Trump minions still going coup coup as clock winds down to Biden Presidency – Times of India
WASHINGTON: A Trump acolyte who was seen walking into the White House carrying talking points suggesting a potential coup, with steps that included drafting a controversial Indian-American Trump supporter as CIA Director, is triggering off alarm that there may yet be nasty surprises before Joe Biden can be sworn in as the 46th US President in four days. A Washington Post photographer zoomed in on…
Are… Are the… Are the white nationalists aware that if they assassinate Joe Biden, then a black woman will be in charge? And if they assassinate Kamala Harris, then another woman, Nancy Pelosi, will be in charge?
NEWS: Pelosi Declines to Say When House Will Send Impeachment Resolution to Senate http://dlvr.it/RqjH4S
If Congress members aided the attack, prosecute them
By Susan Cornwell | Reuters
WASHINGTON – A number of members of the U.S. Congress should prosecute anyone who helped President Donald Trump’s supporters invade the Capitol, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi said Friday.
An unprecedented attack on a congressional seat on Jan. 6 killed five people, and in a fiery speech that day, the house impeached Trump for the second time, in which he killed thousands…
Pelosi says smaller inauguration is “not a concession to the terrorists”
House Speaker Nancy Pelosi addressed security concerns Friday ahead of President-elect Joe Biden’s inauguration. The speaker noted the event was always intended to be small due to COVID-19, but said that the attack on the Capitol last week has necessitated more security.
“This is not a concession to the terrorists,” she said, but a “recognition” of the danger of the coronavirus and threats of…
Capitol Police probing claims GOP lawmakers gave tours to Trump supporters before riot
Supporters of U.S. President Donald Trump wave Trump flags and Confederate battle flags as they demonstrate on the second floor of the U.S. Capitol near the entrance to the Senate after breaching security defenses, in Washington, U.S., January 6, 2021.
Mike Theiler | Reuters
Capitol Police said Friday that they are investigating allegations by Democratic members of Congress that Republican…
Why do I think Nancy’s one of the most expressive characters…
I wanna be nancy pelosi for halloween. there i said it.
Capitol rioter Richard Barnett granted bail ahead of trial
The alleged stun gun-toting rioter photographed with his boot up on Nancy Pelosi’s desk will remain on house arrest pending the resolution of charges that could put him away for more than a decade.
A federal magistrate judge ordered the release of 60-year-old Richard Barnett on “very, very restrictive conditions” following a five-hour hearing Friday.
After posting $5,000 bail, Barnett will be…
The best way to approach Donald Trump’s second impeachment is as practice for politicians who need to be reminded that they have real power to investigate abuses of power and hold those who perpetrated those abuses accountable for their actions.
When Trump was first impeached, I wrote about the ways in which the proceedings echoed the impeachment of Andrew Johnson, an erratic and loutish accidental president who fought bitterly against the prospect of multiracial democracy in the United States.
If anything, this second Trump impeachment may resemble Johnson’s even more than the first did. Johnson notoriously whipped up crowds of white reactionaries with both oblique and specific threats against Radical Republican members of Congress. Senate moderates ended up acquitting him, in part because he’d soon be out of office anyway, and they wanted to move on. On his way out of office, free from the threat of early removal, Johnson issued a “full pardon and amnesty to all persons engaged in the late rebellion.”
But Congress is far more timid than it was in Johnson’s time.
The Reconstruction-era House was remarkably industrious, fiercely protective of its power, and willing to use it aggressively to check the executive branch. It was able to do so because of its large Republican majorities—which it maintained in part by refusing to seat Democratic “members” from states that had very recently been involved in waging an insurrectionary war against the U.S.
Some House Democrats now seem (uncharacteristically) willing to take such extreme action again—not just left-leaning firebrands like freshman member Cori Bush, who has called for expelling any members who collaborated in the attack on the Capitol, but even ones like Representative Jason Crow, a prototypical suburban moderate Democrat, who has pledged to uncover which House members were “complicit” and “pursue appropriate remedies including expulsion and a prohibition from holding elective office for the rest of their lives.”
The cynically minded might point out that House Democrats only committed to holding the president and his enablers accountable for their misdeeds once they were directly and personally targeted, after spending the preceding year mostly demanding that voters take care of defeating him at the ballot box. But if it requires this level of personal fury to convince House Democrats to take their responsibilities seriously, I hope they can stay mad.
However, the actual job of retroactive oversight of the Trump presidency will require more than sustained righteous indignation. The proceedings cannot simply play out like a series of Aaron Sorkin–scripted showdowns and impassioned speeches on justice and democracy. Democrats need to do the much more quotidian task of investigation into just about every department. Once again, an actual Senate trial—involving the forced testimony of witnesses and detailed investigation into the organization of the Capitol attack and any connections between attackers and members of the Trump administration or members of Congress—will be a fine rehearsal for the task of investigating every other scandal and crime (including ones yet uncovered) of the Trump administration. This is the sort of task Congress likes to believe it is good at, but what it actually tends to be good at in the modern era is asking rambling and disjointed questions at televised hearings that go nowhere.
That institutional weakness, a recent book argues, is the inevitable result of Congress spending years disinvesting in its own capacity. Congress Overwhelmed, edited by Timothy M. LaPira, Lee Drutman, and Kevin R. Kosar, tells the story of a legislative body that has essentially outsourced its own ability to think about issues, let alone act on them, to outside agents like think tanks and industry lobbyists.
There are now fewer people serving on congressional staffs than there were in the 1970s; more of those people are personal staff rather than committee staff, and far more now work directly for leadership than for individual members and committees. And what that staff is doing has undergone a massive transformation.
As Molly E. Reynolds writes in the book’s second chapter, “Prior to 1977, none of the employees in Senate leadership offices were primarily responsible for public relations. By 2015, nearly half of the Senate’s leadership staffers were doing communications work.”
This is a recipe for a legislative body that accomplishes very little beyond fundraising and electioneering. And it helps explain why, since taking control of the House, Democrats have allowed the White House to obstruct their oversight powers to an unprecedented degree.
I say “allowed” because when Congress does little to enforce its own powers, it is, in effect, allowing that abuse. Nearly every executive agency instructed appointees not to cooperate with congressional investigations—and Congress responded by, to use one example, just waiting nine months for the Department of the Interior to respond to “members’ requests for more information about the Bureau of Safety and Environmental Enforcement director’s role in weakening offshore oil production standards.”
That is from a story about how one particular agency completely defied congressional oversight for two years—by, among other things, responding to one request with a document printed in the font Wingdings. That agency apparently faced no consequences for its obstruction.
(To his credit, House Natural Resources Chairman Raúl Grijalva promises in that article to continue investigating Trump’s Interior Department even after Trump leaves office.)
Similarly, Congress spent years failing to get Trump’s taxes, failing to compel testimony from administration officials, failing to punish people who gave false testimony, and generally being terrified of issuing subpoenas. After Democrats bragged about the oversight they built into the corporate bailout portion of the Cares Act, they never even appointed a chairperson of their Congressional Oversight Commission.
The strategy of waiting for someone else—the press, law enforcement, his bankers and business partners, Vice President Mike Pence, Robert Muller, voters—to nail Donald Trump at long last was not just a failure in political terms, but one that allowed a lot of people in his orbit to get away with a lot of things.
The New Republic / 15 Jan 2021
“We have our options. We have arrows in our quiver that I’m not about to discuss right now, but the fact is we have a big challenge in our country. This president has threatened to not even accept the results of the election,” Pelosi said Sunday on ABC’s “This Week with George Stephanopoulos.”
The absolute state of Trump supporters since they attacked the capitol:
Franklin Graham likens Republicans voting to impeach Trump to Judas
Franklin Graham, the evangelical preacher and ardent supporter of President Trump, compared the 10 Republican lawmakers who voted in favor of impeachment on Wednesday to Judas, who betrayed Jesus Christ.
In a lengthy Facebook post, Graham lashed out at the 10 members of Congress who joined the Democrats to impeach the president a second time – the only time in US history that a sitting…
Who really advocated for violence?