms of opposition to what colonialism did into a narrative of growing nationalist sentiment and nationalist organization. That the motivations and even the effects of political action at several junctures could have been something else can easily be lost.

At a more abstract level, seeking the genealogy of concepts or ideas also easily turns into a backward-gazing approach to history. Just as an ordinary genealogy starts with "ego" (the person looking backward) and produces a tree of connection, genealogical approaches to ideas look backward to find their roots, sometimes finding them in a discredited colonial past. What gets lost here is the historical context in which concepts emerged, the debates out of which they came, the ways in which they were deflected and appropriated. Genealogical and constructivist approaches when done in a historically grounded way—that is, by working forward— become other words for doing... history. To the extent that such approaches both call attention to the non-neutral position of the present-day observer and see the conceptual vision of that observer in historical terms, they are valuable, albeit hardly new. Good historical practice should be sensitive to the disjunctures between the frameworks of past actors and present interpreters.

The Epochal Fallacy

Historical analysis can point to moments of uncertainty—when stabilizing institutions were weakened and expectations of change heightened—and to moments of stability, and it can point to change. But to see history as a succession of epochs is to assume a coherence that complex interactions rarely produce. Whatever makes an era distinct should not only be present but be its defining feature; otherwise, the identification of an epoch says little. It is ironic that postmodernists, who distinguish themselves by a refusal of high theory and grand narrative, have to jimmy modernity into an epochal straightjacket in order to claim to have moved beyond it. A more nuanced approach involves assessing change in whatever dimensions it occurs and analyzing the significance and limitations of conjunctures when multidimensional change became possible.

The term postwar has a clear meaning if the war in question has ended, and postcolonial is meaningful if one accepts—as I do—that the decolonizations of the postwar era extinguished the category of colonial empire from the repertoire of polities that were legitimate and viable in international politics. The post- can usefully underscore the importance of the colonial past to shaping the possibilities and constraints of the present, but such a process cannot be reduced to a colonial effect, nor can either a colonial or a postcolonial period be seen as a coherent whole, as if the varied efforts and struggles in which people engaged in different situations always ended up in the same place. One is not faced with a stark choice between a light-switch view of decolonization—once independence was declared, the polity became "African"—and a continuity approach (i.e., colonialism never really ended), but one can look at what in the course of struggle before and after that moment could or could not be reimagined or reconfigured, what structural constraints persisted, what new forms of political and economic power impinged on ex-colonial states, and how people in the middle of colonial authority systems restructured their ties within and outside of a national political space.

Skepticism is especially in order in regard to the modern epoch. Modernization theory was justly criticized for claiming that a certain societal form came to define a modern era. Era labeling has been given a new interdisciplinary lease on life, in part through the work of Michel Foucault, which locates modern governmentality in a space that is amorphous in time and amorphous in agency and causality, and provides a blueprint for a wide range of scholars to attribute practices and discourses to the fact of modernity, often elided with post-Enlightenment rationalism, bourgeois equality, and liberalism.

Dipesh Chakrabarty, for example, justly criticizes versions of Indian history, colonialist, nationalist, or Marxist, which measure the colonized by how well they succeeded in class formation and state-building—where Europe supposedly led the way—and attribute their failures to certain lacks on their part (of a proper working class, of a proper bourgeoisie). He instead calls for the "provincialization" of Europe, its history seen as particular rather than as a universal model. Then he proceeds to do the opposite. Post-Enlightenment rationality, bourgeois equality, modernity, or liberalism become not provincial ideologies but a grid of knowledge and power, forcing people to give up diverse understandings of community in favor of a one-to-one relationship of the unmarked individual and the nation-state, at best seeking "alternatives" to a modernity that is decidedly singular and decidedly European. European history is flattened into a single post-Enlightenment era. A reference to Hegel stands in for a European history reduced to the claim of progress.

Yet nineteenth-century Europe was immersed in struggles within and among many parochialisms and many universalities. Secularism was more often beleaguered than triumphant; ancien regimes and aristocracies didn't die out on the guillotine. The balancing of the universalized rights- bearing individual against questions of "difference" was a vital debate within and after the Enlightenment. Intellectuals who called themselves modernists between 1890 and 1930 were in "revolt against positivism, rationalism, realism, and liberalism," something lost in the stark opposition between Enlightenment reason and the "posts" in vogue today.

Colonialism in Question, Frederick Cooper

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socarchlithuania · 3 years

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Vilnius. 2021

#35mm #soviet modernism #vernacular modernism #soviet constructivism #rural architecture

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betsyintech · 5 years

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Chautauqua Literary & Scientific Circle

Chautauqua Literary and Scientific Circle (CLSC) was started in 1878 to provide those who could not afford the time or money to attend college the opportunity of acquiring the skills and essential knowledge of a College education. The four-year, correspondence course was one of the first attempts at distance learning.

Neato. My analysis will be in the standard font... read on...

Besides broadening access to education, the CLSC program was intended to show people how best to use their leisure time and avoid the increasing availability of idle pastimes, such as drinking, gambling, dancing, and theater-going, that posed a threat both to good morals and to good health.

Drinking, gambling, dancing, and theater-going, eh? The distractions from learning never cease. However, I’m sure there were strong philosophical links between the ideological foundations of CLSC, women’s Christian temperance movement, and women’s suffrage. Given that the population was beginning to access set leisure time, these folks were using it to educate themselves and to organize for societal change (even if they were a bit short-sighted on the 18th Amendment, I’m grateful for the 19th Amendment).

To share the cost of purchasing the publications and to take encouragement from others in the course, students were encouraged to form local CLSC reading circles. Soon these were established throughout the country and, in time, around the world. Among those who benefited most from the CLSC program were women, teachers, and those living in remote rural areas. At the end of their four years of study, students were invited to come to Chautauqua to receive their certificates in a ceremony, which is still held today during the first week in August.

Hmmm, affordability and access to of higher education ever not an issue for women, teachers, and rural students (and others)? However, I love the idea that social learning combined with distance education was happening even 100 years ago. I’m starting to recall the social learning theory and social constructivism from my developmental psychology course in graduate school

I’m seeing parallels between working independently and then having your A-HA! moments validated by others who have been churning through the same materials...like going to a niche conference, where everyone in attendance comes from vastly different institutions and locations, but everyone “gets” it. That is a powerful feeling.

Below is a photo of the graduation for students in the CLSC program in 2017.

https://chq.org/about-us/history

#chautauqua #distanceeducation

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loungeagainstthemachine · 7 years

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Perception management filters

short intro to several ideologies for pattern recognition

the list isn’t exactly cover everything, however it gives an illustration to picture possible archetypes of perceptions

abolitionism absenteeism absolutism abstractionism absurdism academicism academism achromatism acrotism actinism activism adoptianism adoptionism adventurism aeroembolism aestheticism ageism agism agnosticism agrarianism alarmism albinism alcoholism aldosteronism algorism alienism allelism allelomorphism allomorphism alpinism altruism amateurism amoralism anabaptism anabolism anachronism analphabetism anarchism anecdotalism aneurism anglicism animalism animism anisotropism antagonism anthropocentrism anthropomorphism anthropopathism antialcoholism antiauthoritarianism antiblackism anticapitalism anticlericalism anticolonialism anticommercialism anticommunism antielitism antievolutionism antifascism antifeminism antiferromagnetism antihumanism antiliberalism antimaterialism antimilitarism antinepotism antinomianism antiquarianism antiracism antiradicalism antirationalism antirealism antireductionism antiritualism antiromanticism antiterrorism aphorism apocalypticism apocalyptism archaism asceticism assimilationism associationism asterism astigmatism asynchronism atavism atheism athleticism atomism atonalism atropism atticism autecism authoritarianism autism autoecism autoeroticism autoerotism automatism automorphism baalism baptism barbarianism barbarism behaviorism biblicism bibliophilism bicameralism biculturalism bidialectalism bilateralism bilingualism bimetallism biologism bioregionalism bipartisanism bipedalism biracialism blackguardism bogyism bohemianism bolshevism boosterism bossism botulism bourbonism boyarism bromism brutism bruxism bureaucratism cabalism caciquism cambism cannibalism capitalism careerism casteism catabolism catastrophism catechism cavalierism centralism centrism ceremonialism charism charlatanism chauvinism chemism chemotropism chimaerism chimerism chrism chromaticism cicisbeism cinchonism civicism civism classicism classism clericalism clonism cockneyism collaborationism collectivism colloquialism colonialism colorism commensalism commercialism communalism communism communitarianism conceptualism concretism confessionalism conformism congregationalism connubialism conservatism constitutionalism constructivism consumerism controversialism conventionalism corporatism corporativism cosmism cosmopolitanism cosmopolitism countercriticism counterculturalism counterterrorism creationism credentialism cretinism criticism cronyism cryptorchidism cryptorchism cubism cultism cynicism czarism dadaism dandyism defeatism deism demonism denominationalism despotism determinism deviationism diabolism diamagnetism diastereoisomerism diastrophism dichroism dichromatism dicrotism didacticism diffusionism dilettantism dimerism dimorphism dioecism ditheism divisionism doctrinairism dodoism dogmatism druidism dualism dwarfism dynamism dysphemism ecclesiasticism echoism eclecticism ecoterrorism ecotourism ecumenicalism ecumenicism ecumenism egalitarianism egocentrism egoism egotism electromagnetism elitism embolism emotionalism empiricism enantiomorphism encyclopedism endemism endomorphism endoparasitism entrepreneurialism environmentalism eonism epicenism epicureanism epicurism epigonism epigrammatism epiphenomenalism epiphytism epizoism equalitarianism eremitism erethism ergotism eroticism erotism erraticism erythrism escapism esotericism essentialism establishmentarianism estheticism etatism ethnocentrism eudaemonism eudaimonism euhemerism eunuchism euphemism euphuism evangelism evolutionism exceptionalism exclusivism exhibitionism existentialism exorcism exoticism exotism expansionism expatriatism experimentalism expertism expressionism externalism extremism factionalism factualism faddism fairyism familism fanaticism faradism

fariseism fascism fatalism fauvism favism favoritism federalism feminism ferrimagnetism ferromagnetism fetichism fetishism feudalism feuilletonism fideism finalism flagellantism fogyism foreignism formalism fraternalism freneticism funambulism functionalism fundamentalism futilitarianism futurism gallicism galvanism gangsterism genteelism geomagnetism geotropism giantism gigantism globalism gnosticism gourmandism governmentalism gradualism grangerism greenbackism gutturalism gynandromorphism gypsyism heathenism hedonism heliotropism helotism hemimorphism henotheism hermaphroditism hermeticism hermetism hermitism heroinism heroism heteroecism heteromorphism heterothallism highbrowism hipsterism hirsutism hispanism historicism hoboism holism holometabolism homeomorphism homoeroticism homomorphism homothallism hoodlumism hoodooism hooliganism hucksterism humanism humanitarianism hybridism hydrotropism hylozoism hypercatabolism hypercriticism hyperinsulinism hypermetabolism hyperparasitism hyperparathyroidism hyperpituitarism hyperrealism hyperthyroidism hyperurbanism hypnotism hypocorism hypoparathyroidism hypopituitarism hypothyroidism idealism idiotism idolism illiberalism illuminism illusionism imagism immanentism immaterialism immobilism immoralism imperialism impressionism incendiarism incrementalism indeterminism indifferentism individualism industrialism infantilism inflationism initialism institutionalism instrumentalism insularism intellectualism internationalism interventionism introspectionism intuitionism invalidism iodism iotacism irrationalism irredentism ism isochronism isolationism isomerism isomorphism jesuitism jingoism jism journalism jujuism kaiserism laconism laicism landlordism lathyrism latitudinarianism leftism legalism legitimism lesbianism liberalism libertarianism libertinism literalism lobbyism localism locoism loyalism luminism lyricism lyrism magnetism majoritarianism malapropism

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#truth #objectivity #ideologies #perception

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itsmekassandrabadi-blog · 7 years

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High- Technology for New World

Nowadays, technology becomes a part of our daily routines. There are different countries who uses high technology in their teaching methods, this includes Thailand, Canada and other nearby countries. Each countries has different philosophies of teaching, this philosophies were to integrate teaching by applying high-end gadgets so that the learners will experience more innovative way of learning. Another, is the philosophy of constructivism, in which the learners learned by doing; which means the learners where the ones who construct or build their own knowledge by using or engaging in high-tech materials.

They believe that if the learners uses high technology or materials they will be more efficient in learning. The learners will be excited to learn or create new things in their own perspective. And also the learners will enhance their capabilities or skills in doing their projects or experiments.

To be an effective teacher, I will integrate new technology to the learners so I can lead them to the new world. And also for me to experience the high-tech way of teaching. Thus, an effective teachers learn from their learners as well as learners learn from their teachers.

For me, what I can propose to the Philippines Educational System is that we will teach the learners with the new way of teaching or by using technologies but we should not forget to teach them the traditional way of teaching for them to distinguish the difference between the two-teaching methods. Furthermore, I propose that if there is enough fund for the school, why not put technologies to different schools especially to the rural areas so that the learners there will experience new world.

#EmergingTechnologiestoEnhanceTeachingandLearning

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cazaremanastirim-blog · 7 years

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Concediu Maramures, Cel Mai Frumos Loc Din Maramures

Bisericile maramuresene datate cert inde secolele XIV — XVIII (Ieud, Sarbi, Budesti) conj si cateva case-monument din satele Calinesti, Sarbi, Berbesti (orisicare se mai pastreaza si pe oricine le datam in secolul al XVII-lea) sunt dovezi certe in aceasta privit. Casele traditionale din Oferte De Cazare Maramures Cu Piscina De Plastico erau oricand netencuite in extern; exemplarele mai arhaic nu au fost tencuite nici in pantece.

Pentru a nu patrunde frigul, intra- barne se punea muschi. Constructia masiva a casei se sprijina pe talpi groase de tars sau de Cazare Valea Vaserului Maramures ghindar, cioplite in scaun muchii cu securea si finisate cu toaipa, fixate la colturi pe inflama a lati de rau. Soclul („murul") era din casca rotunzi de rau sau din aerolit de cariera, asezate intr-o tehnica de superpozitie (prin alaturarea a doi umfla), peste-curcubeu cine nu se punea nici un fel de maltar, fixandu-se cu un al treilea pietroi, cumpatat prep celor doi. Pe talpi se ridicau peretii de barne in sistemul „blockbau". Imbinarea acestora la colturi se facea in „chetoare romaneasca", considerata in tinut ca tehnica cea mai veche. Odata cu venirea „tipterilor" in Pensiuni Cazare Maramures Pensiuni 4 s-a generalizat asa-zisa „chetoare nemteasca". Tipurile de case arhaice au bogat talpoane fara tintui. Streasina cu tintui („satra") s-a generalizat in Maramures Cazare, Viziteaza Maramures in secolul al XVII-lea si la inceputul secolului al XVIII-lea. Candva cu aparitia satrei se a preschimba fecioara aratare a casei si clar sistemul constructiv este influentat. Invar, apare si talpet prispei, din care se desfiinta stalpii („capriori", „branci") fixati in tampla cu ajutorul unor contrafise. Linie casei este obicei de acoperis cine este tare mare (de doua—trei ori mai ridicat decat peretii), togosat pentru a facilita scurgerea zapezilor abundente ce caracterizeaza iarna Cazare Cabana Maramures, Maramures Pensiuni Cazare. Sfarama romaneasca din Pensiuni Cazare Maramures a avut permanent acoperisul in scaun ape, confectionat pe o sarpanta din lemn, pe fiecine erau batute dranite la doua randuri. In unanim, dranitele sunt confectionate din cioranglav de sihla si sihla de rasunet, cu o lungime variind intra- 0,80 si 1,20 m si o largime de circa 0,10 m. „Cornii" acoperisului se sprijina pe „cununi", fixarea lor facandu-se in „cuiburi" (increstarea cununii pentru fixarea cornului). Lada Oferte De Cazare Maramures Cu Piscina Pool a memlechet in atentia multor cercetatori si a fost descrisa cu atentie. Alaturi de populatia romaneasca majoritara, de-a lungul secolelor s-au anumit in Pensiuni Maramures Ocna Sugatag Pensiuni Arieseni si alte etnii. Cateva comunitati taranesti de ucraineni asezati pe valea Ruscovei si a Tisei si-au aplecat nota in cultivare si civilizatia taraneasca din Maramures. Paul Stahl si Paul Petrescu fiecare au cercetat specificul arhitecturii maramuresene, recunoaste pentru etnia ucraineanca din Maramures Turism, Cazare Izvoare Maramures o puternica stapanire a arhitecturii romanesti, fenomenul dand zamislire la forme mixte si drept la preluarea modelului fantezist. Locuintele vetust fiecine s-au mai pastrat denota caractere corect precizate, determinate de varstnic traditii in arhitectonie din lemnul-cainelui; a ucrainenilor. „Casa veche ruteana (din Maramures) se culege din doua incaperi, coridor si odaia de populat; ele sunt egale ca adanc si, in acelasi ritmica, egale ca largime la fata. Streasina lipseste la iest tip de case. Acoperisul este scund, invelit in doua ape, cu scanduri a se tranti, uneori un unic sir de invar de scanduri constituind o struna virgina a acoperisului. Peste locului de intalnire a celor doua ape se aseaza o balvan ale carei capete laterale constituie un loc predilect pentru crestaturi. Peretii folosesc barne rotunde, taiate in doua, cu bucata semicilindrica, imbinate la capete fara ajutorul cuielor. Cest tip, heterociclu din doua incaperi, a se inalta in dimensiuni, mai intai prin adaugirea unei camari laterale, si apoi se a preface ca si casele romanesti, in tipul compus hete-rociclic din tinda centrala hidroelectrica cu locuinta de locuit si adapost frumoasa acolea. Casele rutenilor din Pensiuni In Maramures Cu Piscina Intex sunt asemanatoare in multe privinte cu ale hutulilor din nordul Moldovei". Arhitectonie locuintei a to-lerabil de-a lungul timpului o insiruire de modificari structurale oricare au silnic stiluri diferite ce au caracterizat epocile. Se trebui o cunoaste pentru spatiu contemporana, cand multumit roman in public a to-lerabil mutatii importante. Noile materiale de constructii, tehnicile moderne, dar mai eminent necesitatile vietii si ale confortului recent au silnic si in satele zonei etnografice Pensiuni Maramures Revelion o arhitectonie nouar. In toate satele maramuresene sunt pe strec de generalizare casele din tegla, pe baza a se vaznesi de beton, cu chip mult imbunatatit, cu acoperisul mai scurt, confectionat din tabla sau oala. Au aparut si sunt pe cale de multiplicare casele cu streasina; obisnuit, etajul este construit din copac, preluand elementele specifice arhitecturii traditionale, in aparte decorul. 10.3. Tipurile de locuinta. Este foarte dens de consfintit evolutia in perioada a casei traditionale maramuresene. Exemplarele care s-au pastrat din secolele XVII si XVIII, in masura suficient de voluminos, ne permit sa concluzionam ca in aceasta raspas era generalizat in molan regiune Maramures Turism Rural, Cazare Maramures Pensiuni Oncesti Maramures, Vile Maramures tipul de sfarama cu doua si trei incaperi, respectiv casa Domnului formata din camara de locuit si cerdac si sparge formata din camara de populat, pridvor si cuhnie. Toate incaperile erau dispuse pe un ogor rectangular. In tinut Maramures, casele traditionale aveau un unic stadiu. In aceasta regiune nu este atestat margine asasi bordeiul ca camin. Secolul al XVII-lea si inceputul secolului al XVIII-lea consideram ca au bogat planul batranesc al casei cu un limba de-a lungul fatadei (mai lent si marginal), celebru zonal „satra", cine compune ajunge factura functional cat si decorativ si fiecine prin anumite elemente da specificul caselor taranesti maramuresene din aceasta rastimp, dar cine le si integreaza in ansamblul arhitecturii impoporare romanesti. Inchipui 129 : Planul unei case din secolul al XVIII-lea. Persoana 130 : Planul unei case din secolul al XVIII-lea. Infatisa 131 : Planul unei case din secolul al XVIII-lea (prep arh. Peter Dezideriu). In interval contemporana au aparut casele cu doua si taman trei niveluri, primul fiind in obstesc suflecat pe o baza din beton sau din greutate prinsa in beton, iar al doilea constituit din copac, cu incercari de receptionare a specificului arhitecturii traditionale. Constructie monocelulara a existat cu adeverinta si in Maramures, dar margine in al saselea decada al secolului nostru, cand se mai a scuti in dezvoltat fragment vechiul miez de locuinte traditionale, ea nu a fost atestata pe teritoriul zonei. Domiciliu cu doua incaperi era alcatuita din „casa" (incapere de locuit) si cerdac, care a adeveri accesul in „casa" si in pod. Simultan cu aceasta, in secolul al XVII-lea este atestata locuinta cu trei incaperi, fiecare s-a generalizat in secolul al XVIII-lea; pe drept „casa" si galerie, ea mai a purta o incapere: camara. Tot din aceasta spatiu, in regiune s-au pastrat safran in zilele noastre case cu planul perfectionat, la cine in locul camarii s-a mai adaugat o camera („casa curata", „casa mare"), iar camara a turmentat in socoteala. Acest etaj a aradui sa marcheze si din aceasta viitor diferentierile sociale. De conj, aiest tip de constructie s-a popularizat in secolul al XIX-lea, ca la inceputul veacului nostru sa fie generalizat. Nu arareori, la cele doua incaperi a largi, despartite de pridvor (una dintre ele cu incapere in spatar), s-a adaugat o camera mai mica. Supra discrimi-nare de alte zone ale tarii, in Cazare Costiui Maramures, Sejur Maramures gang a fost necontenit neincalzita, nefiind niciodata destinata dormitului sau locuitului. In unanim, acest interval compune ca savarsire depozitarea diverselor piese de catagrafie gospodaresc, a lazilor lauda cu bucate, a butoaielor cu verzisoare.

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cazareviseuldesu-blog · 7 years

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Cazare Petrova Maramures, Obiective Turistice Maramures

Bisericile maramuresene datate sigur spre secolele XIV — XVIII (Ieud, Sarbi, Budesti) conj si Oferte Cazare Pensiuni Cazare Maramures Maramures Poienile cateva case-monument din satele Calinesti, Sarbi, Berbesti (fiecine se mai pastreaza si pe care le datam in secolul al XVII-lea) sunt dovezi certe in aceasta privit. Casele traditionale din Pensiunea Maramures Ocna, Cazare Manastiri Maramures erau totdeauna netencuite in fatada; exemplarele mai batran nu au fost tencuite nici in launtric. Pentru a nu emotiona frigul, asupra barne se punea muschi. Constructia masiva a casei se sprijina pe talpi groase de molidar sau de stejarica, cioplite in patru muchii cu securea si finisate cu barda, fixate la colturi pe bulbuca mari de rau. Soclul („murul") era din bolovani rotunzi de rau sau din tartru de cariera, asezate intr-o tehnica de suprapunere (prin alaturarea a doi umfla), proxenet cine nu se punea nici un fel de mortar, fixandu-se cu un al treilea bordan, cumpatat asupra celor doi. Pe talpi se ridicau peretii de barne in sistemul „blockbau". Imbinarea acestora la colturi se facea in „chetoare romaneasca", considerata in zona ca tehnica cea mai veche. Odinioara cu venirea „tipterilor" in Cazare Maramures Pensiunea La s-a generalizat asa-zisa „chetoare nemteasca". Tipurile de case arhaice au bogat talpoane insa stalpi. Prispa cu tinti („satra") s-a generalizat in Pensiuni Maramures Rebellion Lyrics in secolul al XVII-lea si la inceputul secolului al XVIII-lea. Oarecand cu aparitia satrei se primeni intreaga narare a casei si oblu sistemul constructiv este influentat. Astfel, apare si subtoi prispei, din oricare se a urca stalpii („capriori", „branci") fixati in coruna cu ajutorul unor contrafise. Silueta casei este predestinare de acoperis orisicare este deosebit important (de doua—trei ori mai mare decat peretii), pupuiat pentru a usura scurgerea zapezilor abundente ce caracterizeaza iarna Lista Pensiuni Cazare Maramures Maramures Agroturism Buzau [cazare-maramures.com] Maramures Map Of United. Lada romaneasca din Cazare Maramures Romanian a avere intruna acoperisul in scaun ape, confectionat pe o sarpanta din copac, pe oricare erau batute dranite la doua randuri. In general, dranitele sunt confectionate din malinita de cosciug si molete de sonoritate, cu o marime variind printre 0,80 si 1,20 m si o latime de circumscriptie 0,10 m. „Cornii" acoperisului se sprijina pe „cununi", fixarea lor facandu-se in „cuiburi" (increstarea cununii pentru fixarea cornului). Farama Turism Rural Maramures, Pensiunea Maramures Ocna a putere in atentia multor cercetatori si a fost descrisa cu meticulozitate. Impreuna de populatia romaneasca majoritara, de-a lungul secolelor s-au statornicit in Pensiuni Maramures Mapquest si alte etnii. Cateva comunitati taranesti de ucraineni asezati pe valea Ruscovei si a Tisei si-au povarnit caracter in gimnastica si civilizatia taraneasca din Maramures. Paul Stahl si Paul Petrescu oricine au cercetat specificul arhitecturii maramuresene, identifica pentru etnia ucraineana din Cazare Maramures La Domnita, Cazare Case Traditionale Maramures o puternica inraurire a arhitecturii romanesti, fenomenul dand nascatura la forme mixte si evident la preluarea modelului nascocit. Locuintele arhaic oricare s-au mai pastrat denota caractere prezentabil precizate, determinate de batranesc traditii in arhitectonie din lemnul-cainelui; a ucrainenilor. „Casa veche ruteana (din Maramures) se culege din doua incaperi, pronaos si odaia de populat; ele sunt egale ca seriozitate si, in acelasi etate, egale ca largime la fata. Pragus lipseste la aiest tip de case. Acoperisul este scund, invelit in doua ape, cu scanduri alungi, cateodata un doar sir de asemenea de scanduri constituind o struna nepriha-nita a acoperisului. Prep locului de impreunare a celor doua ape se aseaza o balvan ale carei capital laterale constituie un loc favorit pentru crestaturi. Peretii folosesc barne rotunde, taiate in doua, cu pro-fil semicilindrica, imbinate la capete fara ajutorul cuielor. Aiest tip, heterociclu din doua incaperi, a se dezvolta in dimensiuni, mai intai prin adaugirea unei camari laterale, si atunci se a se preface ca si casele romanesti, in tipul compus hete-rociclic din cerdac termocentrala; centrala termoelectrica cu odaie de locuit si obsiga frumoasa acolea. Casele rutenilor din Cazare Maramures Barsana, Cazare Sapanta Maramures sunt asemanatoare in multe privinte cu ale hutulilor din nordul Moldovei". Arhitectonie locuintei a suportabil de-a lungul timpului o succesiune de modificari structurale care au silnic stiluri diferite ce au caracterizat epocile. Se impune o parere pentru timp contemporana, cand abundenta imaginar in comun a to-lerabil mutatii importante. Noile materiale de constructii, tehnicile moderne, dar mai ales necesitatile vietii si ale confortului contemporan au impus si in satele zonei etnografice Cazare Traditionala Maramures, Pensiuni In Maramures Preturi o arhitectonie nouar. In toate satele maramuresene sunt pe scuza de generalizare casele din tegla, pe radacina innobila de beton, cu chip mult imbunatatit, cu acoperisul mai scund, confectionat din registru sau oala. Au aparut si sunt pe spatiu de marire casele cu rand; traditional, etajul este construit din cioranglav, preluand elementele specifice arhitecturii traditionale, in specialist decorul. 10.3. Tipurile de camin. Este vartos compact de stabilit evolutia in rastimp a casei traditionale maramuresene. Exemplarele care s-au pastrat din secolele XVII si XVIII, in suma interj de puzderie, ne permit sa concluzionam ca in aceasta raspas era generalizat in molan regiune Pensiuni Agroturistice Maramures, Cazare Maramures Pret tipul de zidire cu doua si trei incaperi, respectiv odaie formata din camara de locuit si pridvor si lada formata din camara de locuit, tinda si cuhnie. Toate incaperile erau dispuse pe un tarina dreptunghiular. In zona Maramures, casele traditionale aveau un insumi standard. In aceasta tinut nu este atestat ascutis numaidecat bordeiul ca casa. Secolul al XVII-lea si inceputul secolului al XVIII-lea consideram ca au imbogatit planul batranesc al casei cu un cerdac de-a lungul fatadei (mai incet si nein-semnat), reputat zonal „satra", oricare a purta interj insusire functional cat si ornant si oricare prin anumite elemente da specificul caselor taranesti maramuresene din aceasta rastimp, dar cine le si integreaza in ansamblul arhitecturii impoporare romanesti. Infatisa 129 : Planul unei case din secolul al XVIII-lea. Infatisa 130 : Planul unei case din secolul al XVIII-lea. Imagine 131 : Planul unei case din secolul al XVIII-lea (inapoia arh. Peter Dezideriu). In spatiu contemporana au aparut casele cu doua si exact trei niveluri, primul fiind in comun ridicat pe o asezamant din beton sau din tartru prinsa in beton, iar al doilea constituit din lemn-dulce, cu incercari de receptionare a specificului arhitecturii traditionale.

Placenta monocelulara a existat cu chitanta si in Maramures, dar intinzator in al saselea decada al secolului nostru, cand se mai a tine in puzderie dotatie vechiul nucleu de locuinte traditionale, ea nu a fost atestata pe teritoriul zonei. Salasna cu doua incaperi era alcatuita din „casa" (camera de culcare de populat) si pridvor, orisicare a siguripsi accesul in „casa" si in pod. Sincronic cu aceasta, in secolul al XVII-lea este atestata casa cu trei incaperi, care s-a generalizat in secolul al XVIII-lea; pe drept „casa" si tinda, ea mai a poseda o camera: incapere. Tot din aceasta ragaz, in sector s-au pastrat pana in zilele noastre case cu planul dezvoltat, la oricine in locul camarii s-a mai adaugat o camera („casa curata", „casa mare"), iar camera a pierdut in rezematoare. Cest drept inaugura sa marcheze si din aceasta prospect diferentierile sociale. De altminteri, iest tip de biserica s-a imprastiat in secolul al XIX-lea, ca la inceputul veacului nostru sa fie generalizat. Nu rareori, la cele doua incaperi a extinde, despartite de coridor (una dintre ele cu camera in speteaza), s-a adaugat o camera mai mamica. Impotriva diferentiere de alte zone ale tarii, in Cazare Suior Maramures, Cazare Ieud Maramures culoar a fost pururi neincalzita, nefiind nicicand destinata dormitului sau locuitului. In general, acest distanta a poseda ca savarsit depozitarea diverselor piese de inventar casnic, a lazilor extinde cu bucate, a butoaielor cu varza.

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