The proclamation of the Republic of China on January 1, 1912 opened a period of great instability. After the fall of the Qing dynasty, which ruled since 1644, warlords, nationalists and communists battled for control of the country. The conflict transformed in the spring of 1927 into a civil war between the Kuomintang and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). The latter's victory in October 1949 led to the birth of the People's Republic of China on the continent, while the nationalists took refuge in Taiwan.
I think SpaceX, engineering wise, is doing awesome work, but not under Musk and the demands of the US space program which are completely nonsensical. Having a gigantic Starship as a lunar lander to be "ready" in like 3 years is completely insane given that all Starships have done so far is blow up. I understand it's a very "physical" way of testing things, after all, car manufacturers do crash cars to test them they don't just test them virtually, but it does not generate confidedence that thing can carry humans.
Neither is NASA doing well as a whole, which is sucked dry by the military-industrial complex so they can only launch one absurdly powerful useless rocket every five years.
Neither of them are doing space exploration any favors lately (don't even ask about Roscosmos). SpaceX has a great engineering idea for it, but it's under the corporate rule of Musk and the mandates of the US goverment. It's not going to end too well if it keeps like that.
Archaeological investigations at Anyang have revealed a treasure trove of information about the evolution of ancient China’s urbanism, as well as Anyang’s role as a ceremonial and administrative hub of the Shang Dynasty.
Evolving from a basic farming village to a grand Shang urban center, remains at the site include the regal burial site at Hsi-pei Kang and the astonishing abundance of over 100,000 engraved oracle bones.
From humble beginnings to the regal city of Yin, Anyang's urban structure is a testament to the intellect and organization that shaped the Shang Dynasty. Anyang's legacy echoes through its archaeological record, providing invaluable lessons about its significance for early Chinese civilization.
For centuries, the pale blue doors of an imposing stone tomb remained largely shut. When archaeologists in China finally walked in, they found themselves surrounded by a “rare” and elaborate interior.
Archaeologists excavated the ancient stone tomb in Xinfu District ahead of highway construction, Shanxi Provincial Institute of Archaeology said in a March 6 news release shared via a post on Weibo.
The tomb was about 400 years old, dating to the Ming dynasty, and well-preserved, archaeologists said. The roughly 83-foot-long grave was made up of a sloping passageway, main burial chamber and smaller back chamber.
The 400-year-old tomb was sealed with a stone gatehouse and set of double doors, a photo shows.
Inside the main burial chamber, archaeologists found two wooden coffins. The painted coffins were decorated with gold diamonds, leaves, flowers and other designs. Several pottery jars containing grain, oil or other liquids were also found in the room.
The final back chamber held several pieces of wooden furniture including altars, tables and chairs, the institute said. Most of the furniture was collapsed and broken, photos show.
Archaeologists also found “writing tools such as inkstones, Chinese calligraphy brush pens, and pen holders” in the back chamber, according to an article from the China Daily, a state-controlled news outlet.
Several inscriptions on the coffins and walls helped researchers identify the deceased as a man who lived between 1533 and 1588, the institute said.
Because of the tomb’s high-quality artifacts and preservation, archaeologists described the grave as “rare” and elaborate.
Archaeologists have excavated over 60 tombs ahead of the highway construction projects, the institute said.
Xinfu District is in Shanxi Province and about 300 miles southwest of Beijing.
In 1949, General Chiang Kai-shek moved his Nationalist Party, the Kuomintang (KMT), to the island and established the Republic of China there. Ever since, the People’s Republic of China has seen Taiwan as its ideological enemy, an irritating reminder that not all Chinese wish to be united under the leadership of the Communist Party.
Sometimes Chinese pressure on Taiwan has been military, involving the issuing of threats or the launching of missiles. But in recent years, China has combined those threats and missiles with other forms of pressure, escalating what the Taiwanese call “cognitive warfare”: not just propaganda but an attempt to create a mindset of surrender. This combined military, economic, political, and information attack should by now be familiar, because we have just watched it play out in Eastern Europe. Before 2014, Russia had hoped to conquer Ukraine without firing a shot, simply by convincing Ukrainians that their state was too corrupt and incompetent to survive. Now it is Beijing that seeks conquest without a full-scale military operation, in this case by convincing the Taiwanese that their democracy is fatally flawed, that their allies will desert them, that there is no such thing as a “Taiwanese” identity.
Taiwanese government officials and civic leaders are well aware that Ukraine is a precedent in a variety of ways. During a recent trip to Taiwan’s capital, Taipei, I was told again and again that the Russian invasion of Ukraine was a harbinger, a warning. Although Taiwan and Ukraine have no geographic, cultural, or historical links, the two countries are now connected by the power of analogy. Taiwanese Foreign Minister Joseph Wu told me that the Russian invasion of Ukraine makes people in Taiwan and around the world think, “Wow, an authoritarian is initiating a war against a peace-loving country; could there be another one? And when they look around, they see Taiwan.”
But there is another similarity. So powerful were the Russian narratives about Ukraine that many in Europe and America believed them. Russia’s depiction of Ukraine as a divided nation of uncertain loyalties convinced many, prior to February, that Ukrainians would not fight back. Chinese propaganda narratives about Taiwan are also powerful, and Chinese influence on the island is both very real and very divisive. Most people on the island speak Mandarin, the dominant language in the People’s Republic, and many still have ties of family, business, and cultural nostalgia to the mainland, however much they reject the Communist Party. But just as Western observers failed to understand how seriously the Ukrainians were preparing—psychologically as well as militarily—to defend themselves, we haven’t been watching as Taiwan has begun to change too.
Although the Taiwanese are regularly said to be too complacent, too closely connected to the People’s Republic, not all Taiwanese even have any personal links to the mainland. Many descend from families that arrived on the island long before 1949, and speak languages other than Mandarin. More to the point, large numbers of Taiwanese, whatever their background, feel no more nostalgia for mainland China than Ukrainians feel for the Soviet Union. The KMT’s main political opponent, the Democratic Progressive Party, is now the usual political home for those who don’t identify as anything except Taiwanese. But whether they are KMT or DPP supporters (the Taiwanese say “blue” or “green”), whether they participate in angry online debates or energetic rallies, the overwhelming majority now oppose the old “one country, two systems” proposal for reunification. Especially since the repression of the Hong Kong democracy demonstrations, millions of the island’s inhabitants understand that the Chinese war on their society is not something that might happen in the future but is something that is already well under way.
Like the Ukrainians, the Taiwanese now find themselves on the front line of the conflict between democracy and autocracy. They, too, are being forced to invent strategies of resistance. What happens there will eventually happen elsewhere: China’s leaders are already seeking to expand their influence around the world, including inside democracies. The tactics that the Taiwanese are developing to fight Chinese cognitive warfare, economic pressure, and political manipulation will eventually be needed in other countries too.
Bullet journals - AKA “Bujos” - are everywhere now, and almost everyone knows what they are. Studyblrs, dozens upon dozens of blog pages and sites, and entire industries are all devoted to curating and showcasing the best of these journals. There are entire courses and communities, How-To books and tutorials and an ever-growing body of YouTubers, authors, bloggers and content creators all devoted to these books. Everyone, from highschool students to the business elite, could tell you how much using a bullet journal has changed their...
...maybe they started as a small idea in the middle of nowhere, or they were only popular among a certain group of people, then simply became more widely used because of social media. Or maybe they were started by doctors, and then became a trend. But in actual fact, the idea was only coined in the...
...the fact their history stretches much farther back than the modern era...
...To learn about the long history of these little books - and the techniques held within their papery walls - we need to go all the way back to the 14th century....
Part of Chang Tso-Lin's Army, Tientsin, April 13, 1922. Bain News Service.
Soldiers of the Northeastern Army 东北军, also known as the Fengtian Army 奉系军 of warlord Zhang Zuolin 張作霖, invading Tianjin on the way to Beijing during the First Zhili–Fengtian War 第一次直奉战争.
Library of Congress, LC-B2- 5607-15. hdl.loc.gov/loc.pnp/ggbain.33489