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dailyanarchistposts · 13 days

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Imperialism, Capitalism, and the State

To understand the current situation, we must first demystify the political system in Iran.

Iran must be understood as a capitalist society and its state, both before and after the revolution, as a capitalist state. No amount of demagogic proclamations can change the fact that the Iranian state, while possessing many features peculiar to itself, is nonetheless a particular form of bourgeois class rule, a fact visible not only in its internal social relations, but also in the role it plays in the world system.

Through the course of the nineteenth century, Iran went through a process of integration and peripheralization into the rising capitalist world system. The Qajar dynasty (1794 to 1925) that ascended the Peacock Throne at the end of the previous century was quickly caught in the “Great Game” between the Tsarist Russian Empire and the British Empire as they both became more assertive in Asia. Military defeats resulted in the imposition of unequal treaties that not only led to a loss of territory but also included terms that established political and economic dominance. Iran was opened up to European commodities, while domestic production increasingly became geared towards the world market.[2]

Qajar Iran was a system that can be described as tribal-feudalism.[3] The state was not a centralized modern state. The Shah (king) ruled through various local nobles, landlords, tribal-chiefs, and senior clergy who formed the landed aristocracy and played the role of the respective powers in their locality. The latter ruled over a large mass of peasant villagers and nomadic tribes-people. There was no national army, only armies tied to local lords and chiefs. People were divided up according to ethnic groupings, tribal or religious sects, and spoke a variety of languages and dialects.

In the urban centers, which often served as provincial capitals, the center of economic life was — and to a large extent still is today — the bazaar, the traditional commercial center in the urban Middle East, with the merchants and artisans who inhabit it being collectively known as bazaari.[4] The bazaar was not just the center for shops and trade, it also often contained public baths, tea houses, as well as the central mosque. It is common for bazaari and clergy to have familial relations. Wealthy bazaaris fund the mosques and seminaries, religious processions, donate to charitable foundations, and form the main financial support for many religious affairs. Landholdings of the senior clergy and wealthy merchants increased over the course of the 19th century, with the clergy gaining land through religious endowments and donations by rich aristocrats and merchants. This relationship between the bazaari, as the traditional bourgeoisie, and the clergy is important for understanding the politics of modern Iran, and the 1979 revolution in particular, for it was this clerical-bazaari alliance that lay at the heart of the revolution, serving as the base of the Islamic Republic.

This process of integration into the world market, particularly in the form of European domination, contributed to the development of bourgeois national consciousness among merchants, clergy, and artisans. Struggles against foreign concessions and other forms of foreign domination became more commonplace as the merchant bourgeoisie of the bazaar became more assertive, solidifying a bourgeois form of national consciousness. This combination of a material-financial force in the merchants and the ideological force of the clergy transformed the traditional bourgeoisie into a genuine political force.

The integration and peripheralization characteristic of the nineteenth century brought with it close economic ties between Iranian and Russian merchants, but also contributed to the embryonic development of a modern working class. The reality of this process hit home in Iran when the global depression of the 1870s provoked a drop in agricultural prices. Worsening conditions in the countryside forced peasants to leave their villages in search of work. Naturally, they were drawn to the growing industrial centers of the Russian Caucasus, particularly the new oil industry, the center of which being the city of Baku.

Baku’s oil fields were a crucible for working-class radicalism. In the late nineteenth century, the city attracted hundreds of thousands of Iranian migrant workers to the growing industry where they encountered the organizing of the Russian Social Democratic Workers Party (RSDWP), itself formed in 1898. Not only Iranians, but people from all over the region traveled to work in the industry, with the result that the city boasted a significant multi-ethnic and multi-religious working class. Employers stoked hostilities often, and Iranian workers and activists in the region became involved in many of the strikes organized by the party. It was a strike wave in Baku that sparked the events that would lead to the Russian Revolution of 1905. Amidst this wave, workers gained crucial experience in party activities and strikes, and it was during the same year the Social Democratic Party of Iran (SDPI) was founded.[5]

The 1905 Revolution would directly influence bourgeois national revolutions in Asian nations such as China and Turkey, but given its proximity and its historical ties, it was felt most immediately in Iran. For Russian and Iranian Social Democrats, the revolution in Iran was directly tied to the revolution against the Tsar. Following the Tsarist reaction just north of the border, many revolutionaries turned their attention south to Iran. The revolutionary wave landing in Iran at the end of the year marked a crucial turning point, ushering in the twentieth century with the Constitutional Revolution and Civil War (1906–1911).[6] This revolution had a number of parallels with the one in Russia, and can even be seen as an extension of the latter, as it proved to be a similarly bourgeois national-democratic revolution with a strong social democratic element. Although it would not succeed in fundamentally altering the state or economic relations, it was nonetheless of great cultural-political significance, and every political tendency that will go on to shape the landscape of 20th century Iran draw their roots there. It also prolonged the bazaari-clergy alliance that had developed in the protests against foreign concessions, but did so while introducing a revolutionary element into the nascent working class and social democratic movement. Along with the struggle for a national assembly, or Majlis, we also witness the appearance and growth of the anjumans, or provincial councils that — as with the soviets — became sources of popular power that pushed the revolution further. In 1909, the first modern industry-wide trade union was established in Tehran among print shops and newspaper workers. 1910 saw the first industry-wide strike, which included all the major newspapers in Tehran. Their demands included, among other things, the eight-hour day and the installation of a minimum wage.

Faced with the threat of revolution from below and an ascendant Germany that was becoming increasingly more assertive in the Middle East, the Russian and British empires put their differences aside and came to an agreement in Asia which was formalized as The Anglo-Russian Treaty of 1907. The agreement made the division of Iran into Russian and British spheres of influence official, and served as a decisive step in the construction of alliances that would eventually erupt into world war.[7] The December 1911 Russian-British invasion and occupation of Iran put an end to the revolutionary wave that had been ongoing since 1905. The Tsarist armies in particular oversaw a reign of terror against Iranian and Russian revolutionaries. While the parliament survived, it did so merely as a basis for aristocratic rule. The constitutional revolution posed, for the first time in Iran, the still crucial question: how should radical socialists relate to broader, popular democratic revolution? And it did so while demonstrating another persistent truth: in the face of social revolution bourgeois democrats will turn to imperialism and reaction.

Two years after the Anglo-Russian intervention that ended the Constitutional Revolution, the imperialist rivalry broke out into world war in 1914. Although the Iranian government officially declared neutrality, it proved powerless to prevent Iran from becoming part of the Middle Eastern theater of war between the Anglo-Russian alliance (‘Entente Powers’) and the Ottoman-German alliance (‘Central Powers’). The war had devastating effects on Iran, as it did on any place that was treated as a battleground for imperialist slaughter. Roughly two million people died from the violence of war, famine, and disease. The situation underscored Iran’s colonial situation, as the country was helpless in the face of foreign powers that effectively did as they pleased within its borders.

At this point, Iran proved to be an independent nation only in name, with the central government serving as a mere shadow for other powers. As was the case before the constitutional period, the central government had no real power outside of the nation’s capital, and even there, such power was constantly disrupted by foreign intervention. Local tribal chiefs and aristocrats seized the opportunity to assert themselves and by the end of the war, clearly constituted the actual powers in their respective regions, going so far as to strike deals and sign treaties with imperialist powers directly without any involvement of, or mediation from, the central government.

The 1917 Russian Revolution fundamentally altered the situation, and breathed new life into the revolutionary forces. The Bolsheviks removed Russian forces from Iran while abolishing all Russian treaties and concessions over the country. The fall of the Romanov Tsar also marked the removal of the Qajars’ principal patron. Following the removal of Russian and Ottoman forces at the end of the war, the British became the dominant imperialist power in the Middle East. The British had initially thought to turn Iran into a protectorate, but the possibility proved untenable. Anti-British sentiment was increasing, and they had quite simply spread themselves too thin. Most importantly, the October Revolution had ushered in a new threat of social revolution. Bolsheviks-aligned Iranian socialists formed the Adalat (Justice) Party, which in 1920 became the Communist Party of Iran. More than perhaps anything else, it was the October Revolution that threatened both the British and the local ruling aristocracy. By 1920, this threat had spread to the northern province of Gilan with the establishment of the Soviet Socialist Republic of Iran. The Red Army now had an official presence on Iranian soil, and succeeded in pushing out both British and Iranian forces from the area.[8]

This presence forced a change in the imperialist strategy of the British. Whereas the latter had thus far supported various local nobles and tribal chiefs in an effort to maintain their influence, this tactic (in addition to direct occupation) was beginning to prove unstable in the face of the Bolshevik threat. Alongside many among the Iranian ruling class, the British searched for a strongman who could seize power, restore order, and protect their interests from the threat of social revolution. It was in this context that an officer from the Cossack Brigades named Reza Khan distinguished himself as the best candidate for the job.9 He was encouraged to organize a coup, the result of which would be an insurance of security and the withdrawal of British forces from the region.

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acamaryseinteery · 4 months

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Httyd Modern AU

Ships: hicret/eretcup, former hicstrid

Sumary: first time meeting, number puns, new flatmate,...

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One thing Hiccup didn't expect to see so up close was a picture of some more furred deer with large antlers and body made of lines. Much less to bump into the picture on the box.

He was running late to meet up with his ex for a breakfast at their favorite cafe and already sure that he attached his peg leg wrong. Now he was on his back and trying to regain consciousness over seeing tribal furry deers fly above him. It took him a few minutes to notice someone was calling him.

"Hey! Are you okay?!" As if an alarm activated in his head Hiccup sat up and instantly held back of his head in pain.

The big box was dropped on the ground carefully as the one holding it rushed to help him.

"Hey, slowly okay? That was quite a fall." The man spoke softly and one big arm supported his back while other batted his hand away to feel any swelling.

After regaining some consciousness and his vision cleared up better(though every around the center was still blurry), he noticed a tattooed man with tribal tattoo on his chin watch him with deep worry.

His eyes were amber brown, his skin was tan and he had his mid long hair tied, but that didn't stop bangs to sneak past his ears. Wait, were those beads in them?

After looking down he noticed that he was wearing a worn out dark green sleeveless hoodie and grey sweatpants.

"Hold on, I'll bring you some water." He quickly left, but not for a very long time. Just now Hiccup noticed that the man put a folded blanket behind his head and put his legs in the air by putting them against the box he was holding.

At least he seemed to know what to do.

Hiccup on the other hand didn't know what to do at all. But guessing by the spinning feeling in his body he could only wait to get better before-Oh shit.

Astrid!

He should be going, else she's gonna be worried sick!

He tried to get up only to find his peg leg detach when he tried to take a step.

What would have surely been a splat on the ground was avoided by a strong arm hooking him from below around chest to stop his fall.

"Easy now I got ya. Holding on?" Asked the man and tried to help him balance on one leg and aim him down to sit.

Once they managed that Hiccup let go of his hold and accepted the handed sports bottle of water.

The man took the prothesis and placed it next to the leg it belonged to.

"Want me to call you an ambulance?"

"No no, I'm fine thanks. I was just in the hurry and didn't notice you in the hallway." He took one more chug of water and gave the man the bottle back for now.

"Thanks."

"No problem, sorry for causing your fall. I'm moving in and this was the only box I could take while my cousin is parking." He motioned the the huge box with the reindeer logo.

Hiccup chuckled and reattached his leg "Yeah, this hallway always seemed too narrow for my taste. Hopefully I won't see reindeers in my sleep now."

His joke got the man to snicker before he held out his hand to Hiccup.

"Eret Eretson, room S8." He said with a bit of an accent. Maybe British?

"Straight?"

"No sir, gay."

Hiccup burst into laughter after the number pun and grin Eret pulled on after saying that.

After minimizing the laughter to giggles he said "There's no room S 8. The landlord ordered wrong fond so the 5 looks like a S."

"Shoot, there goes my chances of an endless joke opportunities. But at least it's not A5. Because anyone I would anger would write an extra S there and my address name would be an Ass." Joked Eret, cracking Hiccup again before saying.

"That's your aim anyway, so it would give a straight up message."

Now that cracked Eret into laughter "Good one."

"Hiccup."

"Um, bless you?"

Hiccup then chuckled "No that's my name. Harry Hiccup Haddock. But everyone calls me Hiccup. My mom's idea when she was high on adderall and dad on antidepressants on stress. My room is 54."

Eret clearly fought another laughter as he grimaced and made stiffened giggles after shaking his hand and helping him up.

"That must be a great story for office parties."

"Eh, after a few years it gets old." Shrugged Hiccup and drank rest of the water.

"Anyway I should go else my ex is gonna think I stood her up on our breakfast plans."

"Trying to get back together?" Quizzed Eret curious but Hiccup shook his head "Nah, just a tradition from college years together. Anyway, see you around. Hopefully next time without any crash collisions." Eret let Hiccup walk past him before taking the box and taking it to his apartment.

"No promises. See ya!"

#httyd #how to train your dragon #eret #eretcup #hicret #hiccup haddock #eret son of eret #httyd modern au

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cozyaliensuperstar7 · 2 months

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The classical version of The Tribal Chief's theme song was amazing.

"You're the tenant. I'm the landlord. The landlord is back and rent is due."

wwegames:

The landlord is back, and rent is due 💵 #MyRISE will feature an all-new career mode with two original storylines! #WWE2K24

#roman reigns #the tribal chief #undisputed wwe universal champion #longest reigning universal champion #greatest universal champion ever #1278+ days and counting...#the only one #greatness amongst you #levels above #foreva #wwe 2k24

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titsoutfornature · 8 months

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"All the land and hunting grounds were looked upon as tribal property, all parts of which were open to every member of the tribe. Of course, every band had its common recognized hunting, trapping and fishing places, but members of other bands were allowed to use them whenever they desired."

"All individuals who were born into a Nation, or who had ancestors from that Nation, were allowed to fish for salmon and other fish on the fishing grounds of that Nation. This extended to resource access on the basis of intermarriage."

"If [...] a person who was not related to a Thompson Indian were caught hunting trapping or gathering bark or roots, within the recognized limits of the tribal territory, he was liable to forfeit his life."

"[T]his insistence on exclusive control over hunting grounds by a smaller group within the nation coexisted with the Northern Secwépemc’s adoption of a clan and crest system imported from the coastal tribe [...]"

from Secwepemc People and Plants: Research Papers in Shuswap Ethnobotany (pg 43-45)

Only quoting this one book, but this is how the concept of private property goes in other cultures, over and over and over again. Resources (including a place to live) are restricted to smaller and smaller groups of people related by blood and/ or culture. And so, to widen the range of available resources, you force the next generations into binding relationships with each other. Not too hard to see how chiefs turned into landlords, how people become the property of their parents, how nations split and new ones form, how the closure of the commons came about. There’s a snowball effect.

#tit talks #anti civ #historical violence

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uncontinuous · 1 year

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Kantara has so many rich themes especially with ACAB, all landlords are bastards, caste, tribal rights, and how tribal religions are looked down upon when the shitty Hindu right wing think tank fuckers are not having counted them in as part of Hinduism, but

But

What I personally love about it and what gets very much downplayed in all the talk I've seen about the film is the theme of how being chosen by a god is very much also being haunted by a god.

#kantara #it's such a ride

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aphroditesknife · 7 months

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There are still quite a lot of people who are grateful for the Spanish and American colonisation of the Philippines. I can see you rolling your eyes right now, but you don't have to dig deep on the web to find these kinds of people. But while I've seen some people being very critical of the Spanish, the American one seems... diluted? Like people don't know how seriously fucked up the Americans were to the Filipino people.

So here's some details about those things they did in the Philippines. Keep in mind that this is only some and not the whole of the history of American colonisation.

>The Philippine-American War (1899-1902)

Considered by many historians to be the first counterinsurgency fought by the U.S

Featured guerrilla warfare by the Filipinos

Americans used torture, mutilation, killing prisoners, and other genocidal moves.

Intensely criticized in the U.S. by anti-imperialists like Mark Twain and Democratic Party leader William Jennings Bryan, who were the most notable critics of the war and the way it was fought

Military dissenters were also prominent critics.

Tortures included “water cure” where a prisoner’s mouth and nose were flooded with torrents of water from tanks funneled through syringes. Today we call this waterboarding.

4,200 US soldiers died

20,000 Filipino soldiers died

250,000-750,000 civilians died from violence, famine, and disease.

>Colonisation

Self-described imperialists insisted that America had a duty to bring order and civilization to what Indiana senator Alfred Beveridge called a "barbarous race." As the senator insisted, "The Philippines are ours forever. We will not repudiate our duty in the archipelago. We will not abandon our duty in the Orient. We will not renounce our part in the mission of our race, trustee under God, of the civilization of the world."

Racism was rampant, especially from American veterans. Some racial slurs often used were the "n" word, "monkey men", and "gugus", used to dehumanise Filipinos.

Images of Filipinos as animals, or displaying animalistic qualities were common in popular magazines in the United States like: Harper’s Weekly or Judge. Images of Filipinos as dogs, mosquitos, or trained monkeys underscore the qualities associated with Filipinos: trophies, an annoyance, or as pets.

Education used to "civilize" Filipinos and make them more like Americans. After the war, white teachers would come to the Philippines to "educate" the next generation of Filipinos. Either by eliminating the Filipino “half devil” or educating the “half child,” the United States had discovered a method of "cleansing the savagery" of the Filipino peoples: through violence or an American education.

Villages were burned and resulted in the displacement of 3,000-4,000 Filipinos who were forced to abandon their homes and possessions and flee without any idea of where to go next.

American soldiers were some of the first to develop and use concentration camps in their “war” against the Filipinos Additionally, the “dead line” surrounding the camp kept all the natives in check and prevented them from leaving the camp on the threat of death.

In the Coney Island amusement park in 1905, a band of Igorrote (Igorot) were taken to the United States, performing mock tribal ceremonies and consuming dog meat in front of Americans in a human zoo.

From the big bourgeoisie and landlords, US imperialism chose their main political agents to train them as capitalist bureaucrats, benefiting from government colonial loot

Puppet politicians performed the role of deceiving the people during the colonial rule of US imperialism.

The US imperialists extorted the patriotic and revolutionary spirit and spread the narrative of worshipping foreigners so they can control the thinking of the people.

Public education system was used, English language was imposed and taught submissiveness in the minds of the people to US imperialism.

Sent many pensioners to the US to train reliable puppets and propagandist.

Cinema, radio, newspapers, and literature used to discredit the Philippine revolution

Let the Catholic church continue to spread the feudal mentality and superstitions.

Filipinos who continued to be a part of armed resistance were called "bandits".

Brought by the rapid development of trade and use of money, the farmers became even more poor. The bankrupt farmers who owned farmlands were forced to sell their land to landlords, merchants, and rich farmers. Basically during the American era, the evils of Spanish era continued.

Throughout the 1920s, there were many outbreaks spontaneous resistance of the working masses and farmer. This is a result of the continuous intensification of exploitation by foreign and local ruling classes.

In Manila, many strikes broke out. Farmers went on strike in large numbers part of Central Luzon, Southern Luzon, Visayas and Mindanao.

If you keep up with Philippine politics, you can see some very obvious similarities to present day and history. Hence why remembering these atrocities is very important.

#feel free to add more to this #philippines #philippine history #history #usa #america #united states #filipino #imperialism #us imperialism

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freshersarkarinaukari · 2 years

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How is the Kantara Kannada movie? Are there any reviews?

This review is from a Tamilian, from Chennai. I don’t speak Kannada but can fairly understand the language. The way South India deals with social subjects is very unique and diversified. Fresher Sarkari Naukari

Malayalam movies predominantly try to keep it more regional and ethnic and they believe the more ethnic it is, the higher it has international appeal. Tamil movies predominantly keep it regional and political rather than ethnic. It is very hard not to politicize the subject if it speaks about society in general. Telugu movies make it too commercial where the social subject turns down to be a mere backdrop, while commercials take the center stage. And here comes the Kannada movie “Kantara” …. they have made it more regional and religious. And … that’s done perfectly well. (Visit blog : Fresher Sarkari Naukari)

Kannada movies had long been criticized for not making commercial flicks. Since KGF (for a Tamilian) they had been taking it straight, delivering hits with a pan-India appeal. Kantara is on similar lines - a commercial masala flick but what makes it unique and distinct is how the script incorporates the roots of Kannada coastal regions, its tribal culture, belief in demigods, the tribal emotions, and native cultures including Yakshagana, Paddana, Bhoota Kola, Daivaradhane, Naagaradhane, and Kambala sport. (Visit blog : Fresher Sarkari Naukari)

The hero is Panchurulii - a demi-god that protects the tribals. The story travels across 3 timelines, starting from the 18th century to date. The demi-god protects the people and the ones who protect those people. What happens if someone becomes a threat to those tribals??- Is demi-god just a myth or does it have emotions? - The script is too convincing without any religious bias. It's not about whether you are a believer or non-believer of god, folk tales, and myths. It's about what you become when you believe in your protector. The story is simple - forest land encroachment and the attempts of the local lords to appropriate land that belongs to poor tribal people for development, in the guise of being benevolent. It speaks about the crime and loot of forest resources, the discriminations tribals face and how they get exploited by rich landlords and the govt. It would have been politicized if it’s made in TN or Kerala, which means we will be missing a wonderful script on demi-god Panjuruli. (Visit blog : Fresher Sarkari Naukari)

The script is simple in native dialect on myths, superstition and folklore - an unemployed hero who drinks, smokes, fist fights 10 guys single-handedly, and harasses the “employed’ heroine who’s a forest guard to force her to fall in love with him. That’s a typical tribal masculine mentality. There’s body shaming, there’s slut shaming, and everything. But that’s one part - the other part is about a belief system where a hero wants a god to save him, and when the god doesn’t turn up, he turns to a god to protect his people. God is not an emotion or myth. It’s a human emotion that turns myths into reality. BGM - this is one of the best BGM from the Kannada industry that echoes the sounds of a deep forest. The 1st 20 mins and the last 20 mins of bgm break the roof so effortlessly.

Like every movie - there’s a climax fight sequence that’s unrealistic with macho commercial shots. But what makes Kantara unique is the sequence - ” after” - the climax fight. Those last few mins steal the show. The way the god teaches people to stay united and peaceful - then disappears as if the job done is so intense and powerful. As a Tamilian, I welcome this attempt to incorporate local culture, customs, and traditions in movie scripts. The question of whether it’s intellectual or not is entirely personal. We should question myths but not question the trust behind questioning myths. Some myths are the base of our belief system toward peace and harmony. A strong and intense message from Kantara (means forest). (Visit blog : Fresher Sarkari Naukari)

#How is the Kantara Kannada movie?#Are there any reviews?

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